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[theburmanetnews] BurmaNet News: Ju
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Subject: [theburmanetnews] BurmaNet News: July 21, 2000
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________
July 21, 2000
Issue # 1581
The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com
*Inside Burma
AUNG SAN SUU KYI: MESSAGE TO DELEGATIONS PARTICIPATING AT THE 33RD
ASEAN MINISTERIAL MEETING & 7TH ASEAN REGIONAL FORUM
AFP: MYANMAR ARRESTS 400, SEIZES MORE THAN 10 MILLION AMPHETAMINE
PILLS
*Regional
THE NATION: APOLITICAL BURMESE STUDENTS PREFERRED
THE NATION: FAST FOOD UNDER WRAPS
THE NATION: ASEAN HAS NEW POWER BUT ALSO COMPLICATIONS
XINHUA: PRC BANK FINANCES $60 MILLION CROSS-BORDER ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT LOAN
XINHUA: POLICE OFFICIAL CITES GOLDEN TRIANGLE AS GROWING THREAT TO
CHINA
XINHUA: BURMA'S THAN SHWE MEETS WITH HU JINTAO, SUPPORTS 'ONE CHINA'
*International
AP: EUROPEAN UNION TO INCREASE HUMANITARIAN AID TO MYANMAR
U.S. SENATE RESOLUTION: RECOGNITION OF ANNIVERSARY OF FREE AND FAIR
ELECTIONS IN BURMA
*Opinion/Editorials
THE NATION: NLD STAYS COMMITTED TO DEMOCRACY
THE NATION: CHINA CAN NO LONGER IGNORE THAI CONCERNS
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
AUNG SAN SUU KYI: MESSAGE TO DELEGATIONS PARTICIPATING AT THE 33RD
ASEAN MINISTERIAL MEETING & 7TH ASEAN REGIONAL FORUM
July 20, 2000
The following is the full text of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's message to
delegations participating at the 33rd Asean Ministerial Meeting & 7th
Asean Regional Forum to be held in Bangkok next week. The text was
sent to diplomatic missions in Bangkok yesterday. It is intended that
VCDs of the message will be distributed at the AMM venue on Monday,
July 24. For more information please call (thailand) 66 1 850 9008.
Media: please note sound quality of message is poor and not suitable
for broadcast.
TEXT for immediate release (July 20, 2000)
Message from Aung San Suu Kyi,
Nobel Laureate and General Secretary, National League for Democracy
(Burma)
To the 33rd Asean Ministerial Meeting & 7th Asean Regional Forum
Bangkok, Thailand . July, 2000
On the occasion of the Asean Ministerial Meeting, the National League
for Democracy would like to take the opportunity to once again reveal
the situation in our country. Burma is very much an integral part of
Southeast Asia. Whatever happens in our country will inevitably have
repercussions on the rest of the region. For this reason we are
particularly anxious that the Asean countries understand what is
really going on in Burma today. I do not think there is any necessity
for us to repeat what has already been said about human rights
violations, about the lack of the rule of law in this country.
On this occasion I would like to concentrate on other issues perhaps
less widely known. One of the main reasons why the National League
for Democracy and other forces within Burma believe that our country
needs a change to democratic system of politics is because we have
found through bitter an experience that authoritarian rule has not
brought any benefits to our country. At one time Burma was a leading
light. I have to confess that some of the Burmese people would like
to think that we were the leading light of Southeast Asia but these
days have vanished together with our democratic rights. We feel that
there is a need to restore stability and rule of law in Burma, not
only that our country may progress and our people may be happy, but
that that we may be able to contribute towards stability and progress
in our region.
We are aware that Asean countries, like many any other countries all
over the world are anxious that there should be stability and peace
in Burma. We are aware of the goodwill towards our country. We are
also aware of the difficulties in finding ways and means of bringing
about necessary changes in Burma. The National League for Democracy
and other forces working for democracy in Burma have always
understood that the struggle is mainly ours. It is our duty to do
what we can to bring about necessary changes in our country. But at
the same time, we know that it is no longer possible to isolate any
nation in this world today.
The links between the nations of this world today cannot be broken.
It cannot be broken without harm to peoples of all the countries
themselves. The troubles of Burma have spilled over our borders. They
have spilled over to the west to Bangladesh, over to the east to
Thailand. It is hardly necessary to reiterate what has been happening
in Thailand because of Burmese refugees and Burmese migrant workers.
So the days have passed when we can say that the troubles of one
country can be isolated and that the internal affairs of one country
are no concern of its neighbors. We believe that our Asean neighbors
understand this and at the same time we also know that the Asean
nations have to cope with the dilemma of respecting individual
sovereignty of nations as well as trying to make moves that would
benefit the whole region.
I would like to take the opportunity to explain why we believe that a
democratic Burma would help to bring peace and stability to this
region. First of all, a democratic government is an accountable
government, and as an accountable government whoever is ruling Burma
within a democratic system will have to ensure that there are good
relations with our neighbors, as well as good relations within the
country, between the different ethnic peoples of Burma. This is one
of the most important issues of our country, unity within the
nation. The National League for Democracy has established great
trust and friendship of different ethnic nationality groups. When the
Committee Representing the Peoples Parliament was formed two years
ago, four major ethnic nationality parties were represented on this
committee and over two years we have strengthened ties of friendship
and trust with our allies. This is an excellent augury for the future
Burma. All those who are interested in the stability of Burma should
encourage this development; the strong ties of friendship and trust
that we have been able to develop between different ethnic
nationalities in this country. We want also to establish strong and
friendly relations with all our neighbors. Since Burma achieved
independence in 1948, as a democratic regime, we have maintained good
relations with our neighbors, to the east to the west and to the
north. If there were any islands in the south, we would have
established good relations with them, too. This has always been our
policy, to maintain friendly relations with our neighbors based on
mutual understanding of each others' problems. And we are fully
confident that a democratic government will carry on with this
tradition.
