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Subject: [theburmanetnews] BurmaNet News: May 16, 2000
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________
May 16, 2000
Issue # 1532
NOTED IN PASSING:
"Total knew what it was doing when it invested massively in Myanmar
while others withdrew from the market for ethical reasons. The
company must accept the consequences. The country will not always be
governed by dictators."
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (See AFP: AUNG SAN SUU KYI SLAMS FRENCH ROLE IN
MYANMAR)
*Inside Burma
AFP: ISOLATED MYANMAR TO GET MOBILE PHONE SYSTEM
KNU: 137 IDPS ESCAPED BURMA ARMY'S OPERATION FOR ETHNIC CLEANSING
PALAUNG YOUTH NEWSLETTER: PALAUNGS DECLARE WAR ON DRUGS
SHAN: SHAN CEASEFIRE GROUP FILES A COMPLAINT ON MILITIA EXCESSES
*International
WASHINGTON POST: ALBRIGHT RINGS BELL FOR FREEDOM IN BURMA
ASSK: VIDEOTAPED MESSAGE FROM DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI ON THE OCCASION
OF THE 10TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE MAY 1990 ELECTION VICTORY OF THE
NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA
BANGOK POST: SURAYUD DENIES JUNTA CLAIM OF CONNIVANCE
BANGKOK POST: BORDER PATROLS INCREASED TO HALT DRUG FLOW FROM BURMA
DAILY HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE (NEW HAMPSHIRE): A MONITOR FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
*Economics/Business
AFP: AUNG SAN SUU KYI SLAMS FRENCH ROLE IN MYANMAR
RADIO MYANMAR: OIL COMPANY UNDERTAKES 20-YEAR OFFSHORE PROJECT;
MARITIME WARNING ISSUED
UK PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE: BURMA: OPERATIONS OF UK COMPANIES
MYANMAR TIMES: DAGON BREWERY MOVES TO CHALLENGE ITS BIG BROTHER
*Opinion/Editorials
WASHINGTON POST: WE CAN'T HAVE 50 FOREIGN POLICIES
*Other
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
AFP: ISOLATED MYANMAR TO GET MOBILE PHONE SYSTEM
YANGON, May 17 (AFP) - Myanmar, one of the more economically and
politically isolated states in Southeast Asia, is soon to get a
mobile phone system, reports said Wednesday. According to the
Burmese-language Mirror daily, Myanmar "will soon provide" a global
system for mobile communications (GSM) network. Myanmar, where much
outside information is censored and the economy is staggering, is the
only country in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
not to have a GSM mobile network.
The GSM system will be installed by Myanmar Skylink in association
with Skylink Communications, a firm registered in the British Virgin
Islands. Myanmar Skylink will import 100,000 mobile phones when it
installs its system.
Myanmar's fixed line telephone service is extremely erratic, and
there are frequent electricity cuts in Yangon and other cities.
____________________________________________________
KNU: 137 IDPS ESCAPED BURMA ARMY'S OPERATION FOR ETHNIC
CLEANSING
KNU Mergui-Tavoy District Information Department
May 16, 2000
[Abridged]
TENASSERIM DIVISION, BURMA- 137 internally displaced persons from
Tenasserim River basin region recently fled from Burma army's
operation to seek refuge in Thailand on May 10, 2000.
On May 10, 2000, 32 families, with 137 Karen villagers fled to
Thailand at Ban Phu Rakam in Suan Phung District, Ratchburi province.
They were allowed to enter by Thai authorities and were shifted to
temporary settlement at Ban Huai Kamu. Those villagers are from
Tenasserim Riverside at the area of Buthawplaw (Kyaukpa). More than
two hundred villagers had tried to escape from military operations
but only about one hundred could escape to Thailand. The rest are
trapping inside Burma.
Burma army's Coastal Military Command (CMC) had ordered its military
divisions under its command on 8 April to launch more searche and
destroy operations and to kill whoever they see in the jungle.
____________________________________________________
SHAN: SHAN CEASEFIRE GROUP FILES A COMPLAINT ON MILITIA EXCESSES
Shan Herald Agency for News
17 May 2000
The leader of a Shan ceasefire group submitted an official complaint
to a regional junta commander on the various abuses committed by a
Khun Sa-led militia force, reported a source who arrived at the
border recently. The official report by Sao Gunyawd, Commander of
the Shan State National Army, to Maj.-Gen Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo in
mid-March listed the following abuses perpetrated by Bo Mon's
Wanparng militia force:
"5 February Pan Aung, with 12 men, arrested Sai Mawngpa of Markfai
village, and shot him dead between Markfai and Nakharn.
11 February Ah Jiu, with 40 men, summoned a public meeting in
Monghet (under SSNA administration) and ordered every household
to "contribute" 4 baskets of hulled rice and 5 baskets of unhulled
rice annually.
17 February (The militia force) issued order in Loiwiang and
Panghoong for poppy farmers to pay tax.
3 March Ah Jiu, with his 40 men, fired 2 M79 rocket launchers in
Mongket and extorted 40 baskets of rice from the villagers.
