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The BurmaNet News: November 18, 199



Subject: The BurmaNet News: November 18, 1999

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The BurmaNet News: November 18, 1999
Issue #1404

HEADLINES:
==========
FEER: SECRET KEY TO BURMA'S ANGER
FEER: BURMA - CULTURAL REVOLUTION
SCMP: DRUG LORD SPREADS TRADE "WITH HELP OF GENERALS"
BURMANET: HEALTH SITUATION OF MIGRANTS
THAI IMMIGRATION OFFICE: PROJECT ON ILLEGAL WORKERS
AFP: THAI AUTHORITIES DENY POLICE SHOT MYANMAR EXILE
ANNC: LORENZO NATALI PRIIZE FOR JOURNALISM
*****************************************************

FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: SECRET KEY TO BURMA'S ANGER
18 November, 1999

INTELLIGENCE

When Burmese dissidents seized Rangoon's embassy in Bangkok on October 1,
the dispute was resolved without violence. But the Burmese government
reacted angrily. Why? The answer may lie in the ambassador's safe, which the
dissidents broke into during their occupation. Sources close to the group
say they found in it not money, as Rangoon claims, but highly sensitive
documents, including complete list of Burmese intelligence agents and
double-agents in Thailand. The sources also say the safe contained a list of
local business contacts for products from the Burmese sector of the Golden
Triangle. These are said to have been used by the dissidents to help
negotiate their safe passage to the border. According to the sources,
Rangoon's decision to seal its border with Thailand and unleash a barrage of
insults against "Western neocolonialists" and others reflected its anger
that the documents had ended up in enemy hands.

*****************************************************

FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: BURMA - CULTURAL REVOLUTION
18 November, 1999 by Bertil Lintner in Chiang Mai

Burma's military government is stepping up internal efforts to cement its
hold on power. But while overseas political pundits focus on the year-end
merry-go-round reshuffling of ministers and local commanders, a far more imp
ortant and potentially sinister process is taking place as the authorities
seek to consolidate what they hope will be a permanent grip on the country
and its many ethnic minorities.

The process has been under way since the junta's 1989 move to change the
country's name to Myanmar. But now there are signs that it's renewing its
efforts. On October 27, in an address reported nation­wide in the state-run
media, Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt, Burma's chief of intelligence, urged people to
be on guard against interference and manipulation by neo-colonialist powers.
He also told his audience at a performing-arts contest to resist "alien
cultural infiltration." The emphasis, he said, should be on "Myanmar
culture."

Since the government came to power in 1988 more than 20 museums have been
built across the country to educate the public about the central role that
the military purportedly has played throughout centuries of Burmese history.
School textbooks are continuously rewritten to serve the same purpose. As
for TV soap operas, the main theme is nearly always the same: In
19th-century Burma, every one of the country's many ethnic groups unite
under the leadership of a militaristic king to oppose the onslaught of "the
colonialists."

The junta's cultural campaign continues in areas where the non-Burman
minority peoples live; these have been given new Burmese-sounding names. In
the north of the country, a military-sponsored archeological mission is even
looking for fossils that might prove that the human race actually originated
in Burma.

Gustaaf Houtman, a Dutch scholar of the country, calls this development "the
Myanmafication of Burma," which he describes as a move away from the
original idea of a federation-agreed by Burma's founding father Aung San and
leaders of the ethnic minorities at the time of independence from Britain in
the late 1940s. "They're replacing the legacy of Aung San -unity in
diversity - with a new idea of national unity based on 'Myanma' culture and
archaeology," he says.

The generals insist Myanmar is the correct name for the country because it
includes both Burmans and minorities. But that argument is causing confusion
in scholarly circles. An official history of the Burmese nationalist
movement, published as recently as 1976, states that "Myanmar" meant only
the old kingdom of Mandalay, while "Burma" is "the country where different
nationalities reside." Consequently, Aung San and his comrades called their
movement Dohbama Asiayone "Our Burma Association" and not Doh­myanmar
Asiayone.

Now the ruling military claims the opposite is true. "The contradictions
reflect the inescapable fact that there is no term that covers both the
Burmans and the minority peoples, as no such entity existed before the
arrival of the British," says Ham Yawnghwe, the son of Burma's first
president, Sao Shwe Thaike. The generals' concept of Myanmar, he adds, "is
totally false and based on their rewritten history."

