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Subject: [theburmanetnews] BurmaNet News: Election Anniversary Coverage continued





______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________


May 30, 2000

Issue # 1541

        ELECTION ANNIVERSARY COVERAGE CONTINUED
      (News not related to the 10th Anniversary of the
       1990 elections is carried in Issue #1540)




DVB : MONKS REPORTEDLY STAGE DEMONSTRATIONS IN MANDALAY 

DVB : REGIME SPREADS CRACK-DOWN ON MONKS TO PROVINCIAL TOWN 

CBC NEWS: A DECADE LATER, BURMA WAITS FOR DEMOCRACY 

GOVT of CANADA: CANADA MARKS 10TH ANNIVERSARY OF LAST DEMOCRATIC 
ELECTIONS IN BURMA 

GOVT of CANADA: CANADA AND BURMA

THE JAPAN TIMES: MYANMAR'S LOST DECADE

DAILY YOMIURI (JAPAN) WORLD MUST JOINTLY ENGAGE MYANMAR 

ALTSEAN:  TO JUNTA-- RELEASE MPS, CRPP MEMBER, ACTIVISTS
"THAIS SHOULD NOT PANDER TO JUNTA EITHER"

MUL: HONGSAVATOI ANNIVERSARY REMEMBERED IN MON SCHOOLS

RSF: TEN YEARS OF CONTEMPT FOR PRESS FREEDOM

BSG NORWAY: CAMPAIGN-- TO BE ELECTED SHOULD NOT BE A CRIME

ABSDF, et. al.: BURMA GROUPS IN INDIA ADOPT RESOLUTION SUPPORTING CRPP








DVB : MONKS REPORTEDLY STAGE DEMONSTRATIONS IN MANDALAY 

26.05.00
 . 
Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, Oslo, in Burmese 1430 gmt 24 May 
00 Text of report by Burmese opposition radio on 24th May.  
Translation by BBC.

According to reports from Mandalay residents received just before the 
DVB [Democratic Voice of Burma] goes on air, some Buddhist monks are 
holding anti-SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] 
demonstrations in Mandalay and troops have been deployed throughout 
the city.

According to eyewitness accounts given to DVB, SPDC troops have been 
deployed around Eindawyar Temple, Setlaykhan Zayat, Shwekyeemyin 
Temple, Setkyarphayar Temple, Maha Myatmuni Temple, Zegyo Market, and 
the Clock Tower. It is also learned that anti-SPDC slogans have been 
sprayed on the walls in Mandalay.

The Monks' Union of Mandalay has issued a statement, threatening to 
stage a march nationwide if the call for dialogue between the SPDC 
and the NLD is not met by tomorrow. Although it is not known whether 
the current demonstrations are linked to the demand of the monks' 
union, the SPDC has placed rigid restrictions on the movement of the 
monks in recent days. According to a report received by the DVB, SPDC 
military intelligence agents searched three teaching monasteries in 
Monywa recently and forced the monks to sign a statement saying they 
will not participate in the monks movement in May. When the monks 
refused to sign, five monks were arrested. There are rumours that 
Monywa-Mandalay road would be closed and the monks are forbidden to 
travel to Mandalay.

According to additional reports received by DVB, SPDC military 
intelligence unit No 5 is looking for five monks in Moulmein. The 
monks are suspected to be involved in the current movement of the 
monks. DVB correspondent Htet Aung Kyaw interviewed U Khema Sara, 
chairman of the Young Monks Union, and asked about his views on the 
demonstrations.

[U Khema Sara] We heard about the demonstration. We believe that the 
demonstrations took place because of the arrest of 40 monks. We have 
also heard about [demonstrations]in Monywa and Tavoy in Tenasserim 
Division. The monks are not planning only today. We learned about it 
from the 99-Days Declaration of Mandalay monks. In the course of 99 
days, the monks have revealed (?their plan) and held talks with 
students. The monks inside the country believed that they have linked 
up with mass organizations inside the country.

[Htet Aung Kyaw] From what we see, there is no indication that the 
SPDC will hold talks as demanded by the monks. If the talks do not 
take place on 25th [May] will there be demonstrations on 26th [May]?

[Khema Sara] According to the reports we received, the 
[demonstrations] would take place before 26th May. It will take place 
certainly. We learned that demonstrations will spread nationwide from 
21 strike centres. The monks are determined to make this happened, 
regardless of any difficulties. Even if strike centres cannot be set 
up in areas under tight restrictions, they will set up in areas where 
there are no tight restrictions. 
[Htet Aung Kyaw] The SPDC claims that the reports on the monks 
activities inside the country are just rumours and propaganda spread 
by the monks outside the country. They are saying nothing is 
happening. What is your view on this?

