[Date Prev][Date Next][Thread Prev][Thread Next][Date Index
][Thread Index
]
BurmaNet News: December 13, 1999
- Subject: BurmaNet News: December 13, 1999
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Mon, 13 Dec 1999 17:45:00
------------------ The BurmaNet News ---------------
December 13, 1999
Issue #1411
----------------------------------------------------
Noted in Passing:
Khin Nyunt: Our government's policy is to be as tolerant and as
patient as possible in our dealings with the political parties.
Asiaweek: Like arresting them, you mean?
==========
HEADLINES:
==========
The Student Warriors--
VBSW: STATEMENT OF SUPPORT FOR DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI
THE NATION: CHUAN DENIES BURMA'S CLAIM
NATION: JUNTA DENIES STUDENT GUNMEN ARE IN BURMA
Politics--
AFP: EXILED BURMESE PRIME MINISTER PLEADS FOR RENEWED SANCTIONS
ASIAWEEK: INTERVIEW--KHIN NYUNT GOES ON THE DEFENSIVE
Drugs--
BKK POST: A 'SPEEDY' ROAD TO NATIONAL RUIN [EDITORIAL]
THE NATION : SHAN REBELS FIGHT TO ERASE DRUG STIGMA
NATION: THAILAND, AUST AID RANGOON ON DRUGS
Japan?
KYODO: JAPAN'S 'SOBA' MAKERS OFFER TO BUY MYANMAR BUCKWHEAT
Business & Corruption--
TELEGRAPH (LONDON): CHESS -[MYANMAR CHESS FEDERATION ACCUSED OF
FIXING TOURNAMENTS]
BANGKOK POST: THAI GROUP TO BUILD $20M BORDER RESORT
THE NATION: THAI FIRM FINDS BURMESE HOTEL PROJECT ALLURING
REUTERS: MYANMAR APPOINTS NEW EXECUTIVES TO INVESTMENT BODY
*****************************************************************
VBSW: Statement of support for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Statement of Vigorous Burmese Student Warriors
10 December 1999
In light of recent media comments regarding the
support of the Vigorous Burmese Student Warriors
for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, we issue the following
statement.
We support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's non-violent way
to democracy, and her leading role in the Burmese
democracy movement. We reiterate that we will not
criticize, personally or politically, any person
fighting for democracy, including Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi.
Recently comments critical of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
attributed to the Vigorous Burmese Student
Warriors have appeared in the media. We believe
these are due to a misinterpretation or language
problem. In any event, if any member of the
Vigorous Burmese Student Warriors made any such
statement, it was in a personal capacity and does
not represent the views of the Vigorous Burmese
Student Warriors.
We regard anyone fighting for democracy as our
ally, and will always support people fighting for
democracy, regardless of their particular
policies.
We will continue fighting for democracy in our own
way until it is achieved.
Vigorous Burmese Student Warriors
*****************************************************************
Nation: CHUAN DENIES BURMA'S CLAIM
11.12.99/THE NATION-BUSINESS
Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai yesterday dismissed a recent
statement by Rangoon claiming that the five dissidents who
stormed the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok were on Thai soil.
Chuan strayed away from engaging in a war of words with the
Burmese government and suggested that the Rangoon statement may
have been based on a misunderstanding.
He urged Rangoon not to be overly concerned with Thailand's
position regarding the dissidents, saying they had been charged
for their crimes and that the Thai police were pursuing them,
On Thursday, the Associated Press ran a story with pictures
showing two of the five dissidents at a camp in Burma's Karen
State opposite Thailand's Ratchaburi province.
The five had stormed the embassy on Oct 1, taking scores of
hostages at gunpoint as they called on the military government of
Rangoon to release all political prisoners in Burma.
The group, who called themselves the Vigorous Burmese Students
Warriors, were reportedly taking refuge with a splinter group of
Karen rebels known as "God's Army".
Rangoon was infuriated with the Thai authority's handling of the
hostage crisis, and responded by closing its border and cancelled
all fishing concession with Thai trawlers.
The border was reopened at the end of last month but Rangoon
insisted that fishing concessions must be renegotiated.
Meanwhile, a well-informed military source said that the leader
of the Vigorous Burmese Students Warriors, Kyaw Ni, gathered 18
leading members of the group for a meeting yesterday.
The source said that an order had been circulated since Dec 2
calling on the members to meet somewhere along the border of
Ratchaburi's Suan Phueng district.
*****************************************************************
Nation: JUNTA DENIES STUDENT GUNMEN ARE IN BURMA
11.12.99/THE NATION
AFP
Burma's military rulers denied yesterday that five gunmen who
seized its embassy in Bangkok were on its soil and called for
Thai authorities to arrest the pro-democracy dissidents.
In recent weeks local newspapers have published photographs and
interviews with the five "Vigorous Burmese Students Warriors"
(VBSW), stating that they are hiding in the jungles of eastern
Burma with a splinter group of Karen rebels called "God's Army".
Soon after their escape, Agence Prance-Presse received
information from senior VBSW sources that the five gunmen were on
the run inside Burma.
