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U NE WIN'S SPEECH FROM THE BSPP EXT
- Subject: U NE WIN'S SPEECH FROM THE BSPP EXT
- From: maungt@xxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Fri, 12 Nov 1999 13:10:00
Reply-To: "Maung Maung Than" <@one.net.au>
Subject: Re: U NE WIN'S SPEECH FROM THE BSPP EXTRAORDINARY CONGRESS, JULY 88
Dear David , many thanks for posting this dictator speech ( as I read this
message I flash back to Rangoon sitting in front of TV) . I guess he will be
reading this before he die ( soon) . He acknowledged that so-called 'the
disturbances' led him made major decisions including referundum to vote on
One party or multiparty democracy. subsequently he resigned. And more
revolts forced his follower Sein Lwin resigned ( because of continuos civil
revolt , Dr Maung Maung got kicked off by Saw Maung in the coup Sept 88 ( at
the end of revolt) , Saw Maung again was butted off by current bully boy
Than Shwe because Saw Maung's retarded brain could not handle the situation
well ( revolt, revolt) .
Soehartoe presidency was disrupted by students revolt in Jarkatar. He
resigned while students occupied the Parliament. ( revolt again) .
P.S Just to share with someone thinking civil revolt in Burma.
mmt in Sydney
Date: Friday, November 12, 1999 5:48 AM
Subject: U NE WIN'S SPEECH FROM THE BSPP EXTRAORDINARY CONGRESS, JULY 88
>[I AM POSTING THIS SEPARATELY, JUST IN CASE THE WHOLE REPORT I POSTED
EARLIER
>IS TOO BIG FOR SOME PEOPLE TO DOWNLOAD -- DA]
>
>
>FROM THE BSPP EXTRAORDINARY CONGRESS, 23 JULY 1988:
>
>"I request the present organizations to hand over authority without delay,
if
>the new Hluttaw or the organizations formed by that Hluttaw say that they
are
>no longer needed or continue assistance if asked to do so for some time."
>
>Ne Win's Speech
> July 23: [Text] Party Congress delegates. I speak on
matters
>for calling Extraordinary Party Congress and the matters to be presented,
>discussed and approved by this Congress and carried out. Other points
which
>need to be included will also be included. I believe the 1988 March and
June
>bloodshed and disturbances were meant as moves by those who took part in
the
>disturbances and those behind them to show lack of confidence in the
Government
>and the Party leading the Government.
> It is necessary to assess whether among the people of the entire country,
a
>majority is behind those lacking confidence or a minority. As I believe
that
>holding a national referendum on what they wish--a one-party system or a
>multi-party system--would bring out the answer, I am asking the Party
Congress
>to hold a referendum.
> If the majority want a multi-party system, the present Constitution's
>provision under Chapter II, Paragraph 11 for the sole political party
leading
>the State will have to be substituted with wording in consonance with a
>multi-party system. A suitable lapse of time would of course be needed for
>convenient movement of the people, production of ballot cards and other
>requirements.
> Roughly said, it should be set up no later than end of September. It
should
>be held earlier than that if possible. If, after the referendum more votes
are
>for a multi-party system, elections must be held at the earliest for a new
>parliament. Part[ies] formed by bonafide citizens, organizations and
>individual citizens will have to register themselves with the elections
>supervisory body. Last date for registration will have to be prescribed.
The
>elections supervisory body should co-ordinate with the organizations taking
>part to set the last date for registration and decide whether or not
individual
>independants should be allowed to compete. At the end of the registration
>period, the elections supervisory body should co-ordinate with the
registered
>organizations the date for holding elections. I believe all will be best
>satisfied if the date for election is set as soon as possible. The Hluttaw
>elected thus, can write the Constitution and other necessary laws according
to
>its own wishes. I request the organizations currently taking
responsibility to
>assert control as much as possible to keep the country from disarray till
the
>organizations formed by the Hluttaw can take over.
> I request the present organizations to hand over authority without delay,
if
>the new Hluttaw or the organizations formed by that Hluttaw say that they
are
>no longer needed or continue assistance if asked to do so for some time.
> If the majority of the people decide on a single party system, the
present
>party and organizations will have to continue to lead in keeping with the
>changes made and the regulations which continue to be accepted. I want to
>specially point out my role if the present party is to continue to lead.
> As I consider that I am not totally free from responsibility even if
>indirectly for the sad events that took place in March and June and because
I
>am advancing in age, I would like to request Party members to allow me to
>relinquish the duty of Party Chairman and as a Party member. In order to
do
>so, Paragraph 14 subpara (c) of the Party rules will have to be amended. I
>request you to do so. If you do not want to amend the rule, I request this
>Party Congress to treat it as a special exemption.