Announced, "The SSNA must leave the area within 2 months or face
military action. The Burmese have granted all their areas to us now."
6 March (The militia force) taxed the people in Koongmong Tract, K.
5,000 per household.
7 March (The militia force) held a public meeting in Khoomzong
village, explained the structure of the militia force and ordered
the villagers to pay K. 500,000 within one week."
The source did not know what the results of the report were.So far,
no clashes have not been reported.
"Bo Mon, before Yawdserk's penetration to the north, had only
Wanparng and Nammusay. But since Yawdserk's encroachment began in
mid-1999, the Burmese have already given permission to him to extend
his operations into Mongket, Mongyaw, Mongtaem, Monghet, Loimaw,
Tasaileng, Mongkeng, Wankard, Mongpard, Mongna, Mongtawm, Zalarn and
Kerngka, all known for opium production," said the source.
As for Khun Sa's involvement in the operations, he said, "Bo Mon
often goes to Rangoon to meet Khun Sa and Falang (a.k.a. Chang
Hsuchuan, Khun Sa's Chief of Staff). Lao Tai (a.k.a. Yang Wansuan
a.k.a. Khin Maung Win, one of the drug suspects on the Americans'
wanted list), Khun Sa's Secretary, is also with him."
The anti-insurgency militia force of Bo Mon, less than 100 strong
before, is reported to be 500 strong now and has been sanctioned to
increase it to 1,000, the source added.
According to one of the ceasefire group's officers, the message was
clear: The junta is going to use Shans to subdue Shans. "Using fish
oil to fry fish, as the saying goes," he said.
Nevertheless, Gunyawd, whose mutiny in 1995 broke the backbone of
Khun Sa's once mighty Mong Tai Army, appears to be still optimistic
about his predicament, he said, quoting his superior, "There are
four options for us: One, the wood is ruined, but the rabbit is not
caught; Two, the wood is not ruined, and the rabbit is not caught;
Three, the wood is ruined, and the rabbit is caught; and Four, the
wood is not ruined,and the rabbit is caught. What we are trying to do
is the fourth one. I think you'll agree it's better than any other
options."
PALAUNG YOUTH NEWSLETTER: PALAUNGS DECLARE WAR ON DRUGS
16 May 2000
No: 5 - 7
Palaungs Declare War on Drugs
According to a newsletter recently published, a Palaung ceasefire
group in northern Shan State had issued a statement declaring war
against poppy farming in the areas under its control.
The Palaung State Liberation Organization, a group that has a
ceasefire pact with Rangoon and is active mainly in Namhsan
Township, northern Shan State, issued a statement on 29 February,
announcing poppy growers "caught red handed" would be liable to
stiff fines and their fields destroyed, reported the Palaung Youth
Newsletter, Issue No. 2, that was published in April.
According to the newsletter, the PSLO would do its "best to eradicate
the growing of opium completely (even) without any other country's
support."
The paper also reports Burmese officers, Than Htoo from LIB 324 and
Cho Win from IB 33, taxing poppy growers in Namtu, Namkham and
Kutkhai townships heavily under threats of destroying the fields.
It also reports Capt. Tin Win, Chairman of Namkham Township Peace
and Development Council, exempting poppy growers from participating
in the compulsory road construction on 12 March. Only villagers from
Manset, who were not engaged in poppy cultivation, were instead
ordered to join in the road construction, it says.
According to the paper, Lashio has become the drug capital of the
north. It also reports the current price list:
Opium K. 200,000 per viss (1.6 kg)
WY Amphetamines K. 130,000 per 1,000 pills
Heroin K. 1,200,000 per kg
For further information, please contact Palaung Youth Newsletter,
P.O. box 48 Chiangmai 50202, Thailand.
E-mail: <dragon@xxxxxxxxxxxx>
Tel: 01-671 9156
__________________ INTERNATIONAL ___________________
WASHINGTON POST: ALBRIGHT RINGS BELL FOR FREEDOM IN BURMA
By Nora Boustany
Washington Post Foreign Service
Wednesday, May 17, 2000; Page A19
Erosion of human rights and freedom continues in Burma, but Secretary
of State Madeleine K. Albright and a bipartisan congressional group
paid tribute to Burma's National League for Democracy and its leader,
Aung San Suu Kyi, on the 10th anniversary of the league's May 1990
election victory.
"The yearning for freedom is relentless," Albright said at a luncheon
on Capitol Hill yesterday sponsored by the National Endowment of
Democracy. "The walls it cannot overwhelm it will nevertheless erode.
And I am confident the day will come when Burma is free." Albright
noted she was wearing appropriate jewelry--a brooch symbolizing
freedom and a necklace Suu Kyi gave her in 1995 in Rangoon, Burma's
capital, after the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing.
Albright described Suu Kyi as a "remarkable woman of fragile beauty
and inner strength," adding that she has renewed her call for
dialogue and that military authorities have responded with a new wave
of arrests. The Burmese military annulled election results 10 years
ago that had given the National League for Democracy a parliamentary
majority. Hundreds of the party's members were arrested. Many others
fled. But Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, refused to
leave, even upon learning last year that her husband was dying of
cancer.