Despite reliable reports to the contrary, the junta insists the
gunmen are still inside Thailand. "Since they are not inside
Burmese territory, they are out of our jurisdiction," said a
junta statement.
"We hope and expect that the competent Thai authorities will take
necessary legal action against those who had committed
international terrorism," it said.
Thailand has promised to try the gunmen if they are found in the
country.
The five pro-democracy dissidents held 38 people hostage at the
Burmese Embassy for more than 24 hours before exchanging them for
a helicopter and fleeing to the Thai-Burma border.
Rangoon was infuriated by Thailand's handling of the hostage
crisis, which sent bilateral relations into a free-fall from
which they are only now beginning to recover.
Meanwhile, the armed group said they supported opposition leader
Aung San Suu Kyi, denying reports they were against her.
"We support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's non-violent way to democracy,
and her leading role in the Burmese democracy movement," the
statement receive in Bangkok.
'We regard anyone fighting for democracy as our ally, and we will
always support people fighting for democracy, including Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi," it said.
Earlier reports quoted the leader of the VBSW as saying the armed
group was frustrated with the Burmese opposition leader and Nobel
peace prize Winner and would fight her if she ever came to power.
*****************************************************************
AFP: Exiled Burmese prime minister pleads for renewed sanctions
Agence France Presse
MONTREAL, Dec 11
Burma's prime-minister-in-exile, Sein Win, appealed Friday for the
international community to impose sanctions against Burma, in a bid to
force it to respect the people's democratic vote of
May 1990.
Sein Win, who lives in exile in Washington, told a press conference
Friday that: "Inside the country, the situation has not changed."
"The human rights violations by the SPDC (State Peace Development
Council) soldiers and the army in the ethnic areas is continuing with
forced relocations, rapes, torture," he said.
Win in 1997 asked western countries to immitate the United States by
forbidding any further investment in Burma.
He added: "There is no other country, either Canada, the European Union
or Australia, that has such sanctions."
Win made his comments during a ceremony presentating a human rights
award to two of his compatriots.
The two Burmese Human Rights campaigners are Dr. Cynthia Maung, 39, who
set up a clinic at a Thai refugee camp, and political activist Min Ko
Naing Win, an activist of Burma's student movement, arrested in 1989 and
sentenced to 20 years in jail.
On Wednesday, Quebec's National Assembly gave its recognition to the
Burmese Parliament, elected May 27, 1990, as Burma's only legitimate
government.
*****************************************************************
Asiaweek: Interview--Khin Nyunt goes on the defensive
See http://cnn.com/ASIANOW/asiaweek/interview/khin.nyunt/khinnyunt2.html
DECEMBER 17, 1999 VOL. 25 NO. 50
'We Restored Order'
In a rare interview, strongman Khin Nyunt goes on the defensive
Asiaweek: Does it bother you that ASEAN has taken a battering since
Myanmar joined it in 1997?
I don't believe your perception of ASEAN is universally shared. In
spite of dire predictions over the past two years by some people, the
group remains resilient and all the countries in the region are still
committed to its goals and ideals. You must remember what its basic
tenets are. It was established to increase cooperation, particularly
economic cooperation, among Southeast Asian nations. It can't, and
shouldn't, be viewed in the same way as the European Union or the
OSCE. At the recent Manila summit, its leaders talked about economic
resurgence. There is an air of quiet optimism.
Asiaweek: Optimism, maybe, but hasn't the admission of Myanmar harmed
the group's standing?
For people to say that Myanmar's entry has negatively impacted on
ASEAN's image is wrong. We have actively participated in its
activities and our contributions are recognized by all the members.
For example, as well as other gatherings, two ministerial meetings --
one on transnational crime and one on labor affairs -- have been held
in Yangon this year. Please remember that an ASEAN without Myanmar
would not be an ASEAN in the true sense of the word.
Asiaweek: You remain opposed to any moves to re-evaluate the
non-interference principle?
Yes, yes. The principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of
other member states is enshrined in the 1967 Bangkok Declaration,
which established ASEAN. It's also in the 1976 Treaty of Amity and
Cooperation, which is the basic agreement for all members. And it's a
basic principle of international law. To re-evaluate this concept now
would mean attacking the foundation of the association. If the
foundation is destroyed, the house itself can fall. That's why Myanmar
does not support attempts to tamper with this time-tested concept.
Asiaweek: So you disagree with Thai foreign minister Surin Pitsuwan and
Philippine foreign minister Domingo Siazon who want to change this?
I have very good personal relations with both of these men and we
respect each other. You know, even in a family, each member can have
their own views. My understanding is that there is a general consensus
to continue to respect this principle of non-interference.
Asiaweek: Your present military government took over from Ne Win twelve
years ago. What have you achieved in that time and what do you hope to
achieve in the years ahead?
To look into the future, you must know the present and understand the
past. In 1988, when the armed forces first assumed the responsibility
of governing Myanmar, the country was on the verge of disintegration.
Anarchy and chaos prevailed everywhere. Frankly, the machinery of
government had broken down completely and the economy was in a
shambles. Our first task was to restore peace and stability, law and
order. We did this within two years and the economy returned to
normal.
