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Subject: [theburmanetnews] BurmaNet News: July 21, 2000



______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________

July 21, 2000

Issue # 1581


The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com

			

*Inside Burma

AUNG SAN SUU KYI:  MESSAGE TO DELEGATIONS PARTICIPATING AT THE 33RD 
ASEAN MINISTERIAL MEETING & 7TH ASEAN REGIONAL FORUM

AFP: MYANMAR ARRESTS 400, SEIZES MORE THAN 10 MILLION AMPHETAMINE 
PILLS

*Regional

THE NATION: APOLITICAL BURMESE STUDENTS PREFERRED

THE NATION: FAST FOOD UNDER WRAPS

THE NATION: ASEAN HAS NEW POWER BUT ALSO COMPLICATIONS

XINHUA: PRC BANK FINANCES $60 MILLION CROSS-BORDER ECONOMIC 
DEVELOPMENT LOAN

XINHUA: POLICE OFFICIAL CITES GOLDEN TRIANGLE AS GROWING THREAT TO 
CHINA 

XINHUA: BURMA'S THAN SHWE MEETS WITH HU JINTAO, SUPPORTS 'ONE CHINA' 

*International

AP: EUROPEAN UNION TO INCREASE HUMANITARIAN AID TO MYANMAR 

U.S. SENATE RESOLUTION:  RECOGNITION OF ANNIVERSARY OF FREE AND FAIR 
ELECTIONS IN BURMA

*Opinion/Editorials

THE NATION:  NLD STAYS COMMITTED TO DEMOCRACY 

THE NATION: CHINA CAN NO LONGER IGNORE THAI CONCERNS



__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
	


AUNG SAN SUU KYI:  MESSAGE TO DELEGATIONS PARTICIPATING AT THE 33RD 
ASEAN MINISTERIAL MEETING & 7TH ASEAN REGIONAL FORUM

July 20, 2000

The following is the full text of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's message to 
delegations participating at the 33rd Asean Ministerial Meeting & 7th 
Asean Regional Forum to be held in Bangkok next week. The text was 
sent to diplomatic missions in Bangkok yesterday. It is intended that 
VCDs of the message will be distributed at the AMM venue on Monday, 
July 24. For more information please call (thailand) 66 1 850 9008.

Media: please note sound quality of message is poor and not suitable 
for broadcast.

TEXT for immediate release (July 20, 2000)
Message from Aung San Suu Kyi, 
Nobel Laureate and General Secretary, National League for Democracy 
(Burma) 
To the 33rd Asean Ministerial Meeting & 7th Asean Regional Forum
Bangkok, Thailand . July, 2000

On the occasion of the Asean Ministerial Meeting, the National League 
for Democracy would like to take the opportunity to once again reveal 
the situation in our country. Burma is very much an integral part of 
Southeast Asia. Whatever happens in our country will inevitably have 
repercussions on the rest of the region. For this reason we are 
particularly anxious that the Asean countries understand what is 
really going on in Burma today. I do not think there is any necessity 
for us to repeat what has already been said about human rights 
violations, about the lack of the rule of law in this country. 

On this occasion I would like to concentrate on other issues perhaps 
less widely known. One of the main reasons why the National League 
for Democracy and other forces within Burma believe that our country 
needs a change to democratic system of politics is because we have 
found through bitter an experience that authoritarian rule has not 
brought any benefits to our country. At one time Burma was a leading 
light.  I have to confess that some of the Burmese people would like 
to think that we were the leading light of Southeast Asia but these 
days have vanished together with our democratic rights. We feel that 
there is a need to restore stability and rule of law in Burma, not 
only that our country may progress and our people may be happy, but 
that that we may be able to contribute towards stability and progress 
in our region.

We are aware that Asean countries, like many any other countries all 
over the world are anxious that there should be stability and peace 
in Burma. We are aware of the goodwill towards our country. We are 
also aware of the difficulties in finding ways and means of bringing 
about necessary changes in Burma. The National League for Democracy 
and other forces working for democracy in Burma have always 
understood that the struggle is mainly ours. It is our duty to do 
what we can to bring about necessary changes in our country. But at 
the same time, we know that it is no longer possible to isolate any 
nation in this world today. 

The links between the nations of this world today cannot be broken. 
It cannot be broken without harm to peoples of all the countries 
themselves. The troubles of Burma have spilled over our borders. They 
have spilled over to the west to Bangladesh, over to the east to 
Thailand. It is hardly necessary to reiterate what has been happening 
in Thailand because of Burmese refugees and Burmese migrant workers. 
So the days have passed when we can say that the troubles of one 
country can be isolated and that the internal affairs of one country 
are no concern of its neighbors. We believe that our Asean neighbors 
understand this and at the same time we also know that the Asean 
nations have to cope with the dilemma of respecting individual 
sovereignty of nations as well as trying to make moves that would 
benefit the whole region. 

I would like to take the opportunity to explain why we believe that a 
democratic Burma would help to bring peace and stability to this 
region. First of all, a democratic government is an accountable 
government, and as an accountable government whoever is ruling Burma 
within a democratic system will have to ensure that there are good 
relations with our neighbors, as well as good relations within the 
country, between the different ethnic peoples of Burma. This is one 
of the most important issues of our country, unity within the 
nation.  The National League for Democracy has established great 
trust and friendship of different ethnic nationality groups. When the 
Committee Representing the Peoples Parliament was formed two years 
ago, four major ethnic nationality parties were represented on this 
committee and over two years we have strengthened ties of friendship 
and trust with our allies. This is an excellent augury for the future 
Burma. All those who are interested in the stability of Burma should 
encourage this development; the strong ties of friendship and trust 
that we have been able to develop between different ethnic 
nationalities in this country. We want also to establish strong and 
friendly relations with all our neighbors. Since Burma achieved 
independence in 1948, as a democratic regime, we have maintained good 
relations with our neighbors, to the east to the west and to the 
north. If there were any islands in the south, we would have 
established good relations with them, too. This has always been our 
policy, to maintain friendly relations with our neighbors based on 
mutual understanding of each others' problems. And we are fully 
confident that a democratic government will carry on with this 
tradition. 