We also want to talk about the matter of economic cooperation. The
Committee Representing the Peoples Parliament and the National League
for Democracy have brought out official papers on our attitude
towards our economy. We have tried to make our Asean neighbors as
well as the rest of world to understand that we believe in an open
market economy based on free and fair competition. We believe in a
kind of economy that will benefit the people of our country as well
as all those who have invested in our country. We are not anti-
business, we are not anti-investment but we are very anxious that
business and investment should be conducted in such a way as to be
beneficial to our people as well as to investors. There are many
people who question whether we have any plans for a democratic Burma.
It would be difficult in a short session like this to explain what
our plans are. But as I mentioned earlier, we have brought out
official papers laying out a program for a future democratic Burma.
Of necessity, it is very much a general program but they lay out our
views on the economy, on defense, on social services, particularly on
education and health, and on relations with the rest of the world. A
study of our papers I think, would make it obvious that a democratic
administration would have much to offer to the Asean region, not just
to the people of Burma.
It is I think also worth mentioning that a democratic government is
what is desired by the people of Burma. When they were allowed to
vote freely and fairly in 1990, they chose a democratic system of
government by voting overwhelmingly for the National League for
Democracy. To those who say that this was ten years ago, I would like
to say give us a chance to move freely, to operate freely as a
political party and we can ensure that the support of our people not
only is maintained but will increase. We are totally confident that
the people of Burma desire a system that will give them a healthy
balance between freedom and security. And this is the kind of balance
that we are trying to achieve through democratic processes.
The National League for Democracy and I think I myself personally,
have often been accused of being inflexible by those who are opposed
to a democratic transition. I think some members of Asean and other
nations are in the best position to know whether or not we are
inflexible. We have accepted suggestions by Asian countries and by
Asean countries with regard to compromises that should be made to
make dialogue possible between the military regime and ourselves. And
we accepted those compromises. Those who made those suggestions are
fully aware of who it was who refused to consider the compromises.
When we are accused of inflexibility, sometimes it surprises us. What
have we more to be flexible about? We have agreed to all reasonable
suggestions of compromise. The only thing to which we have not agreed
is the annihilation of our party and the crushing of the rights of
the peoples of Burma. To that we cannot agree because we are in honor
bound to protect those who have supported our party and supported our
movement for democracy. In other ways we have always been ready to
compromise for the good of our nation and for peace, stability and
harmony within our region. And this remains our firm policy; that
reasonable compromise which would promote peace, stability and
harmony within our country or within our region is always acceptable
to us. There is a difference between a readiness to compromise and a
readiness to kneel. We are not ready to kneel -- that we have to say
frankly , because by kneeling we would be letting down those who
trusted us to bring democracy to Burma. This would always be our aim.
When the NLD was founded we promised our people that this party has
been founded to bring democracy to Burma. So we have to keep our word
and we have to keep the trust of our people. But it does not mean
that the struggle for democracy is necessarily a struggle to bring
disunity between those who do not believe in what we are doing and
those who are supporting what we are doing. We have to learn that
there can be unity out of diversity. We have to learn that we can
find solutions that will be acceptable to all political forces
concerned. We believe that this is what the members of Asean would
also like -- that we shall be able to find a solution acceptable to
all concerned. We have made a number of suggestions in the past and
some members of the international community have also made
suggestions of their own but unfortunately the military regime has
not accepted any of these suggestions. However, I do not think that
there is any reason for us to be discouraged because I believe that
we are all working towards the same end -- a stable, harmonious
Burma that will be a source of pride, as well as a source of material
benefit to our neighbors and to the rest of the world. We intend to
keep working towards such a situation and we would like to invite all
the members of Asean to help us work towards such a situation. We do
not think that it is possible for our neighbors to ignore what is
going on in this country and certainly, we are not indifferent to the
views of our neighbors. The Committee Representing the Peoples
Parliament and National League for Democracy have always put great
importance and the necessity of maintaining good relations with our
neighbors and with the international community in general. We will
continue with our efforts to make our movement for democracy a
movement that is supported by all the peoples of the world because it
is a movement aimed at promoting not just material goods in this
world but also such spiritual satisfaction as can only be achieved
through peace and harmony.
I would like to end by thanking all those who have not forgotten the
need to take up the issues connected with Burma and who are truly and
sincerely trying to find solutions that could be acceptable for all
of us. Thank you very much.
____________________________________________________
AFP: MYANMAR ARRESTS 400, SEIZES MORE THAN 10 MILLION AMPHETAMINE
PILLS
July 21, 2000
Myanmar authorities have arrested nearly 400 people and seized a
massive haul of more than ten million amphetamine tablets in an anti-
drugs operation, state media reported Friday.
The raids were made by police, soldiers and customs officials last
month, TV Myanmar said in a broadcast monitored here.
A total of 397 suspects, including 71 women, were arrested and taken
to court under legislation that carries a maxium death penalty charge
for drug trafficking, it said.