Asiaweek: If the country was disintegrating, you must agree that the
policies of U Ne Win were misguided, if not disastrous?
It's not our policy to pass judgement on previous administrations. We
believe that whatever they did during their time, they tried to do it
with the interest of the nation at heart. At this time, the armed
ethnic groups that have made peace with the present government are
still holding onto their arms for their own protection in their
respective areas. Only after the emergence of a new constitution will
they give up their arms. It's not in the interest of the nation to
have all these groups retaining arms, and from the national security
point of view, you can appreciate how sensitive and dangerous it is.
There is no reason for us to want to prolong this kind of dangerous
situation. But because of necessity, we have to give appropriate time
for the process to evolve. As soldiers, we respect U Ne Win as the
person who nurtured the present armed forces. He has retired
completely from politics. There is no linkage between the previous
government and the present one.
Asiaweek: And you are saying the present one has set the country right
after his mistakes?
I'm saying I hope that when people look back over the past twelve
years they'll recognize that we were able to restore peace and
stability. We have successfully invited 17 armed groups into the legal
fold. I hope people will acknowledge all these things we've done.
Asiaweek: What you've done to the economy has not been inspiring.
Look, we transformed the economic system of Myanmar from a
centrally-planned socialist system to a market-oriented one. At the
same time, we carried out unprecedented infrastructural development
that has transformed the landscape of the country. And don't forget we
also led Myanmar out of isolation and into becoming a meaningful
member of ASEAN.
Asiaweek: But you've failed on the political front.
That's not true. We have changed the political system from a one-party
state to a multi-party system. Please remember that it was only during
our time that political parties were allowed to be formed. We laid
down the foundation for the emergence of a democratic state -- in
keeping with the specific conditions of the country.
Asiaweek: But you're a military regime, there is no democracy.
The military has no intention of holding onto power for a long time.
Once the new constitution has emerged, power will be transferred to a
constitutional government. This will happen a lot faster if the
negative elements inside the country would stop hindering the process
by trying to create unrest and by fomenting other conditions that
threaten the present stability and sound economic foundation of
Myanmar. Democracy would also come sooner rather than later if the
outside powers would stop applying undue and unwarranted
pressure and would stop imposing sanctions.
Asiaweek: You're suffering from what amounts to an economic blockade of
Myanmar.
At the moment, it is only some Western countries that have regrettably
imposed sanctions and embargoes on us. If you examine the reasons why
they've done this, you'll find they're entirely concerned with our
domestic affairs. It's obvious that they're doing this to interfere in
our internal affairs.
Asiaweek: Aung San Suu Kyi told Asiaweek that sanctions "are not causing
hardship to the people of the country." Is this true?
If there is no investment because of sanctions, it is the people who
suffer since there will be fewer jobs. If there is no development
assistance, it is the people who suffer since such assistance can
have a positive impact on their daily lives. If there are fewer
tourists, the people will have less income to improve their standard
of living. This is obvious to everyone.
Asiaweek: Will sanctions force you to change and become more democratic?
Anybody, looking at this objectively, can see that sanctions are not
working. Even in the U.S., many people are now admitting that
sanctions and such measures are counterproductive and wrong. If the
aim of these Western countries is to see democratization in Myanmar,
then the way they are going about it actually hinders Myanmar's path
to democracy. We just hope that these nations will realize their
mistake and instead of imposing sanctions will join with us to reach
the common goal faster.
Asiaweek: Is the desire to reach that goal the reason you invited World
Bank officials to return to Myanmar to discuss their recent report on
your country?
Due to pressure from some big Western nations after 1988, the World
Bank stopped all assistance to us. But we have continued to cooperate
with it. And it's in that spirit that we invited the World Bank
mission in June and again [afterwards] to discuss their draft report.
Let me make it clear, the report is still in draft form. It contains
much wrong and out-of-date data. That has led to wrong analyses and we
look forward to discussing these points with World Bank officials. We
regret that the draft report, which is confidential, was deliberately
leaked to the press.
Asiaweek: In Manila, your Prime Minister, Senior General Than Shwe, met
the Japanese PM, Keizo Obuchi. Has Japan offered to resume aid if you
make concessions in the political arena?
Talks between leaders are confidential and all I can say is that the
discussions were very open and friendly, and that as far as Myanmar is
concerned, we are satisfied with the way they went.
Asiaweek: You've said some Western nations adopt a very negative
attitude to your country 'because of their own political agenda.' What
do you mean?
I'm sure these countries know their own political agenda and I don't
want to go into it in detail, because it's not our policy to attack
other states. However, we hope they'll look into the long-term
objectives -- rather than concentrating their efforts on furthering
the cause of one individual and her organization, instead of
the whole population of Myanmar.
Asiaweek: Surely it's the political impasse with Suu Kyi and the NLD
that is preventing progress in Myanmar?
Your reference to a so-called political impasse is not correct. On our
part, we don't believe that there is any political stalemate or
whatever is being alleged in some quarters. There is peace and
stability, law and order in Myanmar. The people go about their daily
activities without fear or anxiety. We are still in the process of
building democracy. You know, we've allowed the political parties to
have as much freedom as possible under our existing laws.