Even more offensive, Yawnghwe says, are the name changes in the minority
areas, especially in Shan state. Pang Tara, Kengtung, Lai-Hka, Hsenwi and
Hsipaw-place names that have a meaning in Shan-have been renamed Pindaya,
Kyaington, Laycha, Theinli and Thibaw, which sound Burmese but have no
meaning in any language. "This is exactly why I objected to Myanmar instead
of Burma," Yawnghwe says. "This is sheer cultural ignorance."

But whether "Myanmafication" is the result of cultural myopia or not, is it
working? Regime critics in exile certainly speak out about the policy - but
inside Burma, most people keep quiet, or just sneer when Burmese TV shows
yet another drama series based on an imaginary history. "But you'll find
very few people who would say 'Burma' instead of 'Myanmar,'" says a Burmese
living in Rangoon. "Gradually, out of fear or whatever, people are accepting
at least the name changes." That is no mean feat -and, in the long run,
certainly more important for the military's grip on power than, say, who is
going to be the next minister of sport.

The rewriting of history, which is carried out under the aegis of a
military-appointed commission, has also met with stiff criticism from ethnic
Burmans. U Thaung, who founded the Kyamon daily newspaper in 1957 and later
was forced into exile in the United States, points out that the military
exploits of the Burmese kings are highlighted in new history books and
soaps, but it is conveniently forgotten that Burma's most illustrious
19th-century monarch, King Mindon, introduced the first press-freedom law in
Asia. "'He even said 'If I do wrong, write about me'" says U Thuang. "This
was a great mandate for the editors." In today's Burma, by contrast, critics
are routinely rounded up and given very long prison sentences.

*****************************************************

SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST: DRUG LORD SPREADS TRADE "WITH HELP OF GENERALS"
17 November, 1999 by William Barnes

A Burmese drug warlord has spread his business south in a move almost
inconceivable without the complicity of the military regime, sources say.

Wei Hsueh-kang - commander of the "southern" faction of a notorious ethnic
Wa army - had widened his operations to an area opposite the Thai border
town of Mae Sot, border sources said.

Wei normally operates out of a heavily armed enclave sited above Thailand's
northern Chiang Mai province.

His drug factories are believed to be the most important source of the
devastating wave of amphetamines that are currently flooding Thailand.

He is understood to have established four more amphetamine plants opposite
Thailand's Tak province - hundreds of kilometres from rivals and perhaps
allowing him easier access to trafficking routes.

The generals in Rangoon have repeatedly claimed they are powerless to
suppress traffickers and can only hope to persuade them to eventually turn
into legitimate businessmen.

But critics believe this is a convenient excuse for a government that
directly or indirectly uses drug profits to prop up its sagging economy and
to help keep 16 or so ceasefire deals with ethnic rebel factions in place.

But the scores of Wa warriors who are thought to have moved down along the
border to secure the factories would clearly not pose a strong threat to
Burma's bloated, if poorly motivated, armed forces.

Thai intelligence sources suggest the tough Wa fighters might be used to
batter the remnants of the Karen National Union, which is still engaged in a
fight for autonomy that has lasted more than 50 years.

This would be appropriate since it was as proxy fighters for the Burmese
that the United Wa State Army (UWSA) was used to inflict several defeats
earlier in the 1990s on the now defunct army of Khun Sa - the most infamous
warlord of all.

After Khun Sa was forced to "retire" to Rangoon in early 1996, Wei became a
pivotal figure in what the US State Department has called "the world's
biggest armed narcotics trafficking organisation".

When the US put a US$2 million (HK$15.4 million) price on his head in June
last year Wei quickly scuttled off to Rangoon to reassure himself that his
"immunity" from extradition or persecution was still good, Jane's Defence
Review noted.

Confirmation of Wei's relatively good relations with Rangoon was the visit
to his Shan state headquarters by Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, the
powerful Burmese intelligence chief, on October 1 - the day that five
dissidents seized the country's embassy in Bangkok.

Burma was furious with Thailand for letting the dissidents go free but
remains unapologetic about its ties to traffickers.

"[Burma's] method of trying to create legitimate businesses to make a decent
living and stop their dependency on poppy cultivation is the only workable
solution and should be given support," said an official statement defending
the general's meeting with Wei.

The Bangkok Post argued after this meeting that the regime's "tacit approval
of Wei's drug activities can only add to the regime's foul reputation as a
real danger to the wellbeing of the global community of nations".