[Khema Sara] If the leaflets originated from the border area, they 
need not worry about it inside the country. The threat to crush the 
monks cannot be related to the small act of distributing leaflets. 
There is a tension of sort inside the country. That is why they 
threatened on 19th May [at a press conference] to use force if the 
monks demonstrate. Any kind of leaflets can be distributed at the 
border area. If they threaten to take action every time leaflets are 
distributed, the situation will be complicated. [End of recording].






DVB : REGIME SPREADS CRACK-DOWN ON MONKS TO PROVINCIAL TOWN 

Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, Oslo, in Burmese 1430 gmt 25 May 
00 Text of report by Burmese opposition radio on 25th May

The SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] has not only issued 
strict orders to monasteries in the major cities of Rangoon, 
Mandalay, and Pegu, but also to monasteries in Mergui. DVB 
[Democratic Voice of Burma] correspondent Myint Maung Maung reports 
on the latest situation as follows: 

Col Tin Maung Shwe, chairman of Mergui District Peace and Development 
Council, Tenasserim Division, has ordered a ban on morning alms 
collecting rounds at dawn by monks. The monks made their morning alms 
rounds at dawn in a group of 20 to 40 from 17th to 21st May and 
chanted Metta Paritta [Chanting on loving kindness]. and prayed for 
mental and physical well-being of the people and freedom from anxiety.

Col Tin Maung Shwe, Mergui District chairman, issued a restriction 
order on movement within the township on 22nd May and the monks have 
not been able to make their alms rounds at dawn. Since the evening of 
22nd May, five armed police have been stationed at each monastery and 
military trucks carrying soldiers have been on patrol in the town.

It is also reported that the authorities carried out searches and 
conducted interrogations at monasteries in Tavoy, Mergui, and 
Kawthaung on 24th May. 






CBC NEWS: A DECADE LATER, BURMA WAITS FOR DEMOCRACY 

WebPosted Mon May 29 00:49:49 2000 

RANGOON-- People in Burma mark a sad anniversary this weekend. Ten 
years after voting overwhelmingly in favour of a democratic 
government, the country is still ruled by the military. 

After 10 years of economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations, 
the country has gone from being one of Asia's richest countries to 
one of its poorest. Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi says the 
decade has not been wasted because it has focused attention on the 
military's disregard for human rights. 

"Because we have not achieved democracy does not mean there has been 
no change," she says. "There is a greater awareness of human rights 
violations. 

"The military regime is now seen more clearly for what it is ù a 
regime that has established itself by force, and which has not been 
able to solve the problems of this country." But the man in charge, 
General David Abel, strongly denies the accusation that people are 
being mistreated.  
"They're asking for human rights and all these things," he says. "We 
don't have any problems with human rights." 

Burma, also known as Myanmar, has been ruled by the military for 
almost 40 years. The Opposition party is confident change will come. 
But the generals, who are equally determined, have 400,000 troops on 
their side.  

The U.S. charge d'affaires, Priscilla Pratt*, predicts the standoff 
will drag on until the two sides agree to talk. 

"The key step, the one we are all waiting for and pressing for, is 
dialogue," she says. 
"The military regime has to engage in serious dialogue with the 
democratic opposition. If they take that one move, anything can 
happen," according to Pratt. 
 

[* BurmaNet adds: The US charge's name is Priscilla Clapp, not Pratt]





GOVT of CANADA: CANADA MARKS 10TH ANNIVERSARY OF LAST DEMOCRATIC 
ELECTIONS IN BURMA 

May 26, 2000

Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy and Secretary of State (Asia-
Pacific) Raymond Chan today marked, with regret, the 10th anniversary 
of the national election held in Burma. The results of that election, 
the first held since the military takeover in 1962, gave the National 
League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, 80 percent of the 
total number of parliamentary seats. Those results, however, were 
overturned by the military rulers.

"It is time for the Burmese regime to bring an end to a decade's 
worth of empty promises," said Mr. Axworthy. "Meaningful dialogue 
involving all concerned parties, including Aung San Suu Kyi, is long 
overdue. The recent arrests and imprisonment of National League for 
Democracy parliamentarians who were elected in 1990 is yet another 
impediment to a just and fair resolution to the impasse."  

"We condemn the serious human rights situation in Burma and the 
regime's continued harassment of suspected democracy supporters," 
said Mr. Chan. "The record of the military rulers is unacceptable. 
The people of Burma made their choice abundantly clear 10 years ago. 
It is time that their wishes were respected."