10,344,000 amphetamine tablets were seized along with 1.2
kilogrammes (2.6 pounds) of heroin in the nationwide anti-narcotics
crackdown, according to the report.
The officials also confiscated nearly 123 kilogrammes (270 pounds)
of raw opium and 97 kilogrammes (213 pounds) of marijuana as well as
large quantities of heroin-refining chemicals and illegal medicines,
it said.
Myanmar is the world's largest producer of opium, from which heroin
is derived, accounting for over half of the global crop.
The ruling military junta has come under harsh international
criticism, particularly from the United States, for its alleged
involvement in the narcotics trade and failure to clamp down on
illegal drug producers.
But Myanmar's military regime denies the charges.
US officials say amphetamine production is growing alarmingly in
Myanmar satisfying a growing demand for the drug in neighbouring
countries, particularly Thailand.
The Thai army estimates that 600 million amphetamines pills were
smuggled into the country last year from jungle refineries inside the
Myanmar border
___________________________ REGIONAL ___________________________
THE NATION: APOLITICAL BURMESE STUDENTS PREFERRED
July 21, 2000
AUSTRALIA'S resettlement programme prefers Burmese students from
Thailand who have no political background and ambition, because of
concerns they may try to return to Thailand to cause trouble, a well-
informed source said yesterday.
Australia does not want trouble with Thailand caused by Burmese
students settling there and given an Australian passport later
conducting political activities on Thai soil, the source said.
"Canberra witnessed much chaos in Thailand, which was the work of
foreign dissidents who resettled in a third country under a UN
programme but returned to cause problems," the source said.
Australia is among the countries which have joined the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees' (UNHCR) programme to resettle Burmese
students from the Maneeloy detention centre in Ratchaburi province.
The Burmese students who enter the detention centre come under UN
protection as Persons of Concern. Only those at the centre are
eligible for resettlement in a third country. The UNHCR is
responsible for screening the Burmese students.
There are currently about 1,500 Burmese students at the Ratchaburi
centre.
The UNHCR said that as of yesterday, 54 students had gone to
Australia, 275 to the United States, 132 to New Zealand and 43 to
Canada.
Burmese students from the detention centre who enjoyed UN protection
have been involved in series of disturbances in Thailand. In January
this year, a group of Burmese students stormed a Ratchaburi hospital
and held medical personnel and patients hostage. In October last
year, a group of armed Burmese students seized the Burmese embassy in
Bangkok. They walked free to the border in exchange for the release
of hostages they had taken.
The latest incident is the raid on a Lao checkpost bordering Ubon
Ratchathani province by armed insurgents opposed to Laos' communist
government. The attack is believed to have been sponsored by Lao
refugees who were granted US citizenship.
"Canberra do not want this kind of trouble to be caused by Burmese
students granted Australian citizenship. It is afraid that this will
affect the bilateral relationship," the source said.
However, the source said, Australia did not lay this down as a
condition for the Burmese students to be granted resettlement. It
wants the UNHCR to conduct its screening in a way that ensures the
Burmese students who go to Australia are free of political background
and ambitions.
A UNHCR spokesman said that Australia, as the host country, had the
right to set criteria for those who resettle in its territory.
"[But] we are using different criteria in granting refugee status to
those who require UN protection," he said.
He cited the UN's 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees, which
states that a refugee is a person who is outside of the country of
their nationality "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted
for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a
particular social group, or political opinion".
Meanwhile, a senior Foreign Ministry source said the ministry had
already been informed of Australia's preference. He said this
condition could possibly delay the resettlement of Burmese students.
"Australia has the right to set any conditions for those who will
finally hold Australian citizenship. Howeve,r we hope that the
country would understand our conditions as well," he said.
"Considering Australia's preference, it seems that all Burmese
students in Maneeloy centre are not qualified for the resettlement in
Australia. It is unfair to the Burmese students and to Thailand as
well," he said.
Since all the students fled to Thailand because of political reasons,
it followed that they all had a political background. Moreover,
Thailand could not stop them from having political ambitions to help
their homeland, if they get a chance, the source said.
BY MARISA CHIMPRABHA
_________________________________________________
THE NATION: FAST FOOD UNDER WRAPS
July 21, 2000
AMPHETAMINE pills have been concealed in potato-chip bags, Huay Kwang
police said yesterday, after the arrest of a female Burmese
trafficker.
The disguised amphetamines were distributed to peddlers through
baggage-check counters at supermarkets throughout Bangkok, said Lt-
Colonel Somsakchai Amorncharoen.
The scheme was devised by Taiwanese trafficker Wang Wan Su and his
Burmese girlfriend, known by her Thai alias Anyarat Premkijjarak.
To elude police, traffickers checked their "potato-chip bags" at
supermarket counters. After they had completed the sale, they would
give the check-in tags to street peddlers, who then picked up the
packages and left.
Before cracking the case, police had tracked down and detained Wang,
who was in Bangkok General Hospital because of a driving accident.
When Anyarat visited the suspect in hospital, police trailed her to
an apartment used to store and package the illicit drugs.
Meanwhile police also seized 121,000 amphetamine tablets smuggled
across the Burmese border to Chiang Rai.
BY CHAIYAKORN BAI-NGERN
___________________________________________________
THE NATION: ASEAN HAS NEW POWER BUT ALSO COMPLICATIONS
July 21,2000
CHINESE scholars yesterday said the emergence of a new security
structure in East Asia had provided Asean with more room to manoeuvre
and given it more leverage when face to face with major powers.