Sens. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-N.Y.) and Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)
and Reps. John Edward Porter (R-Ill.) and Tom Lantos (D-Calif.)
introduced House and Senate resolutions yesterday calling on Burma's
ruling military to guarantee basic freedoms and accept dialogue with
the National League for Democracy and banned political leaders, to
release political prisoners and to uphold international human rights
agreements.
Suu Kyi addressed the Hill luncheon in a videotaped message. "Many
are still working for democracy, but under very difficult
circumstances. We have not given up our struggle, and we are not
going to give up our struggle," she said. "By arresting our people,
by preventing our party from operating freely as a legal political
organization, they are only proving to the world that their words and
their deeds are on different tracks altogether." Albright said every
time Suu Kyi speaks to supporters in Burma, expresses outrage about
the lack of opportunities for children, the spread of disease or the
loss of freedom, or records a videotape like the one screened
yesterday, she is vulnerable. "We in the United States cannot change
that. But we can ensure that Aung San Suu Kyi and her Burmese allies
are never alone," Albright said.
____________________________________________________
ASSK: VIDEOTAPED MESSAGE FROM DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI ON THE OCCASION
OF THE 10TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE MAY 1990 ELECTION VICTORY OF THE
NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA
Presented at a Capitol Hill luncheon honoring the NLD
May 16, 2000
It was a surprise to me to learn that the NED was planning to
commemorate the 10th anniversary of the elections of 1990, but it was
a very pleasant surprise.
The elections of 1990 are an important landmark in the modern
history of Burma. After three decades -- almost three decades -- of
military dictatorship, finally the people of Burma were going to be
able to vote for a government of their choice. The elections of 1990
were free and fair. It was one of the freest and fairest that had
taken place in this region at that time. But unfortunately, the
results of the elections were not honored.
It seemed that the military regime had not expected the
people to vote for the National League for Democracy. Or certainly,
not to vote so overwhelmingly for the National League for Democracy.
We were very proud and happy with the results of the elections of
1990, not because our party won more than 80 percent of the seats,
but because the elections proved that the people of Burma were
politically mature.
Two years before the elections, the people of Burma were
allowed to form political parties. After 26 years of one-party rule,
suddenly, they were allowed to form political parties. More than 200
political parties came into being within a few months. The military
authorities obviously expected the democratic vote to be split
between various parties. Not all 200 parties contested the
elections; about 90 of them did. Still, that's a great number of
political parties to be contesting elections.
But the people did not allow themselves to be diverted. They
knew that the most important thing was to set up a strong, democratic
government that would help to put the country back on the path of
good governance. Because of that, they decided to vote for the
National League for Democracy.
For us, the result of the elections was something we could be
proud of. But it was something that also made us feel very humble.
It showed us that political progress cannot be made without the
willing cooperation of the people.
If the people of Burma had not voted for us in 1990, the
world would not have known that this country wanted democracy. And
by refusing to honor the results of the election, the military regime
also made it clear to the world that they did not want democracy.
For the last ten years, we have been struggling for the right
of the people to elect their own government, for the results of the
elections of 1990 to be recognized. During these ten years, there
have been many casualties. Many of those who were elected by the
people were imprisoned, forced to resign from their membership of
Parliament - although that is not legal, because until Parliament
itself has met, no Member of Parliament can resign. Some were forced
to go abroad to pursue their democratic activities. Many are still
working for democracy but under very difficult circumstances. We
have not given up our struggle, and we are not going to give up our
struggle.
If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result
of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It must be recognized
by the military regime, as it has been recognized by the people, and
by the world at large. It is through this recognition that we will be
able to make genuine progress in Burma.
The military regime declares that it, also, is working for
democracy, that it also wants democracy for Burma. But they have to
prove this by deeds, not by words alone. By arresting our people, by
preventing our party from operating freely as a legal political
organization, they are only proving to the world that their words and
their deeds are on different tracks altogether.
We are particularly grateful to our friends and allies all
over the world for supporting us in our endeavor to have the results
of the 1990 elections recognized at this time, when the military
regime are trying hard to pretend that the results of the elections
are no longer valid. The results of these elections will remain
valid until such time as the Members of Parliament elected by the
people have had a chance to get together and decide what the next
step is going to be.
It is for this that we have been working, and it is for this
that the Committee Representing the People's Parliament was founded
in 1998. The Committee Representing the People's Parliament,
together with the National League for Democracy and other political
parties, including a number of political parties representing
different ethnic nationalities of Burma, will continue to work
together to bring democracy to Burma, democracy that will bring human
progress to our country, that will ensure the people a secure life, a
life of liberty, and a life of development, based on human values.
I would like to thank the National Endowment for Democracy
and Carl Gershman for arranging for this message to be made. I would
also like to thank Senators McConnell and Moynihan and Congressmen
Porter and Lantos for introducing the resolution with regard to the
10th anniversary of the 1990 elections in Burma.