Canadian bilateral aid to Burma was suspended in 1988, following the 
army's massacre of thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators in 
Rangoon. Canada has also put in place selective trade measures, 
including the withdrawal of Burma's General Preferential Tariff 
eligibility and the restriction of Canadian exports to humanitarian 
goods.

Both Mr. Axworthy and Mr. Chan noted that Canada is engaged, with 
others in the international community, in ongoing discussions about 
ways and means to advance the cause of national reconciliation, 
democracy and human rights in Burma.


http://webapps.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/minpub/Publication.asp?
FileSpec=/Min_Pub_Do cs/103397.htm
                                             



GOVT of CANADA: CANADA AND BURMA

May 2000

By the Dept of Foreign Affairs and International Trade


The human rights situation in Burma continued to deteriorate in 1999. 
Violations of human rights, on a wide scale, include extrajudicial 
and arbitrary killing, torture, arbitrary arrests and detention, 
deaths in custody, absence of due process of law, severe restrictions 
on freedoms of opinion, expression, assembly and association, and 
violations of freedom of movement. A
1998 International Labour Organization (ILO) report noted clear 
evidence of the pervasive use of forced labour and child labour in 
Burma. 

The humanitarian crisis on the Thai-Burma border caused by fleeing 
Burmese refugees, coupled with repressive measures taken by Burma's 
ruling military regime against the pro-democracy movement, continue 
to threaten regional security. Illicit drug production and 
trafficking is a growing problem in the region, with Burma remaining 
the largest source of illegal heroin entering
North America.

Canada deplores the human rights violations in Burma and has sought 
to encourage national reconciliation and the restoration of 
democracy. Canada's policy is designed to support democratic reform, 
alleviate the suffering of refugees and curb the production and 
trafficking of drugs. To this end, Canada supports United Nations 
initiatives, enforces selective economic measures against Burma, 
maintains dialogue with all parties involved and provides 
humanitarian assistance to victims fleeing the conflict.

What has Canada Done?

Canada has repeatedly called on Burma's military regime to engage in 
substantive political dialogue with the leaders of the democracy 
movement and the ethnic minorities, in order to re-establish 
democracy in Burma. Canada supports the efforts of the UN Secretary-
General to promote such dialogue. 

In 1988, Canada suspended bilateral aid to Burma following the 
massacre of pro-democracy demonstrators by the army. In 1997, Canada 
announced further economic measures against Burma to convey the 
government's concerns over the suppression of political freedom and  
our frustration with Burma's failure to curb the production and 
trafficking of illegal drugs. Canada withdrew Burma's General 
Preferential Tariff eligibility and placed Burma on the Area Control 
List (the only export approvals since have been humanitarian goods). 
Minister Axworthy also called on Canadian firms not to trade or 
invest in Burma until improvements are evident. Since 1991/1992, 
Canada has provided $14.4 million in aid to Burmese refugees in 
Bangladesh and in Thailand, and is funding, through the Canadian 
International Development Agency's peacebuilding fund, various 
activities of the National Coalition Government of the Union of 
Burma, the government-in-exile.

Since 1997, there have been three roundtable discussions on Canada's 
policy towards Burma involving government officials and the non-
governmental organization (NGO) and academic communities.  

Burma is the world's second largest producer of opium after 
Afghanistan, and the source of most of the illegal heroin entering 
Canada. On July 30, 1999, Minister Axworthy announced Canada's 
willingness to engage Burma in a single sector, narcotics, in 
conjunction with other ASEAN countries. As a result, in conjunction 
with partners in Southeast Asia, Canada is examining how it can 
address this problem through initiatives which are largely diplomatic 
and multilateral in nature. Canada will not engage the Burmese 
military regime directly or bilaterally. Canada's ambassador 
accredited to Burma regularly meets with Aung San Suu Kyi to consult 
with her on this and other matters. 

On May 15, 2000, the Centre for Canadian Foreign Policy Development, 
in conjunction with the Department of Foreign Affairs and 
International Trade, held a roundtable discussion in Vancouver on 
Burma and drugs with a wide range of Canadian and international 
experts, including health and police officials, journalists, 
academics, representatives of international drug control 
organizations and NGOs. The main focus was the impact in Canada of 
the Burmese drug trade.

Why Burma?

Canada's promotion of international human rights is founded on our 
long-standing principle of effective influence. Dialogue and 
engagement generally offer the best vehicle to effect change. We have 
established bilateral human rights dialogue with countries, such as 
China, Cuba and Indonesia.

However, dialogue is impossible without a willing partner. Burma's 
ruling State Peace and Development Council has consistently rebuffed 
efforts by Canada and other countries to engage in dialogue.