The already deeply irritated Thais will be furious to learn that amphetamine
factories have been allowed to spring up in a border area hitherto
relatively free of traffickers.

Ironically, the rebel Karen army that operates in the region and is loathed
by Rangoon severely punishes anyone it catches trading in drugs.

There are several reasons why Wei might take the provocative step of
starting up production in what is essentially virgin territory drugwise.

Like other Golden Triangle traffickers, he is continuously hunting around
for better, more secure bases and boltholes.

The China-born entrepreneur might also want to distance part of his
operations from the ethnic Wa leaders of the UWSA who, based in their
headquarters on the Chinese border, deeply distrust his close relations with
the junta.

The Wa "northern" command has moved several thousand battle-hardened troops
near to Wei's headquarters in recent years.

Western narcotics experts say traffickers like Wei almost certainly channel
large sums of money to senior soldiers who are nominally paid the equivalent
of a few dollars a month.

But unlike some of his rivals Wei does not even have the "ethnic defence" of
needing drug money to support his people.

No country in the region will openly give him refuge, yet, being ethnic
Chinese, he has no legal right to a Burmese passport.

In other words, his future is almost entirely in the hands of the generals
in Rangoon.

"It must take a lot of money to keep the generals compliant," said an
informed source.

"He's got to keep making it."

*****************************************************

BURMANET: HEALTH SITUATION OF MIGRANTS
16 November, 1999

[BurmaNet Editor's Note: This report was submitted to BurmaNet by a source
on the Thai-Burma border who requested anonymity.]

Recently, a group of medics were able to access and treat migrant workers
who are hiding.   They have treated 500 out of 5000 people they have reached
since November 9.  They have gone to four different places to visit workers.

Most common illnesses are due to lack of shelter, worsening weather and lack
of food. People are suffering from acute respiratory infections (ARI) and
gastric ulcers. They have found pregnant women and new born babies (only
days old), the most vulnerable of all workers. People are being treated, and
their situation is not life threatening.

The medics diagnosed malnutrition among children and anemia among new
mothers. They sent four women who were ready to give birth to a clinic. One
baby that was born at a clinic is very weak, due to the malnutrition of the
mother. About 1% of the total 500 patients are suffering from diarrhea.

Many people are suffering from new gastric ulcers or recurring gastric
ulcers due to a lack of food and stress. People are not sleeping properly
and they are under constant stress of being arrested.

Medics also witnessed bruises and cuts to parts of the body including the
head. These injuries were incurred during accidents while the migrants were
hiding and running in the night to escape from police.

3-4 patients were suffering from malaria. The medics don't want to give
anti-Malaria drugs without lab results because they are worried about
resistance.

Out of the 500 patients, there were 5 newly born babies (days ago), 60
children, and 20 pregnant women.  There are no roofs or shelters for the
newly born babies.

*****************************************************

THAI IMMIGRATION OFFICE: THE PROJECT ON ILLEGAL IMMIGRANT WORKERS
16 November, 1999

[BurmaNet Editor's Note: The following pamphlet has been distributed by Thai
immigration officials in and around Mae Sot.  The original is in Burmese and
Thai.  The following is an unofficial English translation of the text.]

THE PROJECT ON ILLEGAL IMMIGRANT WORKERS

1) The temporary work permit given out to foreign illegal immigrant workers
(especially Burmese, Laos and Cambodian citizens) in 18 different
occupations in 37 different areas as determined by the government will
expire November 1.

2) That is why agencies concerned, the immigration and police headquarters
have to inform factory owners, landlords, local immigration/police officials
that the agreement has expired and the deportation must begin. The workers
concerned will not be charged with any crimes if they cooperate, but local
officials and factory owners have to cooperate to make the deportation
process go smoothly.

3) If immigrant workers are found, the workers themselves and the factory
owners or people who employ them will be charged with the following crimes:

     a) people who brought or guided foreign illegal immigrant workers into
work sites in any way will be charged with 10 years imprisonment or 300,000
baht.

     b) For those who allow foreign illegal immigrant workers to stay, or
those who provide counsel to help people escape will be charged with 5 years
imprisonment or 50000 baht.

     c) Workers who are working without permission from agencies concerned
or labor ministry or foreign ministry will be charged with 3 years
imprisonment or 60000 baht.

     d) Those who enter Thailand illegally will be charged with 20000 baht
or 2 years imprisonment or both.