We also want to talk about the matter of economic cooperation. The 
Committee Representing the Peoples Parliament and the National League 
for Democracy have brought out official papers on our attitude 
towards our economy. We have tried to make our Asean neighbors as 
well as the rest of world to understand that we believe in an open 
market economy based on free and fair competition. We believe in a 
kind of economy that will benefit the people of our country as well 
as all those who have invested in our country. We are not anti-
business, we are not anti-investment but we are very anxious that 
business and investment should be conducted in such a way as to be 
beneficial to our people as well as to investors. There are many 
people who question whether we have any plans for a democratic Burma. 
It would be difficult in a short session like this to explain what 
our plans are. But as I mentioned earlier, we have brought out 
official papers laying out a program for a future democratic Burma. 
Of necessity, it is very much a general program but they lay out our 
views on the economy, on defense, on social services, particularly on 
education and health, and on relations with the rest of the world. A 
study of our papers I think, would make it obvious that a democratic 
administration would have much to offer to the Asean region, not just 
to the people of Burma. 

It is I think also worth mentioning that a democratic government is 
what is desired by the people of Burma. When they were allowed to 
vote freely and fairly in 1990, they chose a democratic system of 
government by voting overwhelmingly for the National League for 
Democracy. To those who say that this was ten years ago, I would like 
to say give us a chance to move freely, to operate freely as a 
political party and we can ensure that the support of our people not 
only is maintained but will increase. We are totally confident that 
the people of Burma desire a system that will give them a healthy 
balance between freedom and security. And this is the kind of balance 
that we are trying to achieve through democratic processes.

The National League for Democracy and I think I myself personally, 
have often been accused of being inflexible by those who are opposed 
to a democratic transition. I think some members of Asean and other 
nations are in the best position to know whether or not we are 
inflexible. We have accepted suggestions by Asian countries and by 
Asean countries with regard to compromises that should be made to 
make dialogue possible between the military regime and ourselves. And 
we accepted those compromises. Those who made those suggestions are 
fully aware of who it was who refused to consider the compromises. 
When we are accused of inflexibility, sometimes it surprises us. What 
have we more to be flexible about? We have agreed to all reasonable 
suggestions of compromise. The only thing to which we have not agreed 
is the annihilation of our party and the crushing of the rights of 
the peoples of Burma. To that we cannot agree because we are in honor 
bound to protect those who have supported our party and supported our 
movement for democracy. In other ways we have always been ready to 
compromise for the good of our nation and for peace, stability and 
harmony within our region. And this remains our firm policy; that 
reasonable compromise which would promote peace, stability and 
harmony within our country or within our region is always acceptable 
to us. There is a difference between a readiness to compromise and a 
readiness to kneel. We are not ready to kneel --  that we have to say 
frankly , because by kneeling we would be letting down those who 
trusted us to bring democracy to Burma. This would always be our aim.

When the NLD was founded we promised our people that this party has 
been founded to bring democracy to Burma. So we have to keep our word 
and we have to keep the trust of our people. But it does not mean 
that the struggle for democracy is necessarily a struggle to bring 
disunity between those who do not believe in what we are doing and 
those who are supporting what we are doing. We have to learn that 
there can be unity out of diversity. We have to learn that we can 
find solutions that will be acceptable to all political forces 
concerned. We believe that this is what the members of Asean would 
also like -- that we shall be able to find a solution acceptable to 
all concerned. We have made a number of suggestions in the past and 
some members of the international community have also made 
suggestions of their own but unfortunately the military regime has 
not accepted any of these suggestions. However, I do not think that 
there is any reason for us to be discouraged because I believe that 
we are all working towards the same end -- a stable,  harmonious 
Burma that will be a source of pride, as well as a source of material 
benefit to our neighbors and to the rest of the world. We intend to 
keep working towards such a situation and we would like to invite all 
the members of Asean to help us work towards such a situation. We do 
not think that it is possible for our neighbors to ignore what is 
going on in this country and certainly, we are not indifferent to the 
views of our neighbors. The Committee Representing the Peoples 
Parliament and National League for Democracy have always put great 
importance and the necessity of maintaining good relations with our 
neighbors and with the international community in general. We will 
continue with our efforts to make our movement for democracy a 
movement that is supported by all the peoples of the world because it 
is a movement aimed at promoting not just material goods in this 
world but also such spiritual satisfaction as can only be achieved 
through peace and harmony.

I would like to end by thanking all those who have not forgotten the 
need to take up the issues connected with Burma and who are truly and 
sincerely trying to find solutions that could be acceptable for all 
of us. Thank you very much.



____________________________________________________



AFP: MYANMAR ARRESTS 400, SEIZES MORE THAN 10 MILLION AMPHETAMINE 
PILLS

July 21, 2000
 
Myanmar authorities have arrested nearly 400 people and seized a 
massive haul of more than ten million amphetamine tablets in an anti-
drugs operation, state media reported Friday. 

 The raids were made by police, soldiers and customs officials last 
month, TV Myanmar said in a broadcast monitored here.
 
 A total of 397 suspects, including 71 women, were arrested and taken 
to court under legislation that carries a maxium death penalty charge 
for drug trafficking, it said. 

 10,344,000 amphetamine tablets were seized along with 1.2 
kilogrammes (2.6 pounds) of heroin in the nationwide anti-narcotics 
crackdown, according to the report. 