But they added a warning: the complication resulting from the
regional balance of power readjustment will bring new uncertainties.
There has been vibrant movement towards economic integration among
Asean and three economies of East Asia - China, Japan and South
Korea - in response to the 1997 financial crisis, they said.
Yet there have been negative impacts, they said, from the US-driven
globalisation process, newly emerged South Asian nuclear powers, and
controversial humanitarian interventions.
Wang Zaibang of the China Institute of Contemporary International
Relations attributed the uncertainties facing the region to the
increasing competition among countries both inside and outside the
region to have a hand in regional affairs.
Wang and his Chinese colleagues yesterday joined Thai counterparts at
a seminar dubbed "Sino-Thai Ties, Relations and Peace in East Asia",
hosted by Thammasat University.
The Chinese foreign-affairs scholars also heaped criticism on the
United States' ongoing development and deployment of a ballistic
missile-defence system, particularly Theatre Missile Defence (TMD),
in East Asia.
They described it as a "Nato of the East in the making".
Deployment of such a system would severely undermine regional peace
and stability, they said.
TMD would reduce the reliability of current Chinese missiles and
those of other countries, they said, and trigger a new arms race.
It could also reverse nuclear disarmament and spark the collapse of
international nuclear non-proliferation, they said.
The US intention to deploy TMD with its allies - Japan, South Korea,
and possibly Taiwan - has created apprehension arounf the world, they
said, particularly in China.
China perceived the move as a veiled modern-day encirclement, they
said.
Coupled with the concern was Japan's deliberation about whether to
develop its own version of National Missile Defence (NMD), similar to
that of the US.
The US NMD plan is now awaiting permission to proceed after a recent
test failure.
Thammasat University's Chulacheeb Chinwanno said the region should
create a "missile-free zone" to ward off prospective threats from
missile development by various key players.
Chulacheeb suggested Thailand and China cooperate more closely with
all concerned parties to achieve a "regional order" by establishing
guiding norms and principles and enforcing mechanisms.
Both countries must also enhance their cooperation when it comes to
preventive diplomacy, he said.
In the past Sino-Thai relations were like "chess played on a single
chessboard, divided by different ideologies", Chulacheeb said.
But now the game was played on three different chessboards,
representing economic, political and security themes.
According to Chulacheeb, Beijing and Bangkok share a common interest
in all three themes.
For example, in political and security dimensions, characterised
as "the West versus the rest", both sides support a multipolar world
free of hegemony.
Wang Zaibang said it was in Thailand's best interests to play a
greater role in promoting regional peace and stability by upholding
justice, given its unique position and possession of all necessary
means to do so.
"It is imperative for countries like Thailand to do [this] if they
want to take some responsibility for regional peace and stability,"
he said.
"As a leader of Singapore said not long ago, the US government will
take all that it wants and take it for granted if every other country
gets used to saying yes," he said.
BY VORAPUN SRIVORANART
___________________________________________________
XINHUA: PRC BANK FINANCES $60 MILLION CROSS-BORDER ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT LOAN
July 18, 2000
The newly-established Kunming Branch of the Shanghai Pudong
Development Bank has launched its first loan package worth 500
million yuan (about 60million US dollars) to finance the cross-border
economic development along the Lancang-Mekong river, which flows
through southwest China's Yunnan Province down to Myanmar [Burma].
Zhou Weimin, deputy director of the Shanghai Government Economic
Cooperation Office, said here today that, as the country' s
commercial center, Shanghai will sustain its role in directing
investment to support economic development in the western region.
Shanghai's investment will focus on infrastructure, trade, tourism
and inviting skilled people to the river's valleys, Zhou said.
The Lancang-Mekong river runs through six countries -- China,
Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. There are 243 million
people living in the 2.33 million-sq-km river basins, which have
abundant hydropower, mineral and tourism resources.
Cross-border economic cooperation in the river valleys, launched in
the 1990s, has been expanded to embrace communications, energy,
telecommunications, tourism, environmental protection, trade,
investment, technology and anti-drug programs.
Yunnan's annual investment in road construction in the river valleys
has amounted to over 10 billion yuan (about 1.2 billion US dollars)
in the past two years. Communications investment from the other five
countries has added up to 30 billion US dollars.
___________________________________________________
XINHUA: POLICE OFFICIAL CITES GOLDEN TRIANGLE AS GROWING THREAT TO
CHINA
July 18, 2000
Beijing.-- Evidence points to the fact that the drug problem in the
notorious Golden Triangle is a growing threat to China, a senior
police officer said here today.
In his address to the opening of the Fifth ICPO-Interpol Heroin
Conference, Chen Cunyi, a deputy director of the Ministry of Public
Security's anti-narcotics bureau, said that the center of the
notorious Golden Triangle is moving northward to the northern part of
Myanmar.
China's anti-narcotics forces are under increasingly greater
pressure, he said, noting that besides traditional drugs like opium,
the Golden Triangle is also producing new strains like
methamphetamines, known as "ice," according to the Chinese police
officer.
The output of drugs in the area is increasing steadily, he added.
Last year, China seized 5.3 tons of heroin, mostly smuggled from the
Golden Triangle. Meanwhile, Chinese police investigated 187 drug
cases, including 148 "ice" cases handled by police in Yunnan
Province, which borders Myanmar.