THE JAPAN TIMES: MYANMAR'S LOST DECADE

Saturday, May 27, 2000
EDITORIAL


Ten years ago today, Myanmar had a brief taste of democracy. It was a 
heady experience: Prodemocracy activists decisively rejected the 
military junta that had ruled for 28 years. Stunned, the cabal then 
rejected that verdict, imprisoned its opponents and shut down the 
country. And so things stand today. The military holds the country in 
a vicelike grip, refusing to compromise, determined to stay in power 
no matter what the cost. And the cost grows higher with every passing 
day. 

The military first seized power in 1962, ending the brief period of 
democratic rule that had begun when the country won its independence 
from Britain in 1948. Violent protest brought that junta down in 
1988, but it was replaced by another generation of generals. Efforts 
to restore order failed, and in a bid to gain international 
legitimacy -- and confident that the military would win -- elections 
were held in 1990.  

The results were unequivocal. Nearly three-quarters of the voters 
turned out to reject the junta. Instead, the prodemocracy National 
League for Democracy won 392 of the 485 parliamentary seats. The 
military-sponsored National United Party won just 10 places. 

The military may have been stunned, but it wasted no time in 
overturning the results. Mass arrests of NLD leaders followed. Ms. 
Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of independence leader Aung San and head 
of the prodemocracy movement, was put under house arrest until 1995. 
Her unwavering commitment to democracy and to a peaceful transition 
of power in Myanmar won her the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize and the 
junta's unwavering hostility. 
The government in Myanmar is easy to dislike. Its rejection of 
democracy, its corruption and its brutal violations of human rights 
have made it a pariah state. But geopolitical considerations -- 
notably fear that Myanmar would fall under China's influence -- 
obliged the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to offer 
membership. In addition, ASEAN governments, as well as Japan, have 
tried to engage Myanmar's leaders in an attempt to moderate their 
behavior. They have had little effect.  

The military has not wavered. It still refuses to speak with Ms. Suu 
Kyi and considers her a traitor for calling upon foreign governments 
to isolate the junta. It continues to pressure NLD members to leave 
the party. It is steadfast in its belief that only it can speak for 
the nation. The government, now named the State Peace and Development 
Council (although it offers neither peace nor development), demands 
that the Parliament convene to ratify a constitution that would 
legitimate military rule. Reportedly, the document is modeled after 
the one that propped up the Suharto regime in Indonesia. That alone 
should speak for its merit.  

The bitter fruits of this lost decade will last long beyond the junta 
that squandered Myanmar's riches. Burma was one of the richest 
countries in Asia; Myanmar is one of the poorest. In addition to the 
lost economic opportunities, the corruption and the poverty, the 
leadership's fear of unrest has forced it to virtually close down the 
country's educational system. Unrest has typically taken root in the 
universities; to cut off the possibility of future protest, these 
have been closed on a sporadic basis since the summer of 1988. The 
government bans large gatherings. That makes classes difficult. Two-
thirds of students attend only correspondence courses. 

Just as damaging is the loss of democratic values. Although the 
military has ruled Myanmar since 1962, for a 14-year span before that 
the country enjoyed a parliamentary democracy. That experience is a 
distant memory now.  

The military hopes that its obstinacy will wear out its opponents at 
home and abroad. But neither seems to be weakening. This week, the 
International Labor Organization sent a delegation to the country 
after an investigation found the government had resorted to forced 
labor or "modern-day slavery." There are reports that up to 800,000 
Myanmar citizens have been conscripted for forced labor with little 
or no pay.  

After the ILO threatened to urge condemnation at its annual 
conference this month, the junta agreed to talks with ILO 
representatives. The Japanese government, which recently offered 
Yangon an aid package, said it would support the government in Yangon 
if the junta continued a dialogue with the ILO to avoid possible 
sanctions. 

But the government followed that move with another to show its true 
intentions. There are reports of a new crackdown against the 
opposition: Several dozen prodemocracy activists have been arrested, 
as well as a number of monks who were protesting the junta. If the 
government hopes that it will outlast its opponents, it is mistaken. 
But being wrong does not seem to bother the generals in Yangon. 

DAILY YOMIURI (JAPAN) WORLD MUST JOINTLY ENGAGE MYANMAR 


May 29, 2000.

Myanmar, the only country in Southeast Asia under military rule, on 
Saturday marked the 10th anniversary of its May 27, 1990, democratic 
general election.  

But the occasion brought nothing but grim reminders of the gross 
injustice meted out by the country's military when it refused to 
recognize the overwhelming election triumph of the National League 
for Democracy, the prodemocracy political movement led by Aung San 
Suu Kyi, its secretary general.  	