 The officials also confiscated nearly 123 kilogrammes (270 pounds) 
of raw opium and 97 kilogrammes (213 pounds) of marijuana as well as 
large quantities of heroin-refining chemicals and illegal medicines, 
it said. 

 Myanmar is the world's largest producer of opium, from which heroin 
is derived, accounting for over half of the global crop. 

 The ruling military junta has come under harsh international 
criticism, particularly from the United States, for its alleged 
involvement in the narcotics trade and failure to clamp down on 
illegal drug producers. 

 But Myanmar's military regime denies the charges. 

 US officials say amphetamine production is growing alarmingly in 
Myanmar satisfying a growing demand for the drug in neighbouring 
countries, particularly Thailand. 

 The Thai army estimates that 600 million amphetamines pills were 
smuggled into the country last year from jungle refineries inside the 
Myanmar border

 

___________________________ REGIONAL ___________________________
					


THE NATION: APOLITICAL BURMESE STUDENTS PREFERRED

July 21, 2000

AUSTRALIA'S resettlement programme prefers Burmese students from 
Thailand who have no political background and ambition, because of 
concerns they may try to return to Thailand to cause trouble, a well-
informed source said yesterday.
 
Australia does not want trouble with Thailand caused by Burmese 
students settling there and given an Australian passport later 
conducting political activities on Thai soil, the source said. 

"Canberra witnessed much chaos in Thailand, which was the work of 
foreign dissidents who resettled in a third country under a UN 
programme but returned to cause problems," the source said. 

Australia is among the countries which have joined the UN High 
Commissioner for Refugees' (UNHCR) programme to resettle Burmese 
students from the Maneeloy detention centre in Ratchaburi province. 

The Burmese students who enter the detention centre come under UN 
protection as Persons of Concern. Only those at the centre are 
eligible for resettlement in a third country. The UNHCR is 
responsible for screening the Burmese students. 

There are currently about 1,500 Burmese students at the Ratchaburi 
centre. 

The UNHCR said that as of yesterday, 54 students had gone to 
Australia, 275 to the United States, 132 to New Zealand and 43 to 
Canada. 
Burmese students from the detention centre who enjoyed UN protection 
have been involved in series of disturbances in Thailand. In January 
this year, a group of Burmese students stormed a Ratchaburi hospital 
and held medical personnel and patients hostage. In October last 
year, a group of armed Burmese students seized the Burmese embassy in 
Bangkok. They walked free to the border in exchange for the release 
of hostages they had taken. 

The latest incident is the raid on a Lao checkpost bordering Ubon 
Ratchathani province by armed insurgents opposed to Laos' communist 
government. The attack is believed to have been sponsored by Lao 
refugees who were granted US citizenship. 

"Canberra do not want this kind of trouble to be caused by Burmese 
students granted Australian citizenship. It is afraid that this will 
affect the bilateral relationship," the source said. 

However, the source said, Australia did not lay this down as a 
condition for the Burmese students to be granted resettlement. It 
wants the UNHCR to conduct its screening in a way that ensures the 
Burmese students who go to Australia are free of political background 
and ambitions. 

A UNHCR spokesman said that Australia, as the host country, had the 
right to set criteria for those who resettle in its territory. 

"[But] we are using different criteria in granting refugee status to 
those who require UN protection," he said. 

He cited the UN's 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees, which 
states that a refugee is a person who is outside of the country of 
their nationality "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted 
for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a 
particular social group, or political opinion". 

Meanwhile, a senior Foreign Ministry source said the ministry had 
already been informed of Australia's preference. He said this 
condition could possibly delay the resettlement of Burmese students. 

"Australia has the right to set any conditions for those who will 
finally hold Australian citizenship. Howeve,r we hope that the 
country would understand our conditions as well," he said. 

"Considering Australia's preference, it seems that all Burmese 
students in Maneeloy centre are not qualified for the resettlement in 
Australia. It is unfair to the Burmese students and to Thailand as 
well," he said. 

Since all the students fled to Thailand because of political reasons, 
it followed that they all had a political background. Moreover, 
Thailand could not stop them from having political ambitions to help 
their homeland, if they get a chance, the source said. 
BY MARISA CHIMPRABHA 
 


_________________________________________________



THE NATION: FAST FOOD UNDER WRAPS 

July 21, 2000

AMPHETAMINE pills have been concealed in potato-chip bags, Huay Kwang 
police said yesterday, after the arrest of a female Burmese 
trafficker. 

The disguised amphetamines were distributed to peddlers through 
baggage-check counters at supermarkets throughout Bangkok, said Lt-
Colonel Somsakchai Amorncharoen. 

The scheme was devised by Taiwanese trafficker Wang Wan Su and his 
Burmese girlfriend, known by her Thai alias Anyarat Premkijjarak. 

To elude police, traffickers checked their "potato-chip bags" at 
supermarket counters. After they had completed the sale, they would 
give the check-in tags to street peddlers, who then picked up the 
packages and left.
 
Before cracking the case, police had tracked down and detained Wang, 
who was in Bangkok General Hospital because of a driving accident.
 
When Anyarat visited the suspect in hospital, police trailed her to 
an apartment used to store and package the illicit drugs. 

Meanwhile police also seized 121,000 amphetamine tablets smuggled 
across the Burmese border to Chiang Rai. 
BY CHAIYAKORN BAI-NGERN



___________________________________________________



THE NATION: ASEAN HAS NEW POWER BUT ALSO COMPLICATIONS

July 21,2000
 
CHINESE scholars yesterday said the emergence of a new security 
structure in East Asia had provided Asean with more room to manoeuvre 
and given it more leverage when face to face with major powers. 