4) We ask people to inform to the following address if they find people who
break the above mentioned laws or commit the above mentioned crimes: PO Box
1177 or telephone 02-287-2227.

Tak immigration. Telephone 055 531316 or 533889

*****************************************************

AFP: THAI AUTHORITIES DENY POLICE SHOT MYANMAR EXILE
17 November, 1999

BANGKOK, Nov 17 (AFP) -  Thai authorities Wednesday denied an exiled Myanmar
student was shot by security forces when tension boiled over at a
tightly-guarded border camp.

Myanmar exiles in the Maneeloy camp, who are waiting to go abroad under a
Thai resettlement program, said a student was shot in the leg and another
suffered a blow to the head in a clash Tuesday.

But Komes Deangthongdee, governor of western Ratchaburi Province, rejected
the claims.

"I can reassure you that all shots were fired into the air, and we can prove
that the student was not shot by one of our guns," he told AFP.

Komes admitted that a student was taken to hospital with a gunshot would on
Tuesday but said he was not involved in a night-time clash between
authorities and a large group of students.

The injured man was discovered before the demonstration when a Thai security
officer tried to search an inmate he suspected of carrying a gun, he said.

The student slapped the guard's face before running away. Moments later a
second student then appeared with an injury to the leg, Komes added. An
investigation is underway to find out when the student was shot.

Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai said the incident occurred as the students
were not yet used to strict new security measures imposed at the camp.

"These students are not accustomed to it as they used to do whatever they
wanted," he said.

In the wake of Tuesday's clash, Interior Ministry officials said some
student leaders would be moved from the border camp to Bangkok's police
academy.

Komes said the student protest broke out Tuesday after a villager near the
camp shot at four inmates on Monday. The villager was released on police
bail after he claimed the students had been trying to steal his ducks.

Thai foreign ministry spokesman Don Pramudwinai said Tuesday's clash and a
recent string of disputes at the camp had sullied the students' reputation.

He conceded this could deter countries which were considering accepting the
exiles for resettlement.

Thailand ordered the resettlement in third countries of more than 1,000
students at Maneeloy after five gunmen, some former camp residents, seized
the Myanmar embassy here along with 38 hostages last month.

The incident sent Bangkok's relations with Yangon into a nosedive after
officials here allowed the gunmen to escape to the Myanmar border in a
helicopter in a deal which ended the 24-hour siege.

The camp has been tense for weeks. In one incident last month students
locked up UN refugee workers at the camp in a dispute over allowances.

Thailand warned exiles after that episode that they should not abuse its
hospitality after fleeing the jurisdiction of Myanmar's military government.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has stressed resettlement
is voluntary and that it has already helped to resettle 2,000 Myanmar
refugees who fled to Thailand.

*****************************************************

ANNOUNCEMENT: LORENZO NATALI PRIZE FOR JOURNALISM
17 November, 1999 from Email: ifj.prize@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

Released by the International Federation of Journalists - 17/11/99

The 1999 Lorenzo Natali Prize for Journalism

In memory of the late Vice-President of the Commission of the European
Communities with special responsibility for development, the Commission will
be awarding the Lorenzo Natali Prize for Journalism.

Development and Human Rights: A Prize Choice for Journalists

Democracy and Human Rights go hand in hand but sometimes they are brushed
aside in the drive for economic development.

In the modern era development can only succeed if freedom and individual
rights are promoted and defended.

But is the message getting through?

Journalists have the opportunity to raise the debate through the Lorenzo
Natali Prize, a unique competition organised by the countries of the
European Union, to promote reporting which recognises human rights and
democracy as vital elements in the quest for equitable development.

The Prize will be awarded for articles from the following two categories:

a) an article published in a developing country

b) an article published in a Member State of the European Union

Entries must be for items which have been published or transmitted in
general information media between the dates of April 1998 to 31st March
1999.

Entries must be submitted written in an official language of the European
Union or with an adequate translation from the original into one of these
languages.

The Prize winners will receive a sum of 10,000 Euro's each.

The latest date for receipt of entries is 15 April 2000.

International Federation of Journalists

Contact Bettina Peters or Andrew Clark at:

Tel: + 32 2 223. 37. 29

Fax: + 32 2 223. 03. 43

Email: ifj.prize@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

On the web: http://www.ifj.org/hrights/natali.html

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