Although the international community has been intensifying pressure 
over the prolonged military rule, there is no likelihood of a 
resumption of dialogue between the NLD and the military junta--a 
development wanted by many in Myanmar and the international 
community.  
Rather, the military regime has been strengthening its rigid control, 
showing no signs at all of accepting civilian rule. Under such 
circumstances, the prodemocracy movement feels increasingly 
frustrated.  

The people of Myanmar have been faced with serious hardship because 
of the country's deteriorating economic situation, a plight 
compounded by the dwindling inflow of foreign investment in the wake 
of the Asian economic crisis.  
Beneath the surface of Myanmar society may linger dangerous pent-up 
discontent. Time and again, universities have been closed--and later 
reopened--because of the regime's fears that school campuses could 
become hotbeds of antigovernment sentiment. Against this backdrop, 
the country's young people are in a state of despair with little hope 
for their future. A dire omen.  
Heading for the edge 			

The regime will not be able to indefinitely suppress such discontent, 
even with the threat of miliary force. Unless confrontation between 
the military and the prodemocracy movement is superseded by dialogue, 
Myanmar's societal time bomb will continue ticking until it explodes. 
The military regime has displayed a confident determination to 
maintain peace and order in the country, but such order is only 
superficial.  It is natural for the international community to feel 
increasingly concerned about the ongoing situation in Myanmar.  

Other parts of Southeast Asia are now entering a new age of democracy 
as the effects of the economic crisis--the cause of turmoil in the 
region--have dissipated and political uncertainty in Cambodia appears 
to have been settled. If Myanmar erupts, regional security will be 
endangered.  
This view is shared not only by Japan and Myanmar's fellow member 
countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations but also by 
the United States and the European Union.  
Diverging paths of diplomacy 

A diplomatic drive is under way to break Myanmar's political 
deadlock. The aim is to get the military and representatives of the 
country's people to sit down at the negotiating table. This 
initiative is being pursued by Japan, which believes the best 
approach is constructive engagement, while European countries and the 
United States prioritize the strengthening of sanctions against 
Myanmar.  

The engagement policy resulted in the first meeting between 
government leaders of Japan and Myanmar in 15 years, when then Prime 
Minister Keizo Obuchi and military leader Than Shwe, chairman of 
Myanmar's State Peace and Development Council, met in Manila last 
autumn during an ASEAN summit. Obuchi pledged Japan's support for 
economic structural reforms in Myanmar and the two leaders agreed to 
establish a council of relevant representatives of both sides.  
Obuchi restricted his promises to Myanmar to humanitarian aid, but 
his offer of economic assistance to help the country's people was a 
de facto message of a political nature. His move deserves 
appreciation as a forward-looking measure.  

It is glaringly evident, however, that any policy pursued toward 
Myanmar is hobbled by the regime's characteristic all-out resistance 
to external pressure.  
But Japan, the EU, the United States and ASEAN must not be daunted by 
the task, and should unite to engage Myanmar.  

July's summit of the Group of Eight major powers in Okinawa 
Prefecture--during which Asian concerns will also be on the agenda--
will offer Japan a good opportunity to coordinate with global 
partners on policy toward Myanmar.  
(From May 29 Yomiuri Shimbun)





ALTSEAN:  TO JUNTA-- RELEASE MPS, CRPP MEMBER, ACTIVISTS
"THAIS SHOULD NOT PANDER TO JUNTA EITHER"

[Abridged]

May 27, 2000

Bangkok, Sat: -- A network of Southeast Asian human rights groups 
today warned that increasing pressure by the Burmese junta on the 
democracy movement would only boomerang on them in the long term. 

"The junta should release the jailed Members of Parliament, and 
activists, including dissident monks. Tightening the screws on people 
will only result in greater resentment and hatred. It will not bode 
well for the long-term safety of the junta. People become desperate 
when they have less to lose," said Altsean-Burma coordinator Debbie 
Stothard. Her comments were made to mark the 10th anniversary of 
Burma's general elections. 

Ms Stothard also expressed grave concern for the well-being of U Aye 
Tha Aung who has been held incommunicado for over a month. U Aye Tha 
Aung represents four ethnic nationality parties (Shan Nationality 
eague for Democracy, Arakan League for Democracy, Mon National 
Democracy Front and Zomi National Congress) on the Committee 
Representing the Peoples Parliament....

Ms Stothard also urged the Thai authorities to cease its heavy-
handedness against peaceful political protests by Burmese 
dissidents. "Such clampdowns will only give credence to the view that 
peaceful, political actions are futile. Persecuting and driving peace 
activists further underground is asking for trouble. It also panders 
to the junta which actually hasn't done Thailand any favours either." 