But they added a warning: the complication resulting from the 
regional balance of power readjustment will bring new uncertainties. 

There has been vibrant movement towards economic integration among 
Asean and three economies of East Asia - China, Japan and South 
Korea - in response to the 1997 financial crisis, they said. 
Yet there have been negative impacts, they said, from the US-driven 
globalisation process, newly emerged South Asian nuclear powers, and 
controversial humanitarian interventions. 

Wang Zaibang of the China Institute of Contemporary International 
Relations attributed the uncertainties facing the region to the 
increasing competition among countries both inside and outside the 
region to have a hand in regional affairs. 

Wang and his Chinese colleagues yesterday joined Thai counterparts at 
a seminar dubbed "Sino-Thai Ties, Relations and Peace in East Asia", 
hosted by Thammasat University.
 
The Chinese foreign-affairs scholars also heaped criticism on the 
United States' ongoing development and deployment of a ballistic 
missile-defence system, particularly Theatre Missile Defence (TMD), 
in East Asia.
 
They described it as a "Nato of the East in the making".
 
Deployment of such a system would severely undermine regional peace 
and stability, they said.
 
TMD would reduce the reliability of current Chinese missiles and 
those of other countries, they said, and trigger a new arms race. 

It could also reverse nuclear disarmament and spark the collapse of 
international nuclear non-proliferation, they said. 

The US intention to deploy TMD with its allies - Japan, South Korea, 
and possibly Taiwan - has created apprehension arounf the world, they 
said, particularly in China. 

China perceived the move as a veiled modern-day encirclement, they 
said. 

Coupled with the concern was Japan's deliberation about whether to 
develop its own version of National Missile Defence (NMD), similar to 
that of the US.
 
The US NMD plan is now awaiting permission to proceed after a recent 
test failure.
 
Thammasat University's Chulacheeb Chinwanno said the region should 
create a "missile-free zone" to ward off prospective threats from 
missile development by various key players. 

Chulacheeb suggested Thailand and China cooperate more closely with 
all concerned parties to achieve a "regional order" by establishing 
guiding norms and principles and enforcing mechanisms.
 
Both countries must also enhance their cooperation when it comes to 
preventive diplomacy, he said. 
In the past Sino-Thai relations were like "chess played on a single 
chessboard, divided by different ideologies", Chulacheeb said.
 
But now the game was played on three different chessboards, 
representing economic, political and security themes. 

According to Chulacheeb, Beijing and Bangkok share a common interest 
in all three themes. 

For example, in political and security dimensions, characterised 
as "the West versus the rest", both sides support a multipolar world 
free of hegemony. 

Wang Zaibang said it was in Thailand's best interests to play a 
greater role in promoting regional peace and stability by upholding 
justice, given its unique position and possession of all necessary 
means to do so. 

"It is imperative for countries like Thailand to do [this] if they 
want to take some responsibility for regional peace and stability," 
he said. 
"As a leader of Singapore said not long ago, the US government will 
take all that it wants and take it for granted if every other country 
gets used to saying yes," he said. 
BY VORAPUN SRIVORANART 

 

___________________________________________________




XINHUA: PRC BANK FINANCES $60 MILLION CROSS-BORDER ECONOMIC 
DEVELOPMENT LOAN

July 18, 2000

The newly-established Kunming Branch of the Shanghai Pudong 
Development Bank has launched its first loan package worth 500 
million yuan (about 60million US dollars) to finance the cross-border 
economic development along the Lancang-Mekong river, which flows 
through southwest China's Yunnan Province down to Myanmar [Burma].

Zhou Weimin, deputy director of the Shanghai Government Economic  
Cooperation Office, said here today that, as the country' s 
commercial center, Shanghai will sustain its role in directing 
investment to support economic development in the western region.

Shanghai's investment will focus on infrastructure, trade, tourism 
and inviting skilled people to the river's valleys, Zhou said.

The Lancang-Mekong river runs through six countries -- China, 
Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. There are 243 million 
people living in the 2.33 million-sq-km river basins, which have 
abundant hydropower, mineral and tourism resources.

Cross-border economic cooperation in the river valleys, launched in 
the 1990s, has been expanded to embrace communications, energy, 
telecommunications, tourism, environmental protection, trade, 
investment, technology and anti-drug programs.

Yunnan's annual investment in road construction in the river valleys 
has amounted to over 10 billion yuan (about 1.2 billion US dollars) 
in the past two years. Communications investment from the other five 
countries has added up to 30 billion US dollars.



___________________________________________________



XINHUA: POLICE OFFICIAL CITES GOLDEN TRIANGLE AS GROWING THREAT TO 
CHINA 

July 18, 2000 

Beijing.-- Evidence points to the fact that the drug problem in the 
notorious Golden Triangle is a growing threat to China, a senior 
police officer said here today.

 In his address to the opening of the Fifth ICPO-Interpol Heroin 
Conference, Chen Cunyi, a deputy director of the Ministry of Public 
Security's anti-narcotics bureau, said that the center of the 
notorious Golden Triangle is moving northward to the northern part of 
Myanmar.

 China's anti-narcotics forces are under increasingly greater 
pressure, he said, noting that besides traditional drugs like opium, 
the Golden Triangle is also producing new strains like 
methamphetamines, known as "ice," according to the Chinese police 
officer.

 The output of drugs in the area is increasing steadily, he added.

 Last year, China seized 5.3 tons of heroin, mostly smuggled from the 
Golden Triangle.   Meanwhile, Chinese police investigated 187 drug 
cases, including 148 "ice" cases handled by police in Yunnan 
Province, which borders Myanmar.