> Formerly, whenever I talked of relinquishing Party chairmanship, my
>confidants and, colleagues prevented me and, unhappily, I have had to stay
on
>in this political samsara. This time my confidants have not only consented
to
>allow me but have also asked that they too be allowed to leave along with
me
>and have entrusted their resignations to me.
> They are (1) U San Yu (2) U Aye Ko (3) U Sein Lwin (4) U Tun Tin (5) U
Kyaw
>Win. There are others, quite a number, who have as seniors been
shouldering
>high responsibility, who want to retire, leave the Party. I would like
this
>Party Congress to accede to their wishes to do so after transferring
>responsibility with the emergence of the new Hluttaw. I want to tell those
>wanting to retire, to leave the Party, to tender their letters of
resignation
>in time while this Congress is in session.
> In short, (a) I submit to this Congress to seek the decision through a
>nationwide vote which the majority of the people choose from the two, a
>one-party system or a multi-party system (b) if the majority supports a
>multi-party system, then, as I have said before, arrangements will have to
be
>made in accord with the terms concerning a multi-party system, (c) if the
>majority of the people support a one-party system, those of us who want to
>retire, must be allowed to do so in deference to our wishes while other
>remaining Party members continue to shoulder responsibilities of State, (d)
>please accede to the wishes of those who want to leave with me, (e)
multi-party
>system or one-party system, whichever of the two the people support, may I
>conclude, declaring that I shall leave the political arena and turn away
from
>politics.
> That is what I have to say in connection with the Congress and I
have
>said it. However, from what is currently happening--from what happened in
>Taunggyi, what is happening in Prome--I cannot say if there is something
>imitative, thinking that they could do as they like against discipline. We
>made arrangements to exercise restraint so that the events of June in
Rangoon
>would not lead to further bloodshed. Despite this, what occured was not of
our
>creation--for example, it was in March, was it? What happened was between
some
>locals and students. The locals and students had it out in a teashop. As
a
>matter of duty, the Government could not but intervene. So, what ensued?
What
>happened between the students and the locals faded away and the Government
and
>students met head-on. Therefore, we tried all means to avoid recurrence of
>such things in future.
> What occurred in Prome started on the 16th, and we knew it only on the
17th.
>When we heard it on the 17th we thought it could be controlled by the
police
>and the council, we hoped. As I said earlier, in what concerned preventing
>bloodshed, I asked that the Tatmadaw be not used in trifling matters and
that
>it be used only when really necessary. I told them not to use the Tatmadaw
>without my knowledge. The Prome affair however did not subside but became
>bolder. So, I allowed the Tatmadaw to go in yesterday.
> There is what I said earlier that I would retire from politics. Although
I
>said I would retire from politics, we will have to maintain control to
prevent
>the country from falling apart, from disarray, till the future
organizations
>can take full control. In continuing to maintain control, I want the
entire
>nation, the people, to know that if in future there are mob disturbances,
if
>the army shoots, it hits --there is no firing into the air to scare. So,
if in
>future there are such disturbances and if the army is used, let it be known
>that those creating disturbances will not get off lightly.
> I now have this to say. Be patient and listen to what I have to
say.
>This part is separate from the other parts concerning the convening of the
>congress.
> This may be the last time I am speaking before a gathering so, after
putting
>before you matters concerning the Party Congress, I want to tell you about
an
>episode which has led to misconception by students concerning me and the
entire
>Revolutionary Council. The destruction of the University Students Union
>building on 8 July 1962 morning is known by all. Only if I reveal the role
I
>played on July 7 evening will the events of the day become more complete,
so I
>will do that. Around 5 that evening I heard gunshots, so I telephoned Bo
Kyaw
>Soe to enquire. He said Sayagyi U Kar and family had been sent to a safe
>place, and that some 8 or 9 police had been injured. Asked if the students
>leaders creating disturbances had been apprehended, he said not yet and
that
>some were in the Student Union building. In order that no more police and
>Tatmadawmen may get hurt I instructed him as follows:
> (a) To use loud hailers to urge those in the union building to come out
and
>submit to arrest, and to warn that large-calibre arms would be used if they
did
>not do so.
> (b) To use recoilless gun if necessary if they failed to submit to arrest
>peacefully
> And that it be done before dark.