MUL: HONGSAVATOI ANNIVERSARY REMEMBERED IN MON SCHOOLS

[Abridged]

  SANGKHLABURI, May 25 (MUL) -- Graduation exercises were scheduled 
to take  place for over 40,000 students in Mon language summer 
schools in southern  Mon state on May 25.  In Mudon township alone 
12,000 were expected to  complete the study program and another 
10,000 in Ye township. 

  In many cases, the schools are run by Mon monasteries in co-
operation with  local education committees.   Programs in most areas 
have to conducted in  the summer break because of military government 
restrictions on instruction  in the Mon language and literature 
during the regular school year... 

  Mons were holding their breath to see whether the military 
authorities  would clamp down on the graduation ceremonies or allow 
them to go ahead.   In February, in Rangoon plans for the celebration 
of Mon National Day were  curtailed by direct order of the military 
authorities.

  Members of the Monland Restoration Council (MRC) in Fort Wayne and  
Philadelphia
 marked the Hongsavatoi anniversary by mounting a demonstration in 
front of  the junta embassy in Washington.

  A statement issued by the Mon Community of Canada in Vancouver 
called for  the results of the 1990 elections in Burma to be 
recognized and restoration  of full rights to the Mon National 
Democratic Front, presently outlawed.






RSF: TEN YEARS OF CONTEMPT FOR PRESS FREEDOM

[Abridged] 

SOURCE: Reporters sans frontieres (RSF), Paris

(RSF/IFEX) - The following is a 25 May 2000 RSF press release: 
May 1990 - May 2000

Ten years of contempt for press freedom in Burma

On 27 May 1990 the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Nobel 
Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, won more than 80% of the vote 
in the legislative elections. But the ruling military junta, in power 
since 1988, has never recognised the party's victory.

Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF) condemns those ten years, during 
which freedom of speech has been spurned in Burma. The military junta 
has deprived the Burmese people of any objective news and has 
violated the rights of Burmese and foreign journalists to practise 
their profession freely. Torture, severe jail sentences, murder, 
threats and censorship are commonplace, and Burma is still the 
country that is keeping the most journalists in prison.

Four journalists have died in jail

During the past ten years, four journalists have died at the hands of 
the Burmese security services. The methods used by the Burmese army 
and police have frequently been condemned by human rights 
organisations. Cruelty, physical and psychological torture, rape and 
extra judiciary executions are common practice against dissidents and 
members of rebel movements. 
Journalists have not been spared by these serious violations of human 
rights. In 1991, Ne Win and U Ba Thaw died in jail. Despite denials 
by the authorities, torture and appalling conditions were probably 
responsible for their deaths. On 14 May 1991 the Rangoon authorities 
told a press conference that Ne Win, correspondent of the Japanese 
daily Asahi Shimbun, had died in prison from cyrrhosis of the liver. 
He had been held since 24 October 1990. The military accused him of 
sympathising with the opposition, but he was never formally charged 
or tried. A month later, U Ba Thaw (also known as Maung Thaw Ka), a 
press cartoonist and member of the NLD's executive committee, died in 
jail - from a heart attack, according to the authorities. 
Seven years later, in August 1998, U Saw Win, editor of the daily 
Botahtaung, died of a heart attack in Tharrawady prison. Relatives 
said he had not been receiving the medical treatment he needed. U Saw 
Win had been sentenced to ten years' imprisonment in 1990.

In September 1999, U Thar Win, a photographer with the government 
newspaper Kyemon, died at a secret service detention centre. Arrested 
along with about ten colleagues, he was reported to have been beaten 
up. The newspaper had just published - by mistake, according to 
several sources - a photograph of General Khin Nyunt, the junta's 
strongman, alongside a report headlined "The world's biggest crook". 
The authorities claimed that U Thar Win had also died of cirrhosis of 
the liver.

The authorities have never given the journalists' families precise 
and credible information about the circumstances of their deaths. One 
thing is certain: in several published documents the United Nations' 
special rapporteur on Burma has said that torture is common at Insein 
and Tharawaddy prisons, where three of the four journalists were held.

Some 20 journalists imprisoned

On 17 October 1990 Ohn Kyaing, also known as Aung Wint, a journalist 
with Hanthawathi and a member of parliament for the NLD, was arrested 
by soldiers for condemning the bloody repression of demonstrations by 
Buddhist monks in Mandalay in August 1988. He was sentenced on the 
same day to seven years in prison for "writing and distributing 
seditious leaflets" and "writing an anti-government article". On 15 
May 1991 he was sentenced to a further ten years under article 5, 
sections (a), (b) and (j), of the emergency law. 
12 journalists are currently jailed in Burma. Twenty have been jailed 
in the last ten years. Most of them were given severe sentences 
simply for practising their profession and supporting the NLD. 
Arrests, violent interrogation, degrading prison conditions, torture 
of male prisoners, humiliation and summary trials are the methods 
used by the security services and military courts to gag opposition 
journalists. Those who have tried to give the United Nations' special 
rapporteur information about prison conditions have been given 
additional terms. This happened to Myo Myint Nyein, who was sentenced 
to an extra seven years in March 1996 for passing on documents to the 
special rapporteur, particularly about ill-treatment at Insein jail.