 Last year, local police also confiscated nearly 272 tons of raw 
chemicals for use in drug-making, while nearly 250 tons were seized 
by Yunnan police, accounting for 91 percent of the total.

 China has become a major sales market for drugs from the Golden 
Triangle, though the country has launched a series of anti-drug 
campaigns, Chen said.

 Furthermore, the Golden Triangle drugs, "ice" in particular, are 
also posing more of a threat than ever before in the world, according 
to the police officer.

 He urged to the international community to assist the anti-drug 
efforts in the area in various forms, including showing moral 
support, participating in the efforts to help local farmers in the 
area to plant crops other than opium poppy, and enforcing laws.

 All governments and international organizations involved in the 
effort should strengthen their cooperation in the fight against drugs 
by sharing their resources and information.



___________________________________________________

	

XINHUA: BURMA'S THAN SHWE MEETS WITH HU JINTAO, SUPPORTS 'ONE CHINA' 

July 17, 2000

Yangon. Myanmar firmly supports Chinese government's "One China" 
policy and its efforts for reunification of its country, top Myanmar 
leader Than Shwe said here Monday.

Than Shwe, Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, 
reiterated this position of his government when meeting with visiting 
Chinese Vice-President Hu Jintao Monday morning.    

"Myanmar always sticks to the 'One China' policy and wishes China 
may  realize the reunification as early as possible," Than Shwe, also 
prime minister and minister of defense, said during the meeting.

Hu, who arrived here Sunday for a three-day official visit, expressed 
thanks to Myanmar for its consistent stand of supporting China on 
issues such as the question of Taiwan and appreciation to Myanmar's 
position of not developing official links with Taiwan in any form.



__________________ INTERNATIONAL __________________





AP: EUROPEAN UNION TO INCREASE HUMANITARIAN AID TO MYANMAR

July 21, 2000 

BANGKOK.  The European Union will give military-ruled Myanmar more 
humanitarian aid sometime down the road, the French ambassador to 
Thailand said Friday. 

 French Ambassador Christian Prettre said the EU is considering 
including Myanmar, now under sanctions, in an agreement with Laos and 
Cambodia that provides assistance, especially technical and 
humanitarian aid. 

 Such inclusion would provide a framework for increased aid, but 
Prettre did not say when it might come, or if it depended on changes 
in the repressive state also known as Burma. 

 A ``troika'' of EU representatives will make a second visit to 
Myanmar to hold talks on issues of concern, he said. A date is not 
set. 

 The EU limits relations with Myanmar's government to protest its 
poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a 
democratically elected government. 
 EU foreign ministers toughened sanctions on Myanmar in April, saying 
the government has intensified repression of civil and political 
rights. 

 In 1998, the EU banned visits by Myanmar officials, withdrew trade 
privileges and imposed an arms embargo. To that was added a ban on 
equipment ``that might be used for repression'' and a freeze on funds 
held abroad by members of the regime. 

 The United States maintains similar policies. 
 At ministerial-level meetings of the Association of Southeast Asian 
Nations in Bangkok next week, the EU will sit down with Myanmar 
representatives, something it has refused to do at forums it hosts. 



_____________________________________________________





U.S. SENATE RESOLUTION:  RECOGNITION OF ANNIVERSARY OF FREE AND FAIR 
ELECTIONS IN BURMA

July 19, 2000

Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now 
proceed to immediate consideration of Calendar No. 656, S. Con. Res. 
113. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the concurrent 
resolution by title.
 
The legislative clerk read as follows: 

A concurrent resolution (S. Con. Res. 113) expressing the sense of 
the Congress in recognition of the 10th anniversary of the free and 
fair elections in Burma and the urgent need to improve the democratic 
and human rights of the people of Burma. 

There being no objection, the Senate proceeded to consider the 
concurrent resolution which had been reported from the Committee on 
Foreign Relations, with an amendment to insert the part printed in 
italic. 

S. Con. Res. 113

Whereas in 1988 thousands of Burmese citizens called for a democratic 
change
in Burma and participated in peaceful demonstrations to achieve this 
result;

Whereas these demonstrations were brutally repressed by the Burmese 
military, resulting in the loss of hundreds of lives; 

Whereas, despite continued repression, the Burmese people turned out 
in record numbers to vote in elections deemed free and fair by 
international observers;
 
Whereas on May 27, 1990, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led 
by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won more than 60 percent of the popular vote 
and 80 percent of the parliamentary seats in the elections; 

Whereas the Burmese military rejected the results of the elections, 
placed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of members of the NLD under 
arrest, pressured members of the NLD to resign, and severely 
restricted freedom of assembly, speech, and the press; 

Whereas 48,000,000 people in Burma continue to suffer gross 
violations of human rights, including the right to democracy, and 
economic deprivation under a military regime known as the State Peace 
and Development Council (SPDC);
 
Whereas on September 16, 1998, the members of the NLD and other 
political parties who won the 1990 elections joined together to form 
the Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP) as an 
interim mechanism to address human rights, economic and other 
conditions, and provide representation of the political views and 
voice of Members of Parliament elected to but denied office in 1990;
 
Whereas the United Nations General Assembly and Commission on Human 
Rights have condemned in nine consecutive resolutions the persecution 
of religious and ethnic minorities and the political opposition, and 
SPDC's record of forced labor, exploitation, and sexual violence 
against women; 

Whereas the United States and the European Union Council of Foreign 
Ministers have similarly condemned conditions in Burma and officially 
imposed travel restrictions and other sanctions against the SPDC; 

Whereas in May 1999, the International Labor Organization (ILO) 
condemned the SPDC for inflicting forced labor on the people and has 
banned the SPDC from participating in any ILO meetings; 

Whereas the 1999 Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights 
Practices for Burma identifies more than 1,300 people who continue to 
suffer inhumane detention conditions as political prisoners in Burma; 