> Here, I will tell you what is important. I and some of the
>Revolutionary Council members did not take part in the discussion and
decision
>for the explosion which destroyed the building. Only when I enquired on
>hearing a very loud bang like the explosion of a big bomb on July 8 morning
did
>I learn that the union building had been dynamited. There were also quite
a
>number of Revolutionary Council members who knew of it only after they
heard
>that explosion. However, all members of the Security Council composed of
some
>of the Revolutionary Council members, Security Council Chairman Colonel
Kyaw
>Soe who took responsibility for security, all security council members and
all
>officials in charge of security were at the broadcasting station. Those
>persons were Security Council Chairman Colonel Kyaw Soe, Colonel Hla Han,
>Colonel Saw Myint, Colonel Ba Ni and from among officers Intelligence
Colonel
>Maung Lwin and Chief of Police U Ba Aye. There were also many others
present.
>When I called Bo Kyaw Soe and asked of what I had learned of the
destruction of
>the union building on July 8, he (Bo Kyaw Soe) replied that when I said on
July
>7 evening that recoilless gun could be used in necessary in apprehending
the
>ring leaders in the union building, he had thought that he was being told
to
>destroy the union building and had therefore destroyed it. That being the
case
>with the acceptance of the concept of collective leadership, the statement
by
>Revolutionary Council leader which included the words "Sword with sword and
>spear with spear" was broadcast.
> Three or four months later I heard that foreign correspondent
circles
>were saying that I gave the order to destroy the union building while I was
>drunk. I told Bo Kyaw Soe that I alone was being accused as the culprit
who
>ordered the destruction while I was drunk, and asked him to tell me about
the
>incidents of July 7. Then only did Bo Kyaw Soe say he would tell the
truth.
>He said that, previously, soon after the Revolutionary Council emerged,
some
>differences of opinion had appeared and that he was trying to cover that
up.
>The fact was that one of those at the broadcasting station on July 7 had
said
>that the union building was becoming a rebel headquarters and declared that
it
>would be good to have it destroyed and thus whether or not to destroy it
was
>discussed. Finally, he (Bo Kyaw Soe) said, it was decided to let me know
about
>it and to destroy the building if I agreed.
> Bo Aung Gyi had said he would go and submit it to `Bogyoke' and bring a
reply
>as to whether it was agreed or not. He (Bo Aung Gyi) left in a car taking
Ko
>Hla Han along. Later, Bo Aung Gyi returned to the broadcasting station and
>claimed that `Bogyoke' had agreed. The group at the broadcasting station
>collected explosive materials and destroyed the building. After getting
that
>answer, I called the Revolutionary Council member excluding Bo Aung Gyi and
>told them that Bo Aung Gyi, without submitting to me and without asking my
>opinion had told the group at the broadcasting station that I had agreed to
the
>destruction of the building.
> After learning the truth, I called Bo Aung Gyi to my office and told him
that
>I had discovered that he had claimed that I agreed to destroying the
building.
>So I told Bo Aung Gyi--if you want to be leader and think you can lead I
will
>get out; do I get out or do you get out? Decide, I told him. He said he
would
>get out. He went back to his room and tendered his resignation.
> I will provide evidence to support my statements:
> First evidence: Beginning with second line on page 24 of Bogyoke Aung
Gyi's
>letter dated 9 May 1988 --the person called Bogyoke Aung Gyi who became the
>culprit heard Bo Hla Han tell Rector Sayagyi U Kar who was temporarily
staying
>at a bungalow near Inya Lake Hotel when he went along to Bogyoke's House
with
>Bo Hla Han and dropped in at that house that permission had been obtained
to
>destroy the union building and ventured to call Bo Kyaw Soe at the
broadcasting
>station on the phone and asked that the matter be delayed while he took the
>matter up with `Bogyoke'; but when he arrived at Bogyoke's house he did not
>tell Bogyoke anything; but he claims to have tried to to stop the matter
in a
>devious way--that is the first evidence from what he had written.
> Second evidence: When I called those concerned and asked them to
write
>down what they knew to be true, there was in what Colonel Hla Han
submitted--I
>have his letter with me--in line four, page 5 of his letter "Bogyoke Aung
Gyi
>also arrived at that time. When there was talk about the union, (he said)
>Wait, I will go and submit it to `Bogyokegyi' and ask for orders, and
taking me
>along, started out. On the way we dropped by to call on Sayagyi U Kar who
was
>at Colonel Tin Soe's house. He also talked about the number of students
killed
>and injured."
> "At that time, I also told the Sayagyi about the plan to destroy the
union
>building. Afterwards, the two of us proceeded to Bogyokegyi's house.
Bogyoke
>Aung Gyi reported the situation when we met Bogyoke. The union building
matter
>was not in what he submitted. We got into the car to return."
> "In the car, I reminded him `Bogyoke, that matter has not been included.'