Last year, local police also confiscated nearly 272 tons of raw
chemicals for use in drug-making, while nearly 250 tons were seized
by Yunnan police, accounting for 91 percent of the total.
China has become a major sales market for drugs from the Golden
Triangle, though the country has launched a series of anti-drug
campaigns, Chen said.
Furthermore, the Golden Triangle drugs, "ice" in particular, are
also posing more of a threat than ever before in the world, according
to the police officer.
He urged to the international community to assist the anti-drug
efforts in the area in various forms, including showing moral
support, participating in the efforts to help local farmers in the
area to plant crops other than opium poppy, and enforcing laws.
All governments and international organizations involved in the
effort should strengthen their cooperation in the fight against drugs
by sharing their resources and information.
___________________________________________________
XINHUA: BURMA'S THAN SHWE MEETS WITH HU JINTAO, SUPPORTS 'ONE CHINA'
July 17, 2000
Yangon. Myanmar firmly supports Chinese government's "One China"
policy and its efforts for reunification of its country, top Myanmar
leader Than Shwe said here Monday.
Than Shwe, Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council,
reiterated this position of his government when meeting with visiting
Chinese Vice-President Hu Jintao Monday morning.
"Myanmar always sticks to the 'One China' policy and wishes China
may realize the reunification as early as possible," Than Shwe, also
prime minister and minister of defense, said during the meeting.
Hu, who arrived here Sunday for a three-day official visit, expressed
thanks to Myanmar for its consistent stand of supporting China on
issues such as the question of Taiwan and appreciation to Myanmar's
position of not developing official links with Taiwan in any form.
__________________ INTERNATIONAL __________________
AP: EUROPEAN UNION TO INCREASE HUMANITARIAN AID TO MYANMAR
July 21, 2000
BANGKOK. The European Union will give military-ruled Myanmar more
humanitarian aid sometime down the road, the French ambassador to
Thailand said Friday.
French Ambassador Christian Prettre said the EU is considering
including Myanmar, now under sanctions, in an agreement with Laos and
Cambodia that provides assistance, especially technical and
humanitarian aid.
Such inclusion would provide a framework for increased aid, but
Prettre did not say when it might come, or if it depended on changes
in the repressive state also known as Burma.
A ``troika'' of EU representatives will make a second visit to
Myanmar to hold talks on issues of concern, he said. A date is not
set.
The EU limits relations with Myanmar's government to protest its
poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a
democratically elected government.
EU foreign ministers toughened sanctions on Myanmar in April, saying
the government has intensified repression of civil and political
rights.
In 1998, the EU banned visits by Myanmar officials, withdrew trade
privileges and imposed an arms embargo. To that was added a ban on
equipment ``that might be used for repression'' and a freeze on funds
held abroad by members of the regime.
The United States maintains similar policies.
At ministerial-level meetings of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations in Bangkok next week, the EU will sit down with Myanmar
representatives, something it has refused to do at forums it hosts.
_____________________________________________________
U.S. SENATE RESOLUTION: RECOGNITION OF ANNIVERSARY OF FREE AND FAIR
ELECTIONS IN BURMA
July 19, 2000
Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now
proceed to immediate consideration of Calendar No. 656, S. Con. Res.
113.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the concurrent
resolution by title.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
A concurrent resolution (S. Con. Res. 113) expressing the sense of
the Congress in recognition of the 10th anniversary of the free and
fair elections in Burma and the urgent need to improve the democratic
and human rights of the people of Burma.
There being no objection, the Senate proceeded to consider the
concurrent resolution which had been reported from the Committee on
Foreign Relations, with an amendment to insert the part printed in
italic.
S. Con. Res. 113
Whereas in 1988 thousands of Burmese citizens called for a democratic
change
in Burma and participated in peaceful demonstrations to achieve this
result;
Whereas these demonstrations were brutally repressed by the Burmese
military, resulting in the loss of hundreds of lives;
Whereas, despite continued repression, the Burmese people turned out
in record numbers to vote in elections deemed free and fair by
international observers;
Whereas on May 27, 1990, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led
by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won more than 60 percent of the popular vote
and 80 percent of the parliamentary seats in the elections;
Whereas the Burmese military rejected the results of the elections,
placed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of members of the NLD under
arrest, pressured members of the NLD to resign, and severely
restricted freedom of assembly, speech, and the press;
Whereas 48,000,000 people in Burma continue to suffer gross
violations of human rights, including the right to democracy, and
economic deprivation under a military regime known as the State Peace
and Development Council (SPDC);
Whereas on September 16, 1998, the members of the NLD and other
political parties who won the 1990 elections joined together to form
the Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP) as an
interim mechanism to address human rights, economic and other
conditions, and provide representation of the political views and
voice of Members of Parliament elected to but denied office in 1990;
Whereas the United Nations General Assembly and Commission on Human
Rights have condemned in nine consecutive resolutions the persecution
of religious and ethnic minorities and the political opposition, and
SPDC's record of forced labor, exploitation, and sexual violence
against women;
Whereas the United States and the European Union Council of Foreign
Ministers have similarly condemned conditions in Burma and officially
imposed travel restrictions and other sanctions against the SPDC;
Whereas in May 1999, the International Labor Organization (ILO)
condemned the SPDC for inflicting forced labor on the people and has
banned the SPDC from participating in any ILO meetings;
Whereas the 1999 Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights
Practices for Burma identifies more than 1,300 people who continue to
suffer inhumane detention conditions as political prisoners in Burma;
Whereas the Department of State International Narcotics Control
Report for 2000 determines that Burma is the second largest world-
wide source of illicit opium and heroin and that there are
continuing, reliable reports that Burmese officials are `involved in
the drug business or are paid to allow the drug business to be
conducted by others', conditions which pose a direct threat to United
States national security interests; and
Whereas, despite these massive violations of human rights and civil
liberties and chronic economic deprivation, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and
members of the NLD have continued to call for a peaceful political
dialogue with the SPDC to achieve a democratic transition: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring),
That it is the sense of Congress that--
(1) United States policy should strongly support the restoration of
democracy in Burma, including implementation of the results of the
free and fair elections of 1990;
(2) United States policy should continue to call upon the military
regime
in Burma known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)--
(A) to guarantee freedom of assembly, freedom of movement, freedom of
speech, and freedom of the press for all Burmese citizens;
(B) to immediately accept a political dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and ethnic leaders to
advance peace and reconciliation in Burma;
(C) to immediately and unconditionally release all detained Members
elected to the 1990 parliament and other political prisoners; and
(D) to promptly and fully uphold the terms and conditions of all
human rights and related resolutions passed by the United Nations
General
Assembly, the Commission on Human Rights, the International Labor
Organization, and the European Union; and
(3) United States policy should sustain current economic and
political sanctions against Burma, and seek multilateral support for
those sanctions, as the appropriate means?E
(A) to secure the restoration of democracy, human rights, and civil
liberties in Burma; and
(B) to support United States national security counternarcotics
interests.