Asiaweek: That isn't much.
Our government's policy is to be as tolerant and as patient as
possible in our dealings with the political parties.
Asiaweek: Like arresting them, you mean?
We've had to take legal action against people who've been inciting
unrest and instability. People who have broken laws and regulations.
But we're not repressing anyone or committing human rights abuses. For
example, all the NLD's women and youth members who had been called in
for discussions at our guest houses have now been permitted to go
home.
Asiaweek: Aren't 40 elected representatives still detained?
I'm talking about NLD women and youth members.
Asiaweek: What about the MP-elects who are still in detention?
Not in detention, in guest houses. Detention means committing an
offence and being put in prison, but that is not the case here.
Asiaweek: Surely detention means being detained, you can't go home.
But these people, they can go back home. During the weekends and
holidays, they go back home. And they can have invited guests. They
are very happy when they stay in the guest houses. They can discuss
freely with our people.
Asiaweek: What about reports of 800 to 1,000 political prisoners?
Let me just put the record straight, there are no political prisoners
in our country. We do not put people into prison because of their
political beliefs. Even the people who are arrested, even in the very
beginning, when the situation was very bad, the number was not 800.
That is an exaggerated number.
Asiaweek: Some say it is even higher.
No, it is very much less. Actually the people against whom we have to
take action, because of breaches of the law, they only number in tens.
Asiaweek: What have these 'tens' done?
You know, some people from the outside, particularly some people in
the Western media, they call them political prisoners. But actually,
we have detained them because they broke laws and regulations, so for
us, they are not political prisoners. Sometimes, we have visits from
US Congressmen, foreign parliamentarians and so on, who bring lists of
people who are of concern to them. Of course, we check the
people named on the list, and if there are sufficient grounds,
humanitarian reasons or advanced age, there are instances where we
have let them go.
Asiaweek: But why did you take them in to begin with?
Look, the peace and stability that we've attained in our country is
still very fragile. That's why -- to protect the good situation now
existing in Myanmar, as well as to ensure a smooth transition to
democracy -- we must necessarily enforce certain rules and
regulations. Please remember, we are still in the process of building
a democracy.
Asiaweek: When can we expect to see it?
Once the constitution is completed, the people will enjoy full
democratic rights under it.
Asiaweek: But when is it going to happen? People are getting cynical
that you'll ever finish it.
There is a Myanmar saying that there will be a village at the end of
the road. We have no intention of prolonging the constitution process,
but we believe that it is better to be safe and sound rather than to
be precipitous. In the meantime, we cannot allow activities that will
cause unrest or disintegration of the country. But we are quite ready
to allow as much freedom as possible under our current laws.
Asiaweek: Which isn't much -- the UN's Special Rapporteur on Human
Rights, Rajsoomer Lallah, castigated you for a litany of abuses,
including political repression.
In fact, Mr Lallah's report was based mainly on information from
insurgents and from elements who oppose us. So naturally, this
information is biased and prejudiced against us. You may also ask
about Mr Lallah himself, because he has never been to Myanmar. To tell
you very openly, we are not entirely happy with the way he was chosen.
He was pushed onto us. If you are going to appoint a special
rapporteur, the least we hoped for was that there should have
been some discreet consultation with us. But that was not the case, we
were not consulted. So what we find is that he has not been to the
country and he has taken all the information from people who oppose
us.
Asiaweek: One element who opposes you is Suu Kyi. Will you ever allow
her to be the leader of your country?
Okay, let me reply this way. If you look at the situation among the
people in Myanmar, she is getting less and less support. In fact,
there are very few people supporting her these days. More and more
people are supporting the government. And we find that, you know, even
among her own party members, even the hardcore members, they are
resigning from the party because they are dissatisfied at the way that
she is running the party. They are discontented with the policies
practised by the party. So her support is declining every day and
more and more people are supporting the government.
Asiaweek: Yet you still crackdown on her and even refuse to let her
drive out of Yangon?
Her going out of Yangon is not an issue. However, there is a constant
threat of violence from some terrorist groups that could even endanger
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's life. This we would not want to happen. So we
are requesting her to stay in Yangon for the time being.
Asiaweek: And you want her to disband the NLD's rump parliament?
We can't permit things like this so-called Committee Representing
Parliament. They can unnecessarily derail the process of
democratization in the country.
Asiaweek: Why did you stop the new Indonesian President Abdurrahman
Wahid from meeting Suu Kyi during his recent visit to Yangon?
To set you straight, there never was any official request for such a
meeting. Myanmar and Indonesia have had close and cordial relations
ever since the days of our struggle for independence. We continue to
respect and understand each other very well.
Asiaweek: Do you personally dislike Suu Kyi?
We are soldiers and so consider ourselves as sons of [her father]
General Aung San, the founder of our armed forces. So we regard Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi as a younger sister. I have no personal animosity
against her and it is my earnest hope that she will change her totally
negative and confrontational attitude against us, which is also
negatively affecting the entire nation.
Asiaweek: There has been talk that the armed occupation of your embassy
in Bangkok was due to a lapse in intelligence and security, and that
since you are responsible for these matters, you may be sacked.