>Bogyoke Aung Gyi said `Let it be' and I kept quiet. When we got back to
the
>broadcasting station, I heard Bogyoke Aung Gyi say `Okay' to Colonel Kyaw
>Soe"--those are the points.
> So, these two points are, as I said earlier, what were told to
others
>without my knowledge but as if I knew; as if I had asked them to, and
others
>destroyed it as they had been told that I agreed. So, taking the
>above-mentioned points into consideration, I conclude by asking the entire
>people to judge for themselves who the real culprit was in the destruction
of
>the union building. (Applause) (WPD 7/24)
>.c.:U Aye Ko on Congress
> July 23: BSPP General Secretary U Aye Ko addressed the
Extraordinary
>Party Congress on why it was convened [excerpts]:
> The Fifth Party Congress...was held from August 2 to 7, 1985. The
Congress
>laid down the 23 future tasks...and approved the guidelines for the Fifth
Four
>Year Plan. Although it was possible to implement to a certain extent the
>future tasks on political organizational affairs for the period, it was
found
>that those in economic affairs and the plan guidelines were not implemented
as
>successfully as original envisaged....
> At the Central Committee Seventh Meeting held on October 8 and 9, 1987,
the
>Party Chairman said...the situation required laying down of new
principles....
>
> ...it is with a view to expeditiously effecting policy changes in
political,
>economic and social affairs in order to bring about better conditions that
the
>Central Executive Committee has convened this Extraordinary Party Congress.
> The Burma Socialist Programme Party is firmly standing as the sole
political
>party leading the state.... [Party organizations] still have to do more to
>function well.... [They must] keep close touch with the people and heed
the
>wishes of the people, get rid of bribery and corruption and do away with
>weaknesses....
> In the judicial field...some judicial bodies are found to have handed
down
>judgements which are not in conformity with the law and not in accord with
>directives, and there are instances of undue individual influence, bribery
and
>corruption....
> At present in the country, deterioration of morality and lowliness in
spirit
>is spreading amidst the people in various sectors. In the various State
>organizations and departments, there is too much weakness in performing
duties
>and rampant misappropriation of public funds and property, bribery and
>corruption and such practices as fostering mentors and disciples to get
>protection on default and secure undue privileges.
> [Review of military and foreign affairs]
> In the economic sphere...a situation has been reached where there has
been
>almost no development.... While the economic situation is in such a state
of
>affairs, private capital is being widely used in blackmarketeering.... The
>majority of the working people are having to depend on the blackmarket
>trade.... The value of exports fell annually from K 918.9 million in
1983-84 to
>only K 785.3 million in 1986-87.... In connection with foreign currency
>receipts and expenditures there was a deficit of K 1777.2 million in
>1986-87.... Mainly because of trade deficits, there was a main account
deficit
>of K 1949.6 million in 1986-87.... Borrowings from abroad ...totalling K
1214.9
>million in 1977-78 came up to K 1730.4 million in 1986-87. In terms of
debt
>service ration, it was 15.11 per cent in 1977-78 and it rose to 59.16 per
cent
>in 1986-87....
> [In education] there are still defects...such as being still unable to
get
>the education system meet the needs of the nation,...the number of
unemployed
>persons increasing from day to day; the number of qualified teachers still
>being low and students from primary classes to post-graduate classes and
also
>those seeking to join services having to depend on private tuition.
> There are weaknesses in the field of health such as difficulty to get
>admitted to hospitals...; insufficiency in medical equipment and supplies;
>prevalence of bad dealings between health services staff and patients and
their
>families and frequent losses of lives owing to harmful substances faked as
>medicines....
> [In agriculture] although the controlled crops were decontrolled stage
by
>stage, it did not ease the situation as much as expected and the people are
>still having to buy basic foodstuffs paying exhorbitant prices....
> To halt and rectify the country's economic downslide...positive
assurances
>and proper arrangements must be made so as to encourage enthusiastic and
>increased private investment.... Changes which ought to be made in the
>different lines of economic activity have been submitted separately to this
>Extraordinary Party Congress....
> It is essential for the guiding philosophy [of the BSPP] to always
reflect
>changing conditions.... In Chapter 3 of the guiding philosophy it is
stated,
>"When the economic relations of a given age can no longer serve the
interests
>of his society, man...endeavours to establish new systems which can better
>serve his interest...." The matter of empowering the Central Committee to
>amend the Party's guiding philosophy...has been presented separately to the
>Extraordinary Party Congress...." (WPD 7/24)
>
>
>[TEXT FROM THE "WORKING PEOPLE'S DAILY" TRANSCRIBED BY "BURMA PRESS
SUMMARY"]
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