It would be remiss of me not to thank President Clinton,
Secretary Albright, and the American Administration for their staunch
support of the democratic cause in Burma. We look upon the
government of the United States and the people of the United States
as friends and allies in our struggle to win democratic rights for
all peoples.
I would also like to thank fellow Nobel Laureates for signing
the Nobel Peace Laureates' Declaration, and to take the opportunity
to say that their support has always meant a great deal to me
personally and to all those who are working for democracy in Burma.
I hope very much that as a result of this event, the importance of
the 1990 elections in Burma will be widely recognized by the rest of
the world. Thank you very much.
____________________________________________________
BANGOK POST: SURAYUD DENIES JUNTA CLAIM OF CONNIVANCE
Wassana Nanuam
The army chief has rejected Burma's allegation that Thailand allowed
Karen rebels to
launch a rocket attack on a village in Myawaddy on Saturday.
Gen Surayud Chulanont said the army has never given support to any
Burmese minority
group including the anti-Rangoon Karen National Union as accused by
Burma so it had
nothing to do with Karen rebels' moves. "We are still adamant on
our stance to not support any minority group but offer shelter to
war refugees," he said.
According to the army chief, Burma's report on the KNU's setting up
of a rocket base
near the border is false. Army inquiries show the rocket-propelled
grenades that hit the village were fired from common launchers, not
from a base.
Gen Surayud said Thailand has been affected by operations of pro-
Rangoon Democratic Karen Buddhist Army guerrillas who had entered Mae
Ramat district, Tak, and had kidnapped Thai villagers several times.
Bangkok Post (May 17, 2000)
____________________________________________________
BANGKOK POST: BORDER PATROLS INCREASED TO HALT DRUG FLOW FROM BURMA
May 16, 2000
Border patrols have been increased to prevent the smuggling of
illicit drugs from Burma.
An immediate increase in the frequency of border patrols was ordered
by Third Army chief Lt-Gen Wattanachai Chaimuenwong, in his capacity
as director of the drug suppression centre in the North.
Joint patrol units made up of soldiers, local and border patrol
police were despatched to border areas in Mae Ramat and Mae Sot
districts of Tak regularly used as drug transit routes.
Ten people were arrested in separate raids last month in which some
100,000 speed pills were seized, army officers in the North said.
Meanwhile, a fact-finding inquiry has been launched into Burma's
accusation that Thailand had allowed Karen rebels to launch a rocket-
propelled grenade (RPG) attack on a border village in Myawaddy
opposite Mae Sot district.
Sources said Fourth Infantry Regiment task force commander Col
Chainarong Thanaroon yesterday ordered border officials to
investigate the Burmese claim.
The move came after Myawaddy authorities demanded Thai officials
explain why they allowed Karen National Union guerrillas to launch
four RPGs from Thai soil on a border village in Myawaddy. One Wa
villager was killed and another seriously injured in the 20-minute
attack on Saturday.
____________________________________________________
DAILY HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE (NEW HAMPSHIRE): A MONITOR FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Tuesday, May 16, 2000 Front Page
By THEO EMERY, Staff Writer
Tuesday, May 16, 2000 -- Nancy Talanian' response was quick when she
received an e-mail alert about a congressional resolution to be
unveiled today: she called her representatives in Washington and
quickly forwarded the message to other Valley activists.
The resolution, which will be introduced to Congress at a Washington,
D.C., press conference, asks that the United States sustain its
policy of political and economic sanctions against Myanmar, the
Southeast Asian nation formerly known as Burma.
Talanian, a human rights activist from Whately, believes that such
efforts, whether targeting Myanmar, Nigeria or other nations with
poor rights records, are an important part of encouraging human
rights, and can promote change overseas without bloodshed.
"It definitely helps," Talanian said. "I had good responses and
conversations with people in our legislative offices. What makes
them pretty responsive is when they hear from constituents."
The reason for the quiet lobbying was to avoid tipping off opponents
of such sanctions. A consortium of more than 600 corporations has
charged that sanctions don't work and has challenged a Massachusetts
boycott law whose legality is the subject of a lawsuit now before
the Supreme Court.
Today's resolution comes a decade after the ruling junta of Myanmar
annulled elections that would have boosted to power the opposition
National League for Democracy and its leader, Nobel Peace Prize
winner Aung San Suu Kyi.
The resolution is largely symbolic, urging Congress to stay the
course with respect to punishing Myanmar for its well-documented
human rights abuses and involvement in narco-trafficking, according
to Simon Billenness, a research analyst at a Boston socially
responsible investment firm, Trillium Asset Management.
"It's a useful bellwether as to what current opinion is on the Hill
regarding Burma," Billenness said.
But the mood toward sanctions is changing in some key respects,
particularly boycotts that state and local governments enact. The
U.S., long ambivalent about who has the right to make political
statements about foreign policy, has staked out the position that
boycotting rogue states is the sole right of the federal government.
While resolution is unrelated to the Supreme Court case, and even
has supporters who oppose the Massachusetts law, the anniversary
resolution comes at a crucial moment for activists such as Talanian.