Whereas the Department of State International Narcotics Control 
Report for 2000 determines that Burma is the second largest world-
wide source of illicit opium and heroin and that there are 
continuing, reliable reports that Burmese officials are `involved in 
the drug business or are paid to allow the drug business to be 
conducted by others', conditions which pose a direct threat to United 
States national security interests; and 

Whereas, despite these massive violations of human rights and civil 
liberties and chronic economic deprivation, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and 
members of the NLD have continued to call for a peaceful political 
dialogue with the SPDC to achieve a democratic transition: Now, 
therefore, be it 

Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring), 
That it is the sense of Congress that-- 

(1) United States policy should strongly support the restoration of 
democracy in Burma, including implementation of the results of the 
free and fair elections of 1990; 

(2) United States policy should continue to call upon the military 
regime			
in Burma known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)--
 
(A) to guarantee freedom of assembly, freedom of movement, freedom of 
speech, and freedom of the press for all Burmese citizens; 

(B) to immediately accept a political dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu 
Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and ethnic leaders to 
advance peace and reconciliation in Burma; 

(C) to immediately and unconditionally release all detained Members 
elected to the 1990 parliament and other political prisoners; and 

(D) to promptly and fully uphold the terms and conditions of all 
human rights and related resolutions passed by the United Nations 
General

Assembly, the Commission on Human Rights, the International Labor 
Organization, and the European Union; and 

(3) United States policy should sustain current economic and 
political sanctions against Burma, and seek multilateral support for 
those sanctions, as the appropriate means?E 
(A) to secure the restoration of democracy, human rights, and civil 
liberties in Burma; and 

(B) to support United States national security counternarcotics 
interests. 
[Page: S7283]

Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the amendment 
to the resolution be agreed to. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.  The 
committee amendment was agreed to. 

Mr. BURNS. I ask unanimous consent that the resolution, as amended, 
be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be 
laid upon the table, and any statements relating to this resolution 
be printed in the Record. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

The concurrent resolution (S. Con. Res. 113), as amended, was agreed 
to.  The preamble was agreed to.  The concurrent resolution, as 
amended, with its preamble, reads as follows:

S. Con. Res. 113
Whereas in 1988 thousands of Burmese citizens called for a democratic 
change in Burma and participated in peaceful demonstrations to 
achieve this result;

Whereas these demonstrations were brutally repressed by the Burmese
military, resulting in the loss of hundreds of lives; 

Whereas, despite continued repression, the Burmese people turned out 
in record numbers to vote in elections deemed free and fair by 
international observers; 

Whereas on May 27, 1990, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led 
by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won more than 60 percent of the popular vote 
and 80 percent of the parliamentary seats in the elections; 

Whereas the Burmese military rejected the results of the elections, 
placed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of members of the NLD under 
arrest, pressured members of the NLD to resign, and severely 
restricted freedom of assembly, speech, and the press; 

Whereas 48,000,000 people in Burma continue to suffer gross 
violations of human rights, including the right to democracy, and 
economic deprivation under a military regime known as the State Peace 
and Development Council (SPDC); 

Whereas on September 16, 1998, the members of the NLD and other 
political parties who won the 1990 elections joined together to form 
the Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP) as an 
interim mechanism to address human rights, economic and other 
conditions, and provide representation of the political views and 
voice of Members of Parliament elected to but denied office in 1990; 

Whereas the United Nations General Assembly and Commission on Human 
Rights have condemned in nine consecutive resolutions the persecution 
of religious and ethnic minorities and the political opposition, and 
SPDC's record of forced labor, exploitation, and sexual violence 
against women; 

Whereas the United States and the European Union Council of Foreign 
Ministers have similarly condemned conditions in Burma and officially 
imposed travel restrictions and other sanctions against the SPDC; 

Whereas in May 1999, the International Labor Organization (ILO) 
condemned the SPDC for inflicting forced labor on the people and has 
banned the SPDC from participating in any ILO meetings; 

Whereas the 1999 Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights 
Practices for Burma identifies more than 1,300 people who continue to 
suffer inhumane detention conditions as political prisoners in Burma; 

Whereas the Department of State International Narcotics Control 
Report for 2000 determines that Burma is the second largest world-
wide source of illicit opium and heroin and that there are 
continuing, reliable reports that Burmese officials are `involved in 
the drug business or are paid toallow the drug business to be 
conducted by others', conditions which pose a direct threat to United 
States national security interests; and 

Whereas, despite these massive violations of human rights and civil 
liberties and chronic economic deprivation, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and 
members of the NLD have continued to call for a peaceful political 
dialogue with the SPDC to achieve a democratic transition: Now, 
therefore, be it 

Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring), 
That it
is the sense of Congress that-- 

(1) United States policy should strongly support the restoration of 
democracy in Burma, including implementation of the results of the 
free and  fair elections of 1990; 

(2) United States policy should continue to call upon the military 
regime in Burma known as the State Peace and Development Council 
(SPDC)-- 

(A) to guarantee freedom of assembly, freedom of movement, freedom of 
speech, and freedom of the press for all Burmese citizens; 

(B) to immediately accept a political dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu 
Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and ethnic leaders to 
advance peace and reconciliation in Burma; 

(C) to immediately and unconditionally release all detained Members 
elected to the 1990 parliament and other political prisoners; and 

(D) to promptly and fully uphold the terms and conditions of all 
human rights and related resolutions passed by the United Nations 
General Assembly, the Commission on Human Rights, the International 
Labor Organization, and the European Union; and 

(3) United States policy should sustain current economic and 
political sanctions against Burma, and seek multilateral support for 
those sanctions, as the appropriate means-- 

(A) to secure the restoration of democracy, human rights, and civil 
liberties in Burma; and 

(B) to support United States national security counternarcotics 
interests. 