This is another example of the kind of wild and ludicrous speculation
that is spread in some quarters. There have been so many rumors like
this that we have become immune and no longer pay any attention to
them.
Asiaweek: Why is Myanmar so unfriendly to the press, especially the
foreign media?
I have nothing against a free press nor do I distrust the foreign
media. We are allowing more and more foreign journalists to visit the
country and to see the situation for themselves. They don't have to
agree with us or side with us on everything. We just hope that we'll
receive fair and objective reporting. As for myself, I get so many
requests for interviews, but because of my very heavy schedule, I'm
not able to grant them frequently. So I usually delegate this duty
to my foreign minister U Win Aung and other ministers.
Asiaweek: Are you personally bothered by the unflattering coverage you
get in the foreign media?
I'm not worried because I have a clear conscience that I am trying to
do my utmost for the good of the country. Those in the foreign media
who understand me as well as the people in my own country do, know
that these negative reports are not true and so they don't accept
them. But those who are against us will definitely make up such
negative stories to tarnish my image.
Asiaweek: Are you a rich man?
I just earn the salary of a Lieutenant-General. I am not a rich man by
any means. I live a very humble and simple life.
*****************************************************************
Nation: SHAN REBELS FIGHT TO ERASE DRUG STIGMA
12.12.99/THE NATION
DON PATHAN
LOI TAILENG, Burma
LEADERS RENOUNCE HEROIN WAR-FUNDS
Shaking off an ugly past isn't very easy when the alleged crime
was publicised on a global scale. But the Shan rebel army- once
part of a notorious army heavily involved in the illegal drug
business - is now fighting to gain independence for the Shan
people from the military government in Burma as well as to clear
its own name.
Indeed, four years after the break up of the infamous Mong Tai
Army and the surrender of opium warlord Khun Sa, its commander, a
group of Shan nationalists who refused to lay down their arms
said it is still paying the price for the mistakes of the past.
Col Yawd Serk, the leader of the Shan State Army that was once a
faction within the MTA and is now the only ethnic Shan army left
to fight the Burmese military government, said that some members
of the international community have yet to be convinced that
SSA's efforts are sincere and drug-free.
"This is because they don't know the real situation in Shan
state," said Yawd Serk.
Speaking at one of the army's camps to a group of foreign and
local journalists on Wednesday, the first day of the Shan New
Year, Yawd Serk extended an invitation for all doubters to come
here and get a first-hand look at the situation.
Khun Sa, indicted by a federal court in the United States on
charges of drug trafficking, had surrendered to the Burmese junta
in January 1996 in return for amnesty, leaving behind his
15,000-strong army to fend for itself.
The SSA insisted that they have always been honourable in their
struggle in spite of the stigma of having been a part of the
drug-trafficking MTA.
The Shan group's leadership said MTA was established as a matter
of survival for the Shan independence movement and blamed the
drug trafficking on Khun Sa and his "Chinese associates".
"It is very clear that depending on the drug trade for financing
means that the fight for independence will not be sustainable,"
Yawd Serk said.
In fact, in the past eight months the group has destroyed more
than 10 heroin refineries along the Thai-Burmese border, said SSA
foreign affairs chief Sao Ood Kase. Most of them belonged to
former MTA members who stayed back and continued their drug
dealing from the border, he said.
But military offensives can do only so much to bolster their
drug-free programme and the fight against the Rangoon government.
Sao Ood, who had visited East Timor along with a number of
lawmakers from Southeast Asia to observe the referendum, said
diplomacy should not be overlooked.
With the establishment of the Restoration Council for Shan State
(RCSS), which will include other ethnic forces in Shan State, the
SSA is hoping to attract badly needed assistance from
international organisations.
More and more refugees are arriving and the rebel army does not
have the resources to assist them, said Turn Zang,
secretary-general of the SSA.
Unlike over 100,000 Karen and Karenni refugees in border camps
who are helped by foreign aid workers, many Shan villagers
fleeing the fighting in Burma are living in desperate conditions
while others are seeking a safe haven with SSA troops. The lucky
ones have managed to find work as hired hands in nearby farms
along the border.
Yawd Serk said he has pleaded with the Thai government for border
camps to be set up to facilitate foreign aid and relief workers
but so far has received no response.
However, it is hoped that the newly established RCSS could serve
as the forum to legitimately request funds and humanitarian
assistance.
However, the Shan State Army's moves may not be as easy as it
thinks.
The group's anti-drug message may not go down too well with the
20,000-strong United Wa State Army, once the MTA's arch enemy and
main competitor in the drug business but now king of the Golden
Triangle. UWSA signed a cease-fire agreement with Rangoon 10
years ago in return for unofficial permission to engage in the
drug trade.
Although the SSA has attacked a number of heroin refineries along
the border, and at times put on a drug-burning show for the local
and foreign press, there is no indication that Yawd Serk will
pick a fight with the Wa.
"UWSA is not for or against us. Most of the people who're running
the drug business are foreigners anyway," Yawd Serk said,
pointing to the Yananese Chinese, many of whom form the backbone
of the drug business for the MTA, the Wa, and other small
warlords.