Next month, the Supreme Court will rule on whether federal law
allows cities, states and towns to create policies aimed at
punishing rogue states like Burma.
Amherst is among more than 30 cities, towns and states that have
passed "selective purchasing" laws aimed at countries such as
Myanmar, Nigeria and Cuba.
At issue in the Supreme Court case is the boycott law that
Massachusetts passed in 1996 that gives contracting preference to
companies with no business ties to Burma or its government.
The National Foreign Trade Council, a more than 80-year-old
consortium of 550 companies, challenged the law in 1998, claiming
that boycott laws unconstitutionally restrict trade.
Their argument-which a federal court concurred with in 1999, leading
to the appeal now before the Supreme Court - is that the 16-word
commerce clause in the U.S. Constitution forbids anyone other than
Congress from passing laws that affect international or interstate
trade.
That's a view that Massachusetts feels is flawed, according to
Assistant Attorney General Tom Barnico.
"We say there's no conflict, but others disagree," Barnico said. The
state has other opponents on this issue. Prior to the Supreme Court
case, Japan and the European Union complained to the World Trade
Organization about the Massachusetts law, stating that it violated
WTO regulations.
If Massachusetts wins its appeal in June, the EU and Japan will
probably lodge a new complaint against Massachusetts, and request
formation of a new panel, according to Barnico.
Talanian is adamant that local governments like Amherst should be
able to contract with whom they want. The only other option, she
said, is bloodshed. "It's better to use non-lethal means than let
things go to the day when the government decides to go in and kill
innocent civilians. I think the Amherst Town Council has a better
track record ... than our federal government."
Theo Emery reports on politics and government for the Gazette.
______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS ___________________
AFP: AUNG SAN SUU KYI SLAMS FRENCH ROLE IN MYANMAR
PARIS, May 17 (AFP) - Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
accused France Wednesday of overlooking the poor human rights record
of the Yangon military government in order to safeguard its
investments.
And she warned that French oil giant TotalFinaElf could not assume
that its contracts in Myanmar would continue to be honoured once the
county returned to democracy. "Total knew what it was doing when it
invested massively in Myanmar while others withdrew from the market
for ethical reasons," she told the French weekly Le Nouvel
Observateur. "The company must accept the consequences. The country
will not always be governed by dictators."
Aung, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate who has been under house arrest
since 1995,s aid she found the role of France in Myanmar "a real
puzzle." "Fifty-five percent of tourists here are French and France
is the biggest European investor in the country. Maybe the French
aren't properly informed about what is going on here," she said.
____________________________________________________
RADIO MYANMAR: OIL COMPANY UNDERTAKES 20-YEAR OFFSHORE PROJECT;
MARITIME WARNING ISSUED
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts
May 17, 2000
Oil company undertakes 20-year offshore project; maritime warning
issued
Source: Radio Myanmar, Rangoon, in Burmese 1330 gmt 9 May 00
Text of report by Burmese radio on 9th May
Premier Myanmar Oil Company will be engaged in Yetagun offshore
natural gas development project for 20 years. During this time, for
the safety and security of the natural gas drilling rig, construction
rig, and floating warehouse vessel; to avoid damage or lost of job-
related equipment; and to avoid work delays, the areas which falls
within a five-nautical-mile radius from the production rigs and
warehouse vessel have been designated as restricted zones.
Furthermore, all maritime vessels are also prohibited from anchoring
near and along the offshore natural gas pipeline in order to prevent
causing any damage to the pipeline.
A maritime warning has been issued by the Fisheries Department
warning all local and foreign coastal and deep-sea fishing vessels
not to engage in any fishing activities within the five-nautical-mile
radius restricted zones and to be extra careful when passing above
the underwater offshore natural gas pipeline.
____________________________________________________
UK PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE: BURMA: OPERATIONS OF UK COMPANIES
THE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD)
FIFTH SERIES VOLUME DCXIII
SEVENTH VOLUME OF SESSION 1999--2000
House of Lords
Monday, 15th May 2000
Burma: Operations of UK Companies
2.47 p.m.
Lord Blaker asked Her Majesty's Government:
Why, and under what authority, they have pressed Premier Oil and
other United Kingdom companies to give up their operations in Burma.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign and Commonwealth
Office (Baroness Scotland of Asthal):
My Lords, the presence of reputable companies in Burma is not helping
the democratic cause there. We therefore told Premier Oil, the
largest UK investor, that we would welcome their moving out of
Burma. We have no legal powers to force them to do so, nor do we
seek any. We also tell British companies inquiring about Burma that
we do not encourage trade with nor investment there.
Lord Blaker:
My Lords, while we all deplore the human rights situation in Burma,
how is it that the Government are pursuing this policy of economic
sanctions against that country, when they encouraged Jiang Zemin of
China, a country not well known for its observance of human rights,
to visit this country and be received at Buckingham Palace? Why did
the Government fail to support a resolution of the United Nations
proposed by the United States criticising China's human rights
record? What is the difference? Could it be that Burma is a small
country and cannot hurt us very much, whereas China is a big country
and could hurt us a lot? Is that an ethical foreign policy?
