THE NATION - November 22, 1999

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THE NATION - November 22, 1999

Editorial & Opinion

THINK THAI: Burma ties: Who will blink first?

Question: Who is making a big u-turn on Burma? Answer: Probably Foreign
Minister Surin Pitsuwan.

Surin said last week he would visit Burma after receiving an invitation
letter from one of the junta leaders in Rangoon, Khin Nyunt. No one knows
what his exact intentions are. So far he has refused to divulge if he is
going and when.

But political pundits say he might go to Rangoon tomorrow for a brief
stopover to chitchat with the junta leaders. Then he will leave the next day
for the informal Asean summit in Manila, where all the movers and shakers
from Asean and East Asia will spend a weekend cementing their economic and
political ties.

The trip to Burma at this crucial juncture raises more questions than
answers, particularly those related to Surin. Political insiders believe
Surin must have good reason to risk his political career and Thailand's
reputation in exchange for his brief presence in Rangoon.

Since the Burmese Embassy siege, which Thailand managed to end without any
bloodshed, Thailand's policies towards Burma have undergone a metamorphosis
on two levels -- public and decision makers.

Of late, the Thai public has been kept guessing as to what is going on with
the country's Burmese policies and Surin's proposed visit. There has been a
big increase in awareness of Burma's intransigence and treatment of its
people. For instance, the Burmese illegal workers and students in exile have
been considered Thailand's problem during recent years. Now they know that
the problems are caused by Burma.

It's safe to say that the public's mood has shifted for good. Even a handful
of enlightened businessmen are, for the first time, willing to suffer a loss
to back the country's diplomatic stand. The government's action has received
widespread support even though the opposition leader, Gen Chavalit
Yongchaiyudh, has chided its handling of Burmese affairs.

This is understandable because it was Chavalit who served the junta leaders
in earlier days following the student uprising in August 1988. The junta
prefers dealing with Chavalit, or for that matter Banharn Silapa-archa,
rather than Chuan, who has yet to visit Burma.

Throughout the past week, the Foreign Ministry's fifth floor has been
buzzing with well-known business chiefs who have invested in casinos and
other businesses in Burma. These investors have been trying to convince
Surin that it is in the national interest and, of course, theirs to fly to
Rangoon and talk to the junta leaders. The Burmese side is ready to give
concessions -- this time with large and long term concessions -- to the
minister and Thailand. They happen to think that it is good for Surin, who
will return as a hero even after just a few hours in Rangoon.

These investors, with some old pals from the military, who have struck
golden deals with the junta in the past, have tempted the ministry's
decision-makers to reverse their current stand on Burma. In Rangoon, the
government has already announced that Surin is coming to Rangoon on Tuesday
morning and will be leaving later the same day.

As far as decision-making is concerned, Surin has reiterated that the
Foreign Ministry is the principle organisation to handle bilateral issues
between the two countries. The ministry represents the collective decision
of the Thai government. In short, Surin is calling the shots, not the men in
green or khaki. To have made such a proclamation in the past would have
caused widespread mirth because everybody, including the Burmese junta
leaders, knew only too well that it was the military leaders who decided
matters with Burma.

In the past seven weeks since the embarrassment over the siege, the junta
leaders have tried very hard to seek direct negotiations with the military,
especially with those top brass who are their cronies. They have lobbied the
opposition parties and pressured the government in the hope that the border
checkpoints will be reopened together with the resumption of fishing
concessions and other matters. But it did not work, thanks to Army Chief Gen
Surayud Chulanont who insists the ministry must take the lead.

Having failed to entice the military, the junta leaders are trying a new
strategy. They are now moving to put their money where their mouth is.
Through their Thai friends, the military junta leaders have recently shifted
their attention exclusively to Surin and his senior ministry officials,
mainly those with connections to Burma.

If Surin decides to proceed with the trip, he will be the first leader to
visit Burma since the United Nations adopted one of its toughest resolutions
condemning human rights violations in Burma. (Interestingly, if there had
been an open vote in the General Assembly, Thailand was ready to vote in
support of the resolution, breaking from the Asean norm.)

The visit will provide an opportunity for the junta leaders to express their
sincere gratitude towards Surin, who has been quite kind to them. Surin has
had to make many sacrifices to visit Burma including a big u-turn in the
government's stance. After all, it was Surin who proposed the policy of
flexible engagement, also known as enhanced interaction, to assist Burma and
end its isolationism.