On 25 May 2000, 12 journalists were in prison in Burma: U Sein Hla 
Oo, arrested in August 1994 and sentenced to 14 years, Soe Thein, 
arrested in May 1996 under article 10 (a) of the State Protection 
Law, U Thein Tan, arrested in 1990 and sentenced to a total of ten 
years, U Tha Ban, sentenced to seven years in March 1997, U Win Tin, 
arrested in July 1989 and later sentenced to 15 years, Sonny (Khin 
Maung Win), arrested in June 1997, Myo Myint Nyein and U Sein Hlaing, 
arrested in September 1990 and sentenced to a total of 14 years, U 
Ohn Kyaing, jailed and sentenced to 17 years in 1990, Daw San San 
Nweh, arrested in August 1994 and sentenced to ten years, Cho Seint, 
arrested and sentenced to seven years in 1996, and Aung Zin Min, 
arrested and sentenced to seven years in 1996.

Media under the junta's boot

In 1988 the Burmese press, which was spearheading the struggle for 
democracy, enjoyed a revival of freedom. From August onwards, 
hundreds of publications began appearing in the streets of Rangoon. 
Journalists wrote about the activities of the opposition, cartoonists 
poked fun at the military regime and - even more astonishing - the 
state media referred to pro-democracy demonstrations. Rigid 
propaganda melted away and the press, often produced with scant 
resources, broke free of its chains. On 18 September a coup d'etat by 
the SLORC (the original name of the military junta) put an end to 
these new freedoms. Newspapers were banned and their staff were 
hunted by the police. Official propaganda once again took precedence, 
extolling the virtues of the Tatmadaw, the Burmese army. 
The repression of the opposition, started in September 1988, left 
more than 3,000 dead, and was stepped up further after May 1990. The 
media were also victims of SLORC brutality, with publications banned, 
reporters sacked and arrested, foreign journalists thrown out of the 
country, and so on. At least four dailies and two news magazines were 
closed down, not to mention the many home-produced publications that 
had flourished briefly during the revival of freedoms.

Only the Burmese-language programmes broadcast by the British 
Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Voice of America, Radio Free Asia and 
Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), plus a very few foreign newspapers 
from China and Thailand, enable the Burmese to escape from official 
propaganda. A few dissident publications produced abroad are 
distributed secretly, or in very restricted circles. People sometimes 
pay dearly for reading or listening to banned media. On 19 January 
2000, 70-year-old U Than Chaum was sentenced to two years in jail for 
having a radio tuned to the Voice of America's Burmese-language 
programmes in the tea rooms he owns in She-boo, northern Burma.

Scandalous laws against freedom of expression

In 1990 the SLORC began stricter enforcement of legislation against 
the media. Using laws adopted during the dictatorship of General Ne 
Win, such as the 1962 press law which introduced the Press Scrutiny 
Board (PSB), the official body responsible for censorship, the junta 
kept news under strict control. The law also enables anyone working 
for a publication that contains "inaccurate ideas" to be sentenced to 
up to seven years in prison. 
Law no. 5/96, which came into force in June 1996, allowed the army to 
pass jail sentences of up to 20 years on anyone writing or passing on 
information "endangering state security, social peace and the 
superiority of law and order".

Also in 1996, the junta promulgated two laws stepping up censorship: 
one on "the development of computer science" and another 
on "television and video". Both provided for heavy sentences for the 
offence of using electronic media to transfer "unauthorised 
information". Computer owners were required to have a licence. In 
January 2000, the state-run MPT (Myanmar Posts and 
Telecommunications) introduced new regulations covering use of the 
Internet which banned the transfer of political news and comment 
and "information harmful to the government". Offenders face up to 15 
years in prison. 

No criticism of the army or the junta is tolerated. The government 
aims to control journalists right down to the words they write: after 
changing the name of the country and its cities by decree in 
1989, "democracy" and "human rights" were struck off the list of 
officially permitted vocabulary. It is also forbidden to mention the 
names of jailed or exiled writers and journalists, and to publish 
their work. A prime example is the writing of Daw San San Nweh, which 
has been banned since she was first arrested in 1989.