Baroness Scotland of Asthal:
My Lords, we have said on a number of occasions, but let me repeat,
that the difference between the two is clear. We are currently
engaging in a critical dialogue with China. There is therefore a way
forward so that we can hopefully improve the human rights situation
in China, improve our relationship with the Chinese, and include
China more in the international community. Burma turned her back on
any such critical engagement. She refuses to engage with the
international community. She refuses to recognise that there is any
problem at all when it comes to human rights and will not bend her
knee in any way to the lures that we put out for reasonableness.
There is a clear difference between the two and therefore we have to
maintain a difference in the way in which we approach the two
nations.
Baroness Williams of Crosby:
My Lords, I thank the Minister for her forthright answer. We on
these Benches wholly agree with her. Will she confirm that the
government of Burma are a military government that overthrew a
clearly democratically-elected regime and to this day keep its
leader under effective house arrest? Does she agree that, in
pursuing an ethical foreign policy, it is necessary to try to win
the support of major corporations in the private sector? Will she
confirm that, as in the case of De Beers in Angola and Shell in
Nigeria and Indonesia, it has often been the case that the help and
assistance of large multi-national and other corporations has been
sought on behalf of the British Government?
Baroness Scotland of Asthal:
My Lords, I am pleased to confirm that. It is important for large,
multi-national companies of this nature to assist us in this regard.
The discussion with them is important and we welcome every occasion
when they help us.
Lord Jenkins of Putney:
My Lords, is my noble friend aware that it is widely known throughout
the country that Burma is in a special position and that the
Government's action in this matter is widely supported, generally
understood and I hope will be persisted in until such time as Burma
acquires, in the course of time (as one hopes it must) a government
that are prepared to act as part of the international community?
While it insists on putting itself outside the national community,
one cannot expect, nor wish the Government to treat it as though it
were the same as any other country.
Baroness Scotland of Asthal:
My Lords, I welcome my noble friend's support. We have received
support from all sides in this endeavour and welcome that support.
It is a joint endeavour. We are working together with many partners
and need everybody in every sphere to join with us.
Lord Elton:
My Lords, is the government of the Sudan engaging in a critical
dialogue with Her Majesty's Government on human rights matters? If
not, why is it correct to seek to restrain human rights abuses in
Burma by impeding the exploitation of oil in that country? Would it
not be correct to do the same thing in the Sudan, to which we
continue to send machinery for that purpose?
Baroness Scotland of Asthal:
My Lords, as I said earlier, we are engaging with all those who will
engage with us. The noble Lord knows well that we have to look at
each country and decide which sanctions or movements will most
effectively deliver a better quality of human rights. It is quite
wrong for us to have a "one-size-fits-all" policy; regrettably, it
does not. We must fashion the sanctions that we impose to the
situation that pertains in each individual country.
Lord Faulkner of Worcester:
My Lords, is not the answer to the noble Lords, Lord Elton and Lord
Blaker, that if you wait for a perfect world you will wait for ever?
In the case of Burma, there is no doubt that the action against oil
companies could make a difference, bearing in mind that the
construction of oil pipelines requires the removal of villages and a
programme of forced labour? Indeed, this has resulted in the deaths
of many local people at the hands of the SLORC troops. Is my noble
friend aware that the firm stand she takes certainly has strong
support on this side of the House?
Baroness Scotland of Asthal:
My Lords, I am happy to hear that echo of support from my noble
friend who sits behind me. Indeed, I hope that that echo will be
found in front of me, notwithstanding the comments that have been
made by some noble Lords opposite.
Lord Howell of Guildford:
My Lords, we can all agree that Myanmar has a brutal and
undemocratic regime. It is quite understandable that HMG should want
to be as distant as possible from it. However, I am advised that
other countries, which take the same broad view about this repulsive
team, still retain informal links with Myanmar. For example, the
United States has welfare programmes in the country and, of course,
Japan took part in the ASEAN meeting that was held in Myanmar.
Indeed, other neighbouring countries of ours retain links with the
country through private enterprise. Can the Minister say why we are
different in that respect? Are we sure that we have got the balance
right between isolation, which is understandable, and constructive
engagement, which is our policy in other areas?
Baroness Scotland of Asthal:
My Lords, I hope that the House will allow me the privilege of
welcoming the noble Lord, Lord Howell, to the Dispatch Box. We know
that he will cover his duty with great honour and expedition.
As I have already said, the difference in the situation with Burma is
that the Burmese have withdrawn. If constructive engagement were
possible with Burma, this would be pursued. Regrettably it has not
been. That is a matter of great sadness to us all, because in other
areas where we have been able to communicate that approach has
yielded real benefit. Unfortunately, Burma is an exception; there
are exceptions to every rule.
2.56 p.m.