"Besides, the Burmese government has a track record of providing
protection for drug traffickers such as Khun Sa, or Lo Hsing-han,
a Kokang Chinese ex-warlord who dominated the drug trade before
the MTA came to the scene, and the much publicised Wei
Hsieu-kang.
Moreover, said Yawd Serk, some ethnic armies, including the
Karenni National Progressive Party, the Karen National Union, the
Chin National Front and the Arakan Army are on the verge of
forming an alliance to counter the Burmese government.
"Two to three decades ago, the world establishment didn't care
much about the plight of minorities," said Aung Mart, chairman of
the RCSS. "Today, look at East Timor."
To make their case more widely known, ethnic Shan living in
Thailand and abroad have stepped up their offensive against the
military government in Rangoon by exposing the atrocities
committed by the Rangoon government. On a daily basis, the Shan
Herald Agency for News dispatches news stories about developments
in the combat zone and in the deplorable condition of the Shan
people.
The bulk of the stories are on how Rangoon is trying to wipe out
the culture of the Shan people by putting them in relocation
camps.
International human rights organisations said hundreds of
thousands of ethnic Shan have been forced out of their homes and
villages and confined in restricted areas by the Burmese military
government.
The SSA said the programme is aimed at depriving troops of
support from the villagers.
So what makes Shan State Army think it can hold out in spite of
the great odds?
According to Yawd Serk, unlike previous Shan nationalistic
groups, SSA is motivated by the sole objective of total
independence for the Shan state. Other groups in the past were
not focused on the main cause and often got diverted to other
activities such as drugs that came back to haunt them.
But with inadequate international support, said Yawd Serk, the
elimination of illicit drugs will be light years away. He said it
was not realistic to expect peasants to just give up opium
cultivation overnight without any form of crop-substitution
programme.
"Besides," quipped Yawd Serk, "who would go to the trouble to
climb a great big hill just to buy soy beans?"
*****************************************************************
BKK POST: A 'SPEEDY' ROAD TO NATIONAL RUIN [Editorial]
12.12.99/BANGKOK POST
EDITORIAL
Few people can recall a Thailand without a drug problem.
Trafficking has corrupted some of our top officials. Drugs have
threatened communities for decades. But nothing has prepared the
country for the flood of amphetamines that threatens our
heritage, and puts Thailand's future at risk.
In just half a generation, the so-called "crazy medicine" or ya
baa pill has come from nowhere to literally put our nation in
danger. Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai and others have rightly
identified the drug flood as Thailand's Number One national
security threat. By the hundreds of unstoppable millions, the
pills have caused murders youths, killed drivers, touched off
hostage tragedies. Equally tragically and even more dangerously,
they also have addicted our youths, split families and corrupted
huge numbers of our most trusted national servants.
These insidious and addictive pills come in a variety of colours
and ingredients. These days, they are far more than simple
amphetamines, although the word is still commonly used to
describe them. So, too, are slang words such as ya maa, ice and
the international word, speed. In fact, most of the drugs now
flooding into Thailand from the state-supported pill factories in
Burma are methamphetamine.
Amphetamines have not been banned on a whim. Health and social
welfare experts alike recognise the huge dangers posed by the
cheap pills. When consumed, they produce a euphoric high and a
mental lack of responsibility - as illustrated by the frequent
cases of drug-crazed men grabbing, and killing, babies. Like most
addictive substances, users develop a physical or physiological
need to consume again.
These are arguably self-inflicted wounds that do not need state
intervention, especially if adults are involved. But the real
damage of the Burmese pill invasion is worse. Families are
commonly split when one or more members is a user. Children steal
from their parents for drug money, ignore their studies. Their
behaviour becomes anti-social in the extreme, alienating whole
neighbourhoods.
Communities are ripped apart by amphetamines. The image of the
"village addict, the village pusher and the village monk'' is
reality. Fear and loathing of the users spreads, distrust becomes
common. Authority breaks down in the most harmful manner, of son
against mother, brother against sister, neighbour against
neighbour.
The corruption of the pill invasion is only beginning to become
evident Rumours that influential Members of Parliament are
directly involved in the amphetamine trade still remain to be
proved. But it is common knowledge that policemen around the
country cooperate in a variety of ways with the pill traffickers.
There have been public charges that provincial police up to the
rank of colonel are, themselves, trafficking. These are example
of the worst type of social breakdown.
Thai society cannot ignore these problems, and cannot afford to
deny them. But we must also consider the ultimate source of this
problem. Our dedicated law enforcement officials say that they
can clearly see the roofs of the amphetamine factories just
across the Burmese border. The major source of today's pill flood
is the Rangoon-supported area of the United Wa State Army.
The Thai army has conducted a series of sweeps in that area. It
has made local headway against the traffickers. But the
pill-pushers can easily evade such efforts, by smuggling pills in
other directions. The Northeast and the Kanchanaburi border are
current sieves in the frontier.
Two actions are mandatory if Thailand is to be saved from further
damage and corruption. We must mobilise a national fight against
the amphetamine invasion. First and foremost, our children must
be educated and directly involved in this national salvation
effort. Just as importantly, we must insist that Burma end its
role in the pill-smuggling. Denials are unbelievable, and lack of
action is unacceptable.