[Page: S7283]
Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the amendment
to the resolution be agreed to.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. The
committee amendment was agreed to.
Mr. BURNS. I ask unanimous consent that the resolution, as amended,
be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be
laid upon the table, and any statements relating to this resolution
be printed in the Record.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The concurrent resolution (S. Con. Res. 113), as amended, was agreed
to. The preamble was agreed to. The concurrent resolution, as
amended, with its preamble, reads as follows:
S. Con. Res. 113
Whereas in 1988 thousands of Burmese citizens called for a democratic
change in Burma and participated in peaceful demonstrations to
achieve this result;
Whereas these demonstrations were brutally repressed by the Burmese
military, resulting in the loss of hundreds of lives;
Whereas, despite continued repression, the Burmese people turned out
in record numbers to vote in elections deemed free and fair by
international observers;
Whereas on May 27, 1990, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led
by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won more than 60 percent of the popular vote
and 80 percent of the parliamentary seats in the elections;
Whereas the Burmese military rejected the results of the elections,
placed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of members of the NLD under
arrest, pressured members of the NLD to resign, and severely
restricted freedom of assembly, speech, and the press;
Whereas 48,000,000 people in Burma continue to suffer gross
violations of human rights, including the right to democracy, and
economic deprivation under a military regime known as the State Peace
and Development Council (SPDC);
Whereas on September 16, 1998, the members of the NLD and other
political parties who won the 1990 elections joined together to form
the Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP) as an
interim mechanism to address human rights, economic and other
conditions, and provide representation of the political views and
voice of Members of Parliament elected to but denied office in 1990;
Whereas the United Nations General Assembly and Commission on Human
Rights have condemned in nine consecutive resolutions the persecution
of religious and ethnic minorities and the political opposition, and
SPDC's record of forced labor, exploitation, and sexual violence
against women;
Whereas the United States and the European Union Council of Foreign
Ministers have similarly condemned conditions in Burma and officially
imposed travel restrictions and other sanctions against the SPDC;
Whereas in May 1999, the International Labor Organization (ILO)
condemned the SPDC for inflicting forced labor on the people and has
banned the SPDC from participating in any ILO meetings;
Whereas the 1999 Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights
Practices for Burma identifies more than 1,300 people who continue to
suffer inhumane detention conditions as political prisoners in Burma;
Whereas the Department of State International Narcotics Control
Report for 2000 determines that Burma is the second largest world-
wide source of illicit opium and heroin and that there are
continuing, reliable reports that Burmese officials are `involved in
the drug business or are paid toallow the drug business to be
conducted by others', conditions which pose a direct threat to United
States national security interests; and
Whereas, despite these massive violations of human rights and civil
liberties and chronic economic deprivation, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and
members of the NLD have continued to call for a peaceful political
dialogue with the SPDC to achieve a democratic transition: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring),
That it
is the sense of Congress that--
(1) United States policy should strongly support the restoration of
democracy in Burma, including implementation of the results of the
free and fair elections of 1990;
(2) United States policy should continue to call upon the military
regime in Burma known as the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC)--
(A) to guarantee freedom of assembly, freedom of movement, freedom of
speech, and freedom of the press for all Burmese citizens;
(B) to immediately accept a political dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and ethnic leaders to
advance peace and reconciliation in Burma;
(C) to immediately and unconditionally release all detained Members
elected to the 1990 parliament and other political prisoners; and
(D) to promptly and fully uphold the terms and conditions of all
human rights and related resolutions passed by the United Nations
General Assembly, the Commission on Human Rights, the International
Labor Organization, and the European Union; and
(3) United States policy should sustain current economic and
political sanctions against Burma, and seek multilateral support for
those sanctions, as the appropriate means--
(A) to secure the restoration of democracy, human rights, and civil
liberties in Burma; and
(B) to support United States national security counternarcotics
interests.
