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BurmaNet News: September 29, 2000
- Subject: BurmaNet News: September 29, 2000
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Fri, 29 Sep 2000 13:40:00
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
_________September 29, 2000 Issue # 1629__________
INSIDE BURMA _______
*Reuters: Myanmar blasts opponents, Suu Kyi still locked up
*FEER: Burmese Rifts
*DVB: Junta building new air base in south
REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*AP: EU Urges Myanmar To Lift Restrictions On Aung San Suu Kyi
*AP: Thailand Supports Oct UN Mission To End Myanmar Deadlock
*The Nation: Maneeloy to be shut down next year
*The Nation: FROM THE EDGE: Burmese exiles in India lose their edge
OPINION/EDITORIALS _______
*The Nation: EDITORIAL: Razali's mission to Burma critical
*Bohmu Aung's address at his residence at a ceremony on August 31st to
mark his 90th birthday.
OTHER _______
*All Burma Students' Democratic Front: Reorganization Statement
The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
Reuters: Myanmar blasts opponents, Suu Kyi still locked up
YANGON, Sept 29 (Reuters) - Myanmar"s military branded the opposition a
group of traitors on Friday and said pro-democracy figurehead Aung San
Suu Kyi, who remains locked in her house and cut off from contact, was
trying to destroy the country. Suu Kyi"s two attempts this year to leave
Yangon in defiance of restrictions on her freedom have sparked an angry
response from the military government, which has confined senior
opposition members to their homes and put one in detention. In the
latest of a series of stinging attacks, the official Kyemon newspaper
said Suu Kyi had been "going on the rampage" and was damaging the
government"s image. "Suu Kyi has been going on the rampage more than
before since the begining of 2000," it said.
"She has been attempting to make the Western bloc more hostile to
Myanmar and showing her cunning will towards the people." Another
commentary in the Kyemon and Myanma Alin newspapers said Suu Kyi"s
National League for Democracy (NLD) was in league with foreign
colonialists trying to destabilise Myanmar. "What Myanmar"s 50 million
people are after today is living an easy life, making an easy living and
keeping Myanmar"s independence and territorial integrity," the
commentary said. "The colonialist group, which wants to influence
Myanmar, is interfering to spoil national unity and to disrupt the peace
and progress of the country by mingling intimately with internal
traitors."
INTERNATIONAL OUTRAGE The treatment of Suu Kyi has sparked
international condemnation and thrown into doubt a planned meeting in
Laos in December between the Association of South East Asian Nations
(ASEAN) and foreign ministers of the European Union. The 55-year-old
Nobel laureate was released from house arrest in 1995 but her movements
remain severely restricted. She tried to leave Yangon by car in August
but was stopped by the police south of the capital, and was forcibly
returned home after a nine-day roadside standoff. An attempt to leave
the city by rail last week was also blocked by police. Suu Kyi and seven
senior colleagues have been kept locked in their homes since then, and
NLD Vice Chairman Tin Oo is in detention. The government says Suu Kyi
and her companions lashed out at railway cleaning staff and may face
charges. The NLD won elections in 1990 by a landslide but has never been
allowed to govern. The government says public opinion has turned against
the party, and official newspapers regularly carry stories reporting
mass anti-NLD demonstrations. It says millions of voters have signed
petitions demanding the dissolution of the party. (With additional
reporting by Andrew Marshall in Bangkok)
____________________________________________________
FEER: Burmese Rifts
By Bertil Lintner
Far Eastern Economic Review
REVIEW
Issue cover-dated October 5, 2000
While the outside world has been focusing in recent weeks on the
stand-off between Burma's ruling generals and opposition leader Aung San
Suu Kyi, serious problems within the junta, the State Peace and
Development Council, have also been making themselves apparent.
It began with the "voluntary resignation" on August 28 of naval chief
and SPDC member Vice-Adm. Nyunt Thein. Two week later, another 17
high-ranking naval officers were removed. Many naval officers, loyal to
Nyunt Thein, are also reported to have submitted resignations.
Analysts believe the navy shake-up reflects the larger rivalry between
Gen. Maung Aye, the army chief and SPDC vice-chairman, and intelligence
boss Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt. Resentment has also been growing over the
increasing authority army officers have in coastal areas.
But potentially even more serious are signs of a rift over the junta's
economic policies. In an amazingly outspoken address to academics at
Rangoon's Institute of Economics on July 7, Brig.-Gen. Zaw Tun, deputy
minister for national planning and economic development, revealed that
official data for growth had been grossly, and deliberately,
exaggerated.
He called the Burma Investment Commission "too protective" and accused
the government of spurring inflation by printing money. Zaw Tun has
since been dismissed and placed under house arrest. But silencing him
may not hide Burma's woes. In his speech he used an English phrase to
describe economic-policy failures: "Killing me softly with the system."
____________________________________________________
DVB: Junta building new air base in south
Text of report by Burmese opposition radio on 28th September
The SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] military government has
planned to build an airbase in Tenasserim Division with fighters and
helicopters purchased from China. The area between Mergui airport and
LIB [Light Infantry Battalion] No 17 in Tenasserim Division has been
cleared and construction has already begun. Surveys were carried out
since June. Construction materials were shipped from Rangoon to Mergui.
The new air base, which is under construction in the area between Mergui
airport and LIB No. 17 headquarters, is to be formed with a squadron of
eight Chinese-made fighters and eight helicopters including a radar
station.
The Coastal Region Military Command headquarters has issued a directive
that LIB No. 17 will be moved to Tamok Village in Palaw Township due to
the airbase. No compensation was given to the villagers whose land were
confiscated and they were forcibly moved from their villages to make way
for the air base. This report was filed by DVB [Democratic Voice of
Burma] correspondent Aung Hlaing Oo.
___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
AP: EU Urges Myanmar To