Significantly, the junta leaders will permit Surin to meet with opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi. On top of all that, the Burmese might ask Surin to
serve as a facilitator for dialogue between them and ''the lady''.

Harvard-educated Surin has said many wise words on diplomacy. One important
element in Thai-Burmese relations, he pointed out recently, is ''who will
blink first''. We will find out soon enough whether Surin has a gunfighter's
resolve. History will be in the making in just a matter of hours.

BY KAVI CHONGKITTAVORN

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THE NATION - November 22, 1999

Local & Politics

Burmese student gets 4 months for attack on guards

A RATCHABURI Court yesterday sentenced a Burmese student to four months in
jail and fined him Bt2,100 for assaulting two Thai security guards at the
Maneeloy holding centre last week.

The court also placed the student, Myint Rui, on one year's probation for
the assault on security guards Somchai Bunlert and Somsak Kunglung at the
centre on Nov 16.

Myint Rui was convicted on two charges: obstructing and assaulting
authorised officials.

The court was told that on Nov 16, Myint Rui, carrying a fake gun,
obstructed and refused a search request by security guard Sumitr Buntin. He
then punched Somchai and Somsak when they came to Sumitr's assistance.

Myint Rui was the first to face trial after Burmese students at the Maneeloy
centre conducted a series of assaults on Thai and UN High Commissioner for
Refugees officials.

The Burmese students' anger at Thai authorities increased after they imposed
stricter regulations at the centre and demanded that those who were still
outside must return or face legal action.

Thai villagers living around the centre had complained repeatedly that the
students were drunken, noisy and stole their chickens.

Government spokesman Akapol Sorasuchart said Burmese students who are
dissatisfied with Thailand's regulations should leave the country.

''Those who are not satisfied with what we are doing to keep order at the
centre have the right to leave,'' he said.

''Wherever they live, they have to respect and recognise that country's laws
and regulations,'' he added.

The spokesman was responding to a report that the Burmese students had
circulated their criticism of the Thai worldwide through the Internet.

''Let me check the information on the issue. If the information they sent is
inaccurate, I have to make a clarification,'' he added.

He said he is confident that non-government agencies and human
rights-related organisations would understand that Thai's position towards
the issue.

Meanwhile, about 1,000 Burmese would soon cross over the border into
Ratchaburi province to evade Burmese government troops trying to take over
the headquarter of a dissidents' army which reportedly gave sanctuary to
five captors of the Burmese embassy in Bangkok, provincial officials said.

The Burmese are now taking shelter only about 500 metres from the border
which is close to the province's Suan Pueng district, they said.

The Burmese troops believe that the God's Army of Gen Oliver, whose
headquarters is close to the district, has provided protection to five
students who seized the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok in Oct 1.

Sporadic fighting between during the past few years has forced the Burmese
to move closer to the border, the officials said, adding the Burmese
government this time is using a larger number of troops compared to previous
skirmishes.

Meanwhile Col Samphan Yungpakul, commander of the 29th Infantry division,
yesterday said that he has already arranged a staging area for any Burmese
who enter the province to escape the hostilities. He has already sought
assistance from some non-governmental organisations and the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees just in case.

The colonel said his infantry is on alert to retaliate if the inland
fighting crosses the border. ''Any armed troops would be disarmed and pushed
back into Burmese soil,'' he added.

A police source, meanwhile, said that police are investigating five Burmese
arrested in Ratchaburi yesterday on suspicion of spying. The source added
that two of the suspects were believed to be Burmese intelligence army
officers.

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THE NATION - November 22, 1999

Mailbag

Deportations must stop

WE kindly urge you to ask the Thai government not to deport thousands of
Burmese workers before they have had the opportunity to seek asylum and
their safety can be guaranteed.

We think their safety is at risk if forced back to Burma. Do, please, all
you can in order to ensure the safety of these people. The opinion of such
an important press as yours has a matchless power. Thank you for your
attention.

M Teresa Rossi, Paolo Monteletti, Celizia Bolognesi and Fiorella Rossi

RAVENNA, ITALY

Editor's Note: Many letters have been received from concerned people around
the world, especially members of Amnesty International, about the plight of
the Burmese workers.

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