Passed the Senate July 19, 2000.
_________________OPINION/EDITORIALS________________
THE NATION: NLD STAYS COMMITTED TO DEMOCRACY
July 21, 2000
On the eve of the 33rd Asean Ministerial Meeting and the Asean
Regional Forum in Bangkok next week, Aung San Suu Kyi Nobel laureate
and general secretary of Burma's National League for Democracy, has
released this message to delegates.
Burma is very much an integral part of Southeast Asia. What ever
happens in our country will inevitably have repercussions on the rest
of the region. For this reason we are particularly anxious that Asean
countries understand what is really going on in Burma today.
I do not think there is any necessity for us to repeat what has
already been said about human-rights violations, about the lack of
the rule of law in this country. I would like to concentrate on other
issues perhaps less widely known.
One of the main reasons why the NLD and other forces within Burma
believe that our country needs a change to a democratic system of
politics is because we have found through bitter experience that
authoritarian rule had not brought any benefits to our country.
At one time Burma was a leading light. I have to confess that some of
the Burmese people would like to think that we were the leading light
of Southeast Asia; but these days have vanished together with our
democratic rights. We feel that there is a need to restore stability
and rule of law in Burma, not only that our country may progress and
our people may be happy, but that that we may be able to contribute
towards stability and progress in our region.
We are aware that Asean countries, like many any other countries all
over the world, are anxious that there should be stability and peace
in Burma. We are aware of the goodwill towards our country. We are
also aware of the difficulties in finding ways and means of bringing
about necessary changes in Burma.
The NLD and other forces working for democracy in Burma have always
understood that the struggle is mainly ours. It is our duty to do
what we can to bring about necessary changes in our country. But at
the same time we know that it is no longer possible to isolate any
nation in this world today.
The link between the nations of this world today cannot be broken. It
cannot be broken without harm to peoples of all the countries
themselves. The troubles of Burma have spilled over our borders. They
have spilled over to the west to Bangladesh, over to the east to
Thailand. It is hardly necessary to reiterate what has been happening
in Thailand because of Burmese refugees and Burmese migrant workers.
So the days have passed when we can say that the troubles of one
country can be isolated and that the internal affairs of one country
are no concern of its neighbours. We believe that our Asean
neighbours understand this, and at the same time we also know that
the Asean nations have to cope with the dilemma of respecting
individual sovereignty of nations as well as trying to make moves
that would benefit the whole region.
I would like to take the opportunity to explain why we believe that a
democratic Burma would help to bring peace and stability to this
region. First of all, a democratic government is an accountable
government, whoever is ruling Burma with in a democratic system will
have to ensure that there are good relations with our neighbours, as
well as good relations within the country, between the different
ethnic peoples of Burma.
This is one of the most import issues of our country, unity within
the nation. The NLD has established great trust and friendship of
different ethnic nationality groups. When the Committee Representing
the People's Parliament was formed two years ago, four major ethnic
nationality parties were represented on this committee, and over two
years we have strengthened ties of friendship and trust with our
allies. This is an excellent augury for the future of Burma.
All those who are interested in the stability of Burma should
encourage this development, the strong ties of friendship and trust
that we have been able to develop between different ethnic
nationalities in this country.
We want also to establish strong and friendly relations with all our
neighbours. Since Burma achieved independence in 1948, as a
democratic regime, we have maintained good relations with our
neighbours, to the east, to the west and to the north. If there were
any islands in the south, we would have established good relations
with them too.
This has always been our policy, to maintain friendly relations with
our neighbours based on mutual understanding of each others'
problems. And we are fully confident that a democratic government
will carry on this tradition.
We also want to talk about the matter of economic cooperation. The
Committee Representing the People's Parliament and the NLD have
brought out official papers on our attitude towards our economy. We
have tried to make our Asean neighbours as well as the rest of world
understand that we believe in an open-market economy based on free
and fair competition. We believe in a kind of economy that will
benefit the people of our country as well as all those who have
invested in our country.
We are not anti-business, we are not anti-investment, but we are very
anxious that business and investment should be conducted in such a
way as to be beneficial to our people as well as to investors.
There are many people who question whether we have any plans for a
democratic Burma. It would be difficult in a short session like this
to explain what our plans are. But as I mentioned earlier, we have
brought out official papers laying out a progranme for a future
democratic Burma.
Of necessity, it very much a general programme, but they lay out our
views on the economy, on defence, on social services, particularly on
education and health, and on relations with the rest of the world. A
study of our papers would make it obvious that a democratic
administration would have much to offer to the Asean region, not just
to the people Burma.
It is also worth mentioning that a democratic government is what is
desired by the people of Burma. When they were allowed to vote freely
and fairly in 1990, they chose a democratic system of government by
voting overwhelmingly for the NLD. To those who say that this was 10
years ago, I would like to say: give us a chance to move freely, to
operate freely as a political party, and we can ensure that the
support of our people not only is maintained but will increase.
The NLD and I myself personally have often been accused of being
inflexible by those who are opposed to a democratic transition. I
think some members of Asean and other nations are in the best
position to know whether or not we are inflexible. We have accepted
suggestions by Asian and Asean countries with regard to compromises
that should be made to make dialogue possible between the military
regime and ourselves. And we accepted those compromises.
Those who made those suggestions are fully aware of who it was who
refused to consider the compromises. When we are accused of
inflexibility, sometimes it surprises us. What have we more to be
flexible about?