____________________________________________________
MYANMAR TIMES: DAGON BREWERY MOVES TO CHALLENGE ITS BIG BROTHER
[For full text and photos, go to:
http://www.myanmar.com/myanmartimes/dagon_brewery.htm ]
May 2000
In the 1970s and 1980s beer equalled a cold Mandalay. Times change
and with a shift to a market-based economy new brands appeared on
the horizon. Now two beer giants are locked in battle for control of
the market. Thet Khaing profiles the smaller of the two.
Dagon Brewery moves to challenge its big brother
ALTHOUGH Myanmar's beer market is well fortified with an import ban
on foreign brews - in place for the past couple of years, beer
lovers have no reason to despair with a choice of six local brands
on the market. It's a far cry from the 1970's and 1980's and lovers
of beer well remember when "Mandalay Beer" was the single brand to
taste throughout the nation. But times change and so have the
demands of a more discerning consumer who have always wished for
variety in their beer options. All cheers for the beer drinkers, as
they're playing a very important role in prosperity of Myanmar beer
business.
However, the future of the three major beer brewers in Myanmar are
very much in the hand of those tens of thousands of people who look
forward to a cold ale, lager or stout at the end of a hot, humid day
in Myanmar. There are currently six brands of beer made in Myanmar,
three of those are produced by Dagon Brewery Company Limited (DBCL)
that established a beer factory in Yangon in early 1998 with the
total investment of US$25.7 million.
The company was set up in the form of a Joint Venture between
Myanma Economic Corporation (MEC), Bermuda's Brew Invest, and
Myanmar Golden Star (MGS) Company. MEC owns 50 per cent of the
company, while Brew Invest has 35pc stake with the rest with MGS, a
local beverage company. DBCL has its beer factory in a Yangon's
major industrial district. The factory is producing Dagon, SKOL
Classic and SKOL Super beer brands. Dagon Beer is formulated in
Myanmar, while SKOL brands are produced in Myanmar but brewed
exactly to recipe from the original in Denmark. Mr Werner Jung,
the German Brewmaster at DBCL
Annual production volume of those three brands stands around 3m
litres. "We want to raise our yearly production volume to around 15m
litres" said Mr Werner Jung, the German Brewmaster of DBCL "but
Myanmar's per head beer consumption is really low. It still has a
long way to go," he said. The factory has three production lines,
equipped with modern machinery imported from Germany, which cost the
company around US$16m.
According to Mr Jung Myanmar's annual per head beer consumption
stands at less than one litre - well below the Thailand's
consumption of five litres. One of the reasons for the low
consumption is price. "One bottle of beer cost around 90 cents here
and most working class people cannot afford to drink every night,"
said Mr Jung. "The beer price in Myanmar is more expensive than in
Germany where the average income of working class people is much
higher."
According to the Brewmaster most of the ingredients used for
brewing beer have to be imported from overseas. The main ingredients
used by DBCL are barley imported mainly from England, yeast, and
other chemicals from Australia and Europe. Bottles and caps are
imported mainly from Thailand and Indonesia. The factory is
operating with 100 technicians and workers, and the Brewmaster did
not seem satisfied with the performance of his production
staff. "Most of our production people have had very little
experience in beer brewing before and our current production is quite
low. So I can't train them very well at the moment," he said. In
the crate and ready for delivery to thirsty customers
Werner Jung, originally from Frankfurt, Germany has 38 years of
experience in beer brewing. He has worked in China, Cameroon, Iraq,
Nigeria and in Thailand. According to him beer brewed in most of the
Asian countries, including Myanmar, contains 15 to 20pc rice, which
make beer a bit different from those brewed in Europe, where rice is
rarely used. Low consumption of beer in-country, alone is not a
reason for apprehension for DBCL, it also has to face stiff
competition from the other big beer brands "Myanmar" and "Tiger" -
both produced by Myanmar Brewery Company, which, according to an
independent finding, controls almost 75pc to 80pc of the local
market. "We are able to control only 10pc to 15pc of market," said
Mr B. S Rao, Finance Manager of DBCL. "The main reasons for our low
market share is weakness in our advertising and distribution
systems," he said. According to Mr Rao DBCL has raised its
advertising budget for this year. And as for distribution, DBCL has
appointed its partner MGS, a renowned name in the Myanmar beverage
industry, as its distributor from January this year.
"This year the company is planning to raise its marketing and
advertising budget by K50 million," said Mr Rao "and with a new
distributor and marketing schemes, we hope to perform better." The
company, according to Mr Rao, is planning to spend K200m on
advertising and marketing in 2000, making it one of the most
aggressive operators in Myanmar, in any industry. Mr Rao also
elaborated on DBCL's new marketing strategy for its Dagon brand
beer.
According to him the company's new strategy will kick in from 8 May
(this week). Under this new scheme every drinker of Dagon beer has a
chance of winning prize money from K50 to K1m...
According to this statistic the sale volume of DBCL is maginalised
to one to six compared to those of Myanmar Brewery. But according to
a study conducted by Compass Research, Myanmar's leading research
company, there is not much difference in taste and strength of the
beer brewed by the two competing breweries. Compass findings were
conducted by giving 300 regular beer drinkers different brands from
the two breweries without their knowledge on the brand name. It
found that beer produced by DBCL and Myanmar Brewery were rated neck
and neck.