Passed the Senate July 19, 2000. 		


 
_________________OPINION/EDITORIALS________________



THE NATION:  NLD STAYS COMMITTED TO DEMOCRACY 

July 21, 2000

On the eve of the 33rd Asean Ministerial Meeting and the Asean 
Regional Forum in Bangkok next week, Aung San Suu Kyi Nobel laureate 
and general secretary of Burma's National League for Democracy, has 
released this message to delegates.

Burma is very much an integral part of Southeast Asia. What ever 
happens in our country will inevitably have repercussions on the rest 
of the region. For this reason we are particularly anxious that Asean 
countries understand what is really going on in Burma today.

I do not think there is any necessity for us to repeat what has 
already been said about human-rights violations, about the lack of 
the rule of law in this country. I would like to concentrate on other 
issues perhaps less widely known.

One of the main reasons why the NLD and other forces within Burma 
believe that our country needs a change to a democratic system of 
politics is because we have found through bitter experience that 
authoritarian rule had not brought any benefits to our country.

At one time Burma was a leading light. I have to confess that some of 
the Burmese people would like to think that we were the leading light 
of Southeast Asia; but these days have vanished together with our 
democratic rights. We feel that there is a need to restore stability 
and rule of law in Burma, not only that our country may progress and 
our people may be happy, but that that we may be able to contribute 
towards stability and progress in our region.

We are aware that Asean countries, like many any other countries all 
over the world, are anxious that there should be stability and peace 
in Burma. We are aware of the goodwill towards our country. We are 
also aware of the difficulties in finding ways and means of bringing 
about necessary changes in Burma.

The NLD and other forces working for democracy in Burma have always 
understood that the struggle is mainly ours. It is our duty to do 
what we can to bring about necessary changes in our country. But at 
the same time we know that it is no longer possible to isolate any 
nation in this world today.

The link between the nations of this world today cannot be broken. It 
cannot be broken without harm to peoples of all the countries 
themselves. The troubles of Burma have spilled over our borders. They 
have spilled over to the west to Bangladesh, over to the east to 
Thailand. It is hardly necessary to reiterate what has been happening 
in Thailand because of Burmese refugees and Burmese migrant workers.

So the days have passed when we can say that the troubles of one 
country can be isolated and that the internal affairs of one country 
are no concern of its neighbours. We believe that our Asean 
neighbours understand this, and at the same time we also know that 
the Asean nations have to cope with the dilemma of respecting 
individual sovereignty of nations as well as trying to make moves 
that would benefit the whole region.

I would like to take the opportunity to explain why we believe that a 
democratic Burma would help to bring peace and stability to this 
region. First of all, a democratic government is an accountable 
government, whoever is ruling Burma with in a democratic system will 
have to ensure that there are good relations with our neighbours, as 
well as good relations within the country, between the different 
ethnic peoples of Burma.

This is one of the most import issues of our country, unity within 
the nation. The NLD has established great trust and friendship of 
different ethnic nationality groups. When the Committee Representing 
the People's Parliament was formed two years ago, four major ethnic 
nationality parties were represented on this committee, and over two 
years we have strengthened ties of friendship and trust with our 
allies. This is an excellent augury for the future of Burma.

All those who are interested in the stability of Burma should 
encourage this development, the strong ties of friendship and trust 
that we have been able to develop between different ethnic 
nationalities in this country.
We want also to establish strong and friendly relations with all our 
neighbours. Since Burma achieved independence in 1948, as a 
democratic regime, we have maintained good relations with our 
neighbours, to the east, to the west and to the north. If there were 
any islands in the south, we would have established good relations 
with them too.

This has always been our policy, to maintain friendly relations with 
our neighbours based on mutual understanding of each others' 
problems. And we are fully confident that a democratic government 
will carry on this tradition.

We also want to talk about the matter of economic cooperation. The 
Committee Representing the People's Parliament and the NLD have 
brought out official papers on our attitude towards our economy. We 
have tried to make our Asean neighbours as well as the rest of world 
understand that we believe in an open-market economy based on free 
and fair competition. We believe in a kind of economy that will 
benefit the people of our country as well as all those who have 
invested in our country.


We are not anti-business, we are not anti-investment, but we are very 
anxious that business and investment should be conducted in such a 
way as to be beneficial to our people as well as to investors.

There are many people who question whether we have any plans for a 
democratic Burma. It would be difficult in a short session like this 
to explain what our plans are. But as I mentioned earlier, we have 
brought out official papers laying out a progranme for a future 
democratic Burma.

Of necessity, it very much a general programme, but they lay out our 
views on the economy, on defence, on social services, particularly on 
education and health, and on relations with the rest of the world. A 
study of our papers would make it obvious that a democratic 
administration would have much to offer to the Asean region, not just 
to the people Burma.

It is also worth mentioning that a democratic government is what is 
desired by the people of Burma. When they were allowed to vote freely 
and fairly in 1990, they chose a democratic system of government by 
voting overwhelmingly for the NLD. To those who say that this was 10 
years ago, I would like to say: give us a chance to move freely, to 
operate freely as a political party, and we can ensure that the 
support of our people not only is maintained but will increase.

The NLD and I myself personally have often been accused of being 
inflexible by those who are opposed to a democratic transition. I 
think some members of Asean and other nations are in the best 
position to know whether or not we are inflexible. We have accepted 
suggestions by Asian and Asean countries with regard to compromises 
that should be made to make dialogue possible between the military 
regime and ourselves. And we accepted those compromises.

Those who made those suggestions are fully aware of who it was who 
refused to consider the compromises. When we are accused of 
inflexibility, sometimes it surprises us. What have we more to be 
flexible about?