We have agreed to all reasonable suggestions of compromise. The only
thing to which we have not agreed is the annihilation of our party
and the crushing of the rights of the peoples of Burma. To that we
cannot agree, because we are honour bound to protect those who have
supported our party and supported our movement for democracy. In
other ways we have always been ready to compromise for the good of
our nation and for peace, stability and harmony within our region.
And this remains our firm policy: that reasonable compromise which
would promote peace, stability and harmony within our country or
within our region is always acceptable to us.
There is a difference between a readiness to compromise and a
readiness to kneel. We are not ready to kneel - that we have to say
frankly - because by kneeling we would be letting down those who
trusted us to bring democracy to Burma.
When the NLD was founded we promised our people that this party was
founded to bring democracy to Burma. So we have to keep our word, and
we have to keep the trust of our people. But it does not mean that
the struggle to bring disunity between those who do not believe in
what we are doing and those who are supporting what we are doing. We
have to learn that there can be unity out of diversity. We have to
learn that we can find solutions that will be acceptable to all
political forces concerned.
We believe that this is what Asean members would also like, that we
shall be able to find a solution acceptable to all concerned. We have
made a number of suggestions in the past, and some members of the
international community have also made suggestions of their own, but
unfortunately the military regime has not accepted any of these
suggestions. However, I do not think that there is any reason for us
to be discouraged, because I believe that we are all working towards
the same end, a stable, harmonious Burma that will be a source of
pride, as well as a source of material benefit to our neighbours and
to the rest of the world, We intend to keep working towards such a
situation, and we would like to invite all the members of Asean to
help us.
We do not think that it is possible for our neighbours to ignore what
is going on in this country, and certainly we are not indifferent to
the views of our neighbours. The Committee Representing the People's
Parliament and the NLD have always put great importance on the
necessity of maintaining good relations with our neighbours and with
the international community in general. We will continue with our
efforts to make our movement for democracy a movement that is
supported by all the peoples of the world, because it is a movement
aimed at promoting not just material goods in this world but also
such spiritual satisfaction as can only be achieved through peace and
harmony.
_______________________________________________________
THE NATION:(EDITORIAL) CHINA CAN NO LONGER IGNORE THAI CONCERNS
July 21, 2000
PRIME Minister Chuan Leekpai did not mince his words on Wednesday
when he appealed to Chinese Vice President Hu Jintao for Beijing's
support in combating the drug trade along the Thai-Burmese border. In
stating Thailand's concerns over the issue, Chuan has finally brought
into the open just how deeply worried the country is. For years, drug
smuggling by minority groups in Burma has been cutting a swathe
through Thai society and it is easily the most serious and daunting
issue facing the country.
Hu, who visited Burma before coming to Thailand, said drug
trafficking is a grave threat to regional security. China has offered
Burma assistance in planting sugar cane as a crop substitute for
poppies.
Thailand and China share a common drug problem because they both have
borders with Burma. Most of the drugs that come out of Burma go
through these two countries and out into the world. Of late, the drug
trafficking route that cuts across southern China has become very
popular. But herein lies the rub: China is the Burmese junta leaders'
best friend.
The relocation of the Wa minority under the control of the United Wa
Army from the Burmese-Chinese border down south towards the Thai-
Burmese border shows the depth of Rangoon's intimacy with Beijing.
While Rangoon wants to appease Beijing, it has no hesitation in
continuing to challenge Bangkok, repeatedly failing to pay due
respect to its concern over cross-border trafficking. In the past
several years, the Burmese junta leaders have successfully
used "divide and rule" tactics with their numerous minorities. Now,
it is using the armed Wa as a bargaining chip with Thailand.
Therefore, Chuan's discussion with Hu underlines the long-term
implications of the drug trade on the otherwise excellent Thai-
Chinese relations. Thailand would like to see China play a proactive
role in helping to stem drug smuggling along its borders with Burma,
especially of the methamphetamine tablets produced by the Wa
minority. Millions of these tablets are floating around Thailand and
being consumed in increasing quantities by the young.
It's no secret that China enjoys the most collaborative relationship
of any country with the military junta in Rangoon, which has been
relying heavily on Beijing's generous military and economic aid
(Beijing-Rangoon military ties have already become a regional
concern). So Chuan's appeal to Hu - the first by Thailand at this
level - is a serious one. Deputy Foreign Minister MR Sukhumbhand
Paribatra is scheduled to visit Kunming soon to discuss drug issues
with the Chinese authorities.
If this problem is to be solved, Thailand and China must cooperate
with one another. One area is to share intelligence information so
that anti-narcotic suppression operations can be carried out more
effectively. Such cooperation will also strengthen both countries and
show their sincerity toward each other. If possible, there should
tripartite cooperation between the two countries and the US Drug
Enforcement Agency, which has been closely monitoring the drug
situation in the region. This would constitute a new effort that
would bring in concerned parties to tackle this problem together.
With the armed Wa minority operating so close to the Thai border,
Burma has become a factor in Thai-Chinese relations as never before.
Bangkok and Beijing are currently celebrating 25 years of diplomatic
relations. Both countries have navigated this relationship well,
leaving drugs - and the Mekong cooperation project - untouched. But
given the insidiousness of trafficking, it can no longer remain that
way. China must not let Burma play it off against Thailand over the
drugs issue. Similarly, China can no longer afford the luxury of
indulging in a policy of ambivalence or non-interference.
____________________________________________________
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