However, on beer strength SKOL Super brand, which contains around
7pc alcohol by volume, was given more credit than its Myanmar
Brewery counterpart. The retail price of the brands is similar and
all five brands produced by two breweries sold at around K300 per
bottle, so it is very hard to find out the difference between the
beers of two breweries. One of the reasons for that, says Mr Rao, is
due to the massive spending by Myanmar Brewery on its publicity
campaign, which made its brands popular throughout the nation...
Competition is a phenomenon of the market economy. At the same
time, "transparency" is also being adopted by brand owners involved
in the competition. DBCL has shown its business ethic by allowing the
media exposure on its products. As Myanmar has now been grasping a
market- oriented economic system for the past 12 years, most of the
businesses should have been well-adapted to the system by now and
liaison between manufacturers and consumers is now far more evident.
Either way, beer drinkers can look forward to greater competition and
perhaps cheaper prices in the future.
_________________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________
WASHINGTON POST: WE CAN'T HAVE 50 FOREIGN POLICIES
By Carla Hills and Lee H. Hamilton
Saturday , May 13, 2000 ; A21
"The Post recently editorialized in favor of Massachusetts's position
in an important case now awaiting decision by the Supreme Court. It
deals with the question of whether Massachusetts may pursue its own
foreign policy by imposing a coercive secondary boycott on U.S. and
foreign companies that have dealings with Burma--denying these
companies the opportunity to compete for state contracts if they do
any business with that country. The goal of the Massachusetts law is
to change Burmese government policies.
We have filed an amicus brief, together with former President Gerald
Ford and 25 other leading government officials from both Republican
and Democratic administrations, opposing the Massachusetts Burma
law. Although we have no financial interest in the outcome of this
case, we believe that The Post's position is both ill-advised and
ill-informed, since such state laws seriously threaten the ability
of our country to develop and implement a coherent foreign policy.
The lower federal courts have agreed, without dissent, that the
Massachusetts law is an invalid intrusion into this exclusively
federal domain.
No one can defend the human rights record of Burma; it has been
terrible. That is not the issue. Rather, the question is whether the
50 states and 39,000 municipal governments should each be able to
establish their own foreign policies, or whether our nation's power
to conduct foreign policy resides exclusively in the federal
government.
This is not a debate about a theory of American government. It is a
debate about the ability of the United States to successfully
conduct this nation's foreign policy and to function effectively in
the modern world--serving its diverse interests of foreign
diplomacy, international trade and human rights.
Our national government has imposed sanctions on Burma that are less
sweeping than those mandated by the Massachusetts law. Representing
traditional carrot-and-stick diplomacy, these sanctions are severe
enough to get Burma's attention, but not so severe as to lose all
leverage. It does not take much imagination to understand that
widespread state and local laws imposing more severe and possibly
inconsistent sanctions would undermine national policy. And such sub-
federal action would disrupt our relationship with our allies in the
European Union and Japan, which object to state and local regulation
of the activities of their nationals.
The Post would solve this problem by allowing Congress specifically
to overrule state and local laws. But that won't work. The Framers
well understood that local politics could straitjacket national
action, and for that reason gave the foreign affairs power
exclusively to the national government.
Equally important, requiring affirmative federal action to override
state law in every case that jeopardizes U.S. interests or policy is
not practical, given the demanding national legislative agenda, and
necessarily defeats a national policy of deliberate silence, which
can be an important tool of diplomacy.
Contrary to The Post's editorial, the courts do not assert an
improper "foreign policy role" when they enforce the vision of the
Framers by confining state and municipal governments to dealing with
state and local matters rather than foreign policy.
Saddling federal diplomats and negotiators with a patchwork of state
and local sanctions was not intended in the Constitution, nor can it
be tolerated if Americans expect their federal government to
establish and maintain a coherent U.S. foreign policy."
Carla Hills was U.S. Trade Representative from 1989 to 1993. Lee H.
Hamilton, a former Democratic representative from Indiana and
chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, is director of the
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
_____________________ OTHER ______________________
_______________
Acronyms and abbreviations regularly used by BurmaNet.
AVA: Ava Newsgroup. A small, independent newsgroup covering Kachin
State and northern Burma.
KHRG: Karen Human Rights Group. A non-governmental organization
that conducts interviews and collects information primarily in
Burma's Karen State but also covering other border areas.
KNU: Karen National Union. Ethnic Karen organization that has been
fighting Burma's central government since 1948.
NLM: New Light of Myanmar, Burma's state newspaper. The New Light of
Myanmar is also published in Burmese as Myanmar Alin.
SCMP: South China Morning Post. A Hong Kong newspaper.
SHAN: Shan Herald Agency for News. An independent news service
covering Burma's Shan State.
SHRF: Shan Human Rights Foundation
SPDC: State Peace and Development Council. The current name the
military junta has given itself. Previously, it called itself the
State Law and Order Restoration Council.
________________
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