*****************************************************************
Nation: THAILAND, AUST AID RANGOON ON DRUGS
11.12.99/THE NATION
AP
Burma's unelected military regime is increasingly isolated in the
world community, but international contacts with its
counter-narcotics police are growing to fight the scourge of
illicit drugs produced within its borders.
Senior police from Thailand and Australia, two leading markets
for amphetamines and heroin produced in the jungles of the Golden
Triangle centred on Burma, said on Thursday they were stepping up
law enforcement cooperation with the military state.
Australia is to send its first narcotics liaison officer to
Rangoon for a trial six-month In January, while Thailand hopes
to set up its third counter-narcotics telephone hotline to foster
intelligence sharing with Burmese police over their border.
"The beauty of law enforcement is that we are apolitical and not
constrained by boundaries that other people may be constrained
by," said Mick Keelty, general manager of national operations of
the Australian Federal Police.
This week, counter-narcotics chiefs from 33 countries in the
Asia-Pacific, including Burma, met in Bangkok for an annual
gathering organised by the United Nations International Drugs
Control Programme. For four days they discussed ways to improve
law enforcement ties amid alarm over the huge increase in heroin
produced in Afghanistan in the last opium-growing season, and the
flood of methamphetamines pouring out of Burma to its southeast
Asian neighbours. The regime has been shunned from some
governmental forums such as the International Labour Organisation
for reportedly using forced labour and is under economic
sanctions by many countries for its suppression of human rights
and democracy.
But where police congregate, Burmese officials win rare praise -
even if their governments accuse the Burmese government of
failing to crack down on known drug lords and indirectly
profiting from the drug trade because of the otherwise rare hard
currency it brings in. Assistance from Australia - which in
February controversially attended a heroin conference in Rangoon,
boycotted by the United States and European nations - would
include training for Burmese officers and supply of narcotic
testing kits, Keelty said.
The regime has responded bluntly to offers of the resumption of
large-scale aid in return for starting a dialogue with opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi with a refusal to be pushed into
political reforms.
But it continues to appeal for more help to wean hilltribe
farmers off opium poppy cultivation. Burma is the world's second
largest producer, growing enough last year to make 120 tonnes of
heroin. It says it wants to eliminate drug production by 2014.
"If we get international assistance we will be more successful
in suppression of drug production," said Brig Gen Hla Tun,
deputy director general of the Burmese police.
Foreign donors remain leery of funding opium reduction projects
in Burma.
A US$15 million UN project in territory controlled by the ethnic
Wa army responsible for much of the drug production has only
drawn $8 million, donated by the United States and Japan.
*****************************************************************
Kyodo: Japan's 'soba' makers offer to buy Myanmar buckwheat
Representatives of Japan's noodle manufacturing industry have offered to
buy buckwheat from Myanmar to make 'soba' noodles to encourage crop
substitution away from poppy cultivation, industry sources said Monday.
A 19-member delegation from the Federation of Japan Noodle Organizations
offered to buy buckwheat grown in Kokang State, 700 kilometers northeast
of Yangon, at a preferential rate of 300 U.S. dollars per ton.
The rate is aimed at eradicating poppy farming and having it substituted
with buckwheat. The average price of the highest grade of buckwheat from
China used for Japanese soba is 210 to 230 dollars a ton, federation
President Chojiro Jinta said Sunday.
Jinta said he is satisfied with the quality and cultivation methods of
the Myanmarese buckwheat. The delegation inspected farms last week and
met farmers and officials.
Buckwheat was introduced to Kokang state, one of Myanmar's largest poppy
growing areas, through financial aid from the Japanese government in
1997. Experimental growing on 810,000 square meters in 1998 proved
successful. This year the cultivation was expanded to 8.1 million square
meters.
The 1999 crop, which is being harvested, is projected at 200 tons.
Double or triple cropping is possible in Myanmar, officials said.
*****************************************************************
Telegraph (London): Chess -[Myanmar Chess Federation accused of fixing
tournaments]
THE DAILY TELEGRAPH(LONDON)
December 11, 1999, Saturday
SECTION: Pg. 27
Chess: Adams now rated world No 5
By Malcolm Pein
THE England No 1, Michael Adams, has shot up the FIDE ratings to world
No 5 after gaining 27 rating points with fine performances in the German
Bundesliga and the FIDE World championship.
Adams has a new rating of 2735 - his best ever - and he is fully 60
points ahead of Nigel Short.
Garry Kasparov is still the world No 1 and an enormous gulf exists
between the world champion and the rest.
Kasparov is at 2851 and the Indian, Vishy Anand, is rated 2771.
Vladimir Kramnik remains the world No 3 and Alexander Morozevich No 4.
The young Hungarian Peter Leko, the worlds' top junior player, has
advanced to world No 8.
As usual there are still plenty of errors and anomalies. Most worryingly
the authorities have still not suspended the ratings of players from
Myanmar who have more players rated over 2500 than Holland.
The Myanmar Chess Federation has been accused of fixing entire
tournaments. There is substantial evidence supporting these allegations
but despite FIDE's decision to halt the abuses, there are still two
Myanmar players in the world's top 100.