The international media: "enemies of Burma"

On the eve of the elections of 27 May 1990 the Burmese authorities 
gave way to international pressure and granted 61 visas to allow 
foreign journalists to cover the poll. But reporters from the 
American dailies The New York Times and The Washington Post, the BBC 
and All India Radio had their visa requests refused.

Since then many foreign journalists have been described by the 
Rangoon authorities as "enemies of Burma", and at least 15 have been 
expelled. In April 2000 Jean-Claude Buhrer of the French daily Le 
Monde was refused a tourist visa by the Burmese embassy in Thailand. 
An embassy official told him his name was on a blacklist of reporters 
barred from entering the country because he had published "hostile 
articles", particularly after Burma was condemned by the United 
Nations Commission on Human Rights a few weeks earlier. In 1990 the 
journalist had been expelled from Rangoon. 

Burmese correspondents of foreign media are victims of repression 
too. Ne Min, a lawyer and stringer for the BBC, was kept in jail for 
eight years. The junta also puts pressure on the foreign 
correspondents of international news agencies. In July 1996 General 
Aye Kyaw, the Burmese information minister, summoned correspondents 
whom he accused of being "unpatriotic" and threatened them with 
sanctions. At the time the Foreign Correspondents' Club in Rangoon 
had only one foreign member, the Chinese representative of the 
official Xinhua news agency.

Some Burmese officials do not hesitate to threaten to kill foreign 
journalists. For example, in an article that appeared in a government 
publication in May 1990 under the pen name of Bo Thannami, 
information minister U Soe Nyunt threatened that reporters who failed 
to respect "journalistic ethics and the rules of sovereignty" would 
be killed. He referred in particular to Bertil Lintner, a reporter 
with the news magazine Far Eastern Economic Review, who had been 
investigating guerrilla movements. 




BSG NORWAY: CAMPAIGN-- TO BE ELECTED SHOULD NOT BE A CRIME

[Abridged] 
May 27, 2000

Today is the 10th anniversary of the 1990 election, but the 
oppression against members of the NLD and other political activists 
is as harsh as ever. On this occasion, we would like to request you 
to send a letter to General Than Shwe, asking for the immdiate and 
unconditional release of Dr. Saw Mra Aung and U Aye Thar Aung as an 
act of sympathy with the pro-democracy movemement. 

Why Dr. Saw Mra Aung and U Aye Thar Aung? They have both been playing 
a key role in the pro-democracy movement, and the Committee 
Representing People's Parliament (CRPP), founded by the NLD and 4 
other ethnic political parties in 1998. 

U SAW MRA AUNG, aged 82, is a retired medical doctor. He was elected 
to parliament in 1990. U Saw Mra Aung was arrested in September 1998 
because of his nominations as president of a symbolic parliament. He 
is considered a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International. 
There is considerable concern about his health, due to bad prison 
conditions in Burma and his age.  
U AYE THAR AUNG is the secretary of the CRPP, and represents the four 
political parties that joined with the NLD. He was arrested in April 
1990 and taken to an unknown location. His family and colleagues have 
not been allowed to contact him. The reasons for his arrest are 
unknown.  
We have created a web-based campaign that we hope you'll take a 
closer look at. Please click at http://www.communique.no/burma2000/ 
and you will find further information on this campaign. In addition, 
you will find a sample letter to General  Than Shwe, that you can 
send by email or ordinary mail.


ABSDF, et. al.: BURMA GROUPS IN INDIA ADOPT RESOLUTION SUPPORTING CRPP

May 27, 2000

Burmese Democracy Forces observed  The 10th anniversary of the 1900 
General Elections of Burma at Churachandpur in Manipur. The 
representatives of AISF (All India Students' Federation).  CHRO (Chin 
Human Right Organization) and intellectuals from Churachandpur 
district participated on this occasion. From this occasion, 
unanimously adopted the resolutions are as follow. We strongly demand 
to SPDC;

1. To reorganize the 1990 General Election result
2. To release U Aye Tha Aung , the Secretary of CRPP and all 
political prisoners immediately 3. Not to crack down violently upon 
the movement of Buddhist monks 4. To stop the operation upon the 
ethnic nationalities and the people of Burma. 
We would like to request the entire people of Burma to cooperate with 
CRPP in order to implement the 1900 General Elections result. We 
would like to call upon the international community to support the 
CRPP and to pressure the SPDC in various espects of Economic, 
Politic, Social etc. for peaceful Democratization in Burma. 
1. All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF)
2. All Burma Students' League (ABSL)
3. Burmese Women Union (BWU)
4. Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO)
4. Zomi Re-unification Organization (ZRO)
5. Naga National League for Democracy (NNLD)
6. All India Student Federation (AISF)

(Note:        CRPP= Committee Representing People Parliament) 




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