We have agreed to all reasonable suggestions of compromise. The only 
thing to which we have not agreed is the annihilation of our party 
and the crushing of the rights of the peoples of Burma. To that we 
cannot agree, because we are honour bound to protect those who have 
supported our party and supported our movement for democracy. In 
other ways we have always been ready to compromise for the good of 
our nation and for peace, stability and harmony within our region. 
And this remains our firm policy: that reasonable compromise which 
would promote peace, stability and harmony within our country or 
within our region is always acceptable to us.

There is a difference between a readiness to compromise and a 
readiness to kneel. We are not ready to kneel - that we have to say 
frankly - because by kneeling we would be letting down those who 
trusted us to bring democracy to Burma.

When the NLD was founded we promised our people that this party was 
founded to bring democracy to Burma. So we have to keep our word, and 
we have to keep the trust of our people. But it does not mean that 
the struggle to bring disunity between those who do not believe in 
what we are doing and those who are supporting what we are doing. We 
have to learn that there can be unity out of diversity. We have to 
learn that we can find solutions that will be acceptable to all 
political forces concerned.

We believe that this is what Asean members would also like, that we 
shall be able to find a solution acceptable to all concerned. We have 
made a number of suggestions in the past, and some members of the 
international community have also made suggestions of their own, but 
unfortunately the military regime has not accepted any of these 
suggestions. However, I do not think that there is any reason for us 
to be discouraged, because I believe that we are all working towards 
the same end, a stable, harmonious Burma that will be a source of 
pride, as well as a source of material benefit to our neighbours and 
to the rest of the world, We intend to keep working towards such a 
situation, and we would like to invite all the members of Asean to 
help us.

We do not think that it is possible for our neighbours to ignore what 
is going on in this country, and certainly we are not indifferent to 
the views of our neighbours. The Committee Representing the People's 
Parliament and the NLD have always put great importance on the 
necessity of maintaining good relations with our neighbours and with 
the international community in general. We will continue with our 
efforts to make our movement for democracy  a movement that is 
supported by all the peoples of the world, because it is a movement 
aimed at promoting not just material goods in this world but also 
such spiritual satisfaction as can only be achieved through peace and 
harmony.



_______________________________________________________



THE NATION:(EDITORIAL) CHINA CAN NO LONGER IGNORE THAI CONCERNS

July 21, 2000
 
PRIME Minister Chuan Leekpai did not mince his words on Wednesday 
when he appealed to Chinese Vice President Hu Jintao for Beijing's 
support in combating the drug trade along the Thai-Burmese border. In 
stating Thailand's concerns over the issue, Chuan has finally brought 
into the open just how deeply worried the country is. For years, drug 
smuggling by minority groups in Burma has been cutting a swathe 
through Thai society and it is easily the most serious and daunting 
issue facing the country. 

Hu, who visited Burma before coming to Thailand, said drug 
trafficking is a grave threat to regional security. China has offered 
Burma assistance in planting sugar cane as a crop substitute for 
poppies. 

Thailand and China share a common drug problem because they both have 
borders with Burma. Most of the drugs that come out of Burma go 
through these two countries and out into the world. Of late, the drug 
trafficking route that cuts across southern China has become very 
popular. But herein lies the rub: China is the Burmese junta leaders' 
best friend. 

The relocation of the Wa minority under the control of the United Wa 
Army from the Burmese-Chinese border down south towards the Thai-
Burmese border shows the depth of Rangoon's intimacy with Beijing. 
While Rangoon wants to appease Beijing, it has no hesitation in 
continuing to challenge Bangkok, repeatedly failing to pay due 
respect to its concern over cross-border trafficking. In the past 
several years, the Burmese junta leaders have successfully 
used "divide and rule" tactics with their numerous minorities. Now, 
it is using the armed Wa as a bargaining chip with Thailand. 

Therefore, Chuan's discussion with Hu underlines the long-term 
implications of the drug trade on the otherwise excellent Thai-
Chinese relations. Thailand would like to see China play a proactive 
role in helping to stem drug smuggling along its borders with Burma, 
especially of the methamphetamine tablets produced by the Wa 
minority. Millions of these tablets are floating around Thailand and 
being consumed in increasing quantities by the young. 

It's no secret that China enjoys the most collaborative relationship 
of any country with the military junta in Rangoon, which has been 
relying heavily on Beijing's generous military and economic aid 
(Beijing-Rangoon military ties have already become a regional 
concern). So Chuan's appeal to Hu - the first by Thailand at this 
level - is a serious one. Deputy Foreign Minister MR Sukhumbhand 
Paribatra is scheduled to visit Kunming soon to discuss drug issues 
with the Chinese authorities. 

If this problem is to be solved, Thailand and China must cooperate 
with one another. One area is to share intelligence information so 
that anti-narcotic suppression operations can be carried out more 
effectively. Such cooperation will also strengthen both countries and 
show their sincerity toward each other. If possible, there should 
tripartite cooperation between the two countries and the US Drug 
Enforcement Agency, which has been closely monitoring the drug 
situation in the region. This would constitute a new effort that 
would bring in concerned parties to tackle this problem together. 

With the armed Wa minority operating so close to the Thai border, 
Burma has become a factor in Thai-Chinese relations as never before. 
Bangkok and Beijing are currently celebrating 25 years of diplomatic 
relations. Both countries have navigated this relationship well, 
leaving drugs - and the Mekong cooperation project - untouched. But 
given the insidiousness of trafficking, it can no longer remain that 
way. China must not let Burma play it off against Thailand over the 
drugs issue. Similarly, China can no longer afford the luxury of 
indulging in a policy of ambivalence or non-interference. 





____________________________________________________

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