The rise of Vladimir Baklan to No 12 is a serious error and seems to
have been an inputting error since he went up 100 points mysteriously
having played very few games.
*****************************************************************
Nation: THAI FIRM FINDS BURMESE HOTEL PROJECT ALLURING
12.12.99/THE NATION
AFP
RANGOON
A Thai firm has signed an agreement to build a new multi-million
dollar luxury hotel in military-run Burma's eastern Shan state,
reports said yesterday.
The agreement, phase one of which is worth US$12 million, was
inked on Thursday between Thailand's Allure Group and the newly
reformed Myanmar Investment Commission.
The international-standard hotel will be built in Tachilek town
near the Thai border, the state-run New Light of Myanmar
newspaper said.
The 80-room complex will be constructed on a build, operate and
transfer basis over two years in phase one, with another 140
rooms to be added following further investment in phase two.
Observers said yesterday that the hotel agreement, signed by
AllureGroup chairman Upakit Pachariyangkun and Myanmar Investment
Commission secretary Brigadier General Maung Maung, was a sign of
a further thaw in Thai-Burma relations soured by an attack on
Rangoon's Bangkok embassy in October by pro-democracy gunmen.
A freshly reconstituted Myanmar Investment Commission, the body
tasked with luring much-needed foreign funds, began work on
Thursday under a new leadership, officials said. The commission
was overhauled following the surprise resignation earlier this
month of its influential secretary Brigadier General Maung Maung,
who held ministerial rank.
Official sources told Agence France-Presse that Maung Maung had
been replaced as the commission's secretary by the deputy
minister of electric power, another brigadier general of the same
name.
News of Maung Maung's retirement on Dec 1 came as Japan's former
prime minister Ryutaro Hashimoto held talks with senior members
of the junta, during a semi-official mission to assess the needs
of the struggling economy.
The new commission will face a stiff task securing investment for
Burma which faces a range of US and European restrictions imposed
to punish perceived human rights violations and suppression of
political opposition.
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) projects approved by the Burmese
government reached $11 million during the first six month of
1999, according to official statistics.
Official figures show foreign investment fell more than 90 per
cent last year.
Signs of Burma's economic morass are obvious in Rangoon where
inflation runs at around 30 per cent and the beleaguered kyat
currency trades on the streets at 350 to the dollar, compared to
the official rate of around five.
*****************************************************************
THAI GROUP TO BUILD $20M BORDER RESORT
12.12.99/BANGKOK POST
RANGOON, AP
A Thai business group has signed an agreement with Burma to build
a $20 million hotel resort in Tachilek, official newspapers
reported yesterday.
The 221-room resort is to be fully financed by the Allure Group
Co Ltd of Thailand. Under contract terms signed on Thursday, the
Burmese government will become the owner after 30 years.
It will be built in two stages over two years, Allure group
president Upakit Pachariyangkun was quoted as saying.
Hotels and Tourism Minister Maj-Gen Saw Lwin said the Allure
resort would be the eighth hotel project by a Thai firm in Burma.
*****************************************************************
REUTERS: MYANMAR APPOINTS NEW EXECUTIVES TO INVESTMENT BODY
REUTERS: MYANMAR APPOINTS NEW EXECUTIVES TO INVESTMENT BODY
Dec 10 1999
YANGON, Dec 10 (Reuters) - Myanmar's ruling military council has
appointed
three new executives to run the country's investment commission after
their
predecessors retired last month, an official at the investment office
said.
The ruling State Peace and Development Council government appointed
Minister
of Science and Technology U Thaung as chairman of the Myanmar Investment
Commission (MIC) and Minister of Electric Power Maj-Gen Tin Htut as vice
chairman, said an MIC official who asked not to be identified.
Deputy Minister of Electric Power Brig-Gen (Army) Maung Maung was
appointed
the MIC's secretary, the official said.
The MIC is in charge of foreign investment policy procedure in the
country.
Although the appointment of the new MIC executive committee has not been
publicly announced, both U Thaung and Brig-Gen (Army) Maung Maung had
attended a contract signing ceremony with a Thai firm to build a hotel
in
Yangon on Thursday.
U Thaung was expected to retain his portfolio as science minister and
Maj-Gen Tin Htut would retain his position as the minister for
electricity,
analysts said.
But Brig-Gen (Army) Maung Maung was thought to be giving up his post as
the
deputy minister for power to work full-time at the MIC office, they
said.
The Army brigadier general was appointed to the new position succeeding
Brig-Gen (Air) Maung Maung, who resigned as the minister to the junta
chairman's office, and automatically relinquished his post at the MIC.
Two deputy premiers, Vice-Admiral Maung Maung Khin, 70 and Lt-Gen (Air)
Tin Tun, 69, resigned the MIC positions they had held since the
commission's formation a decade ago because of their age, local
analysts believed.
But each still holds the position of deputy premier.
***END***********************************************************
_____________________________________________________________
Start the new year off right by referring a list to Topica.
You'll earn $300 and your list owner friends will thank you.
http://www.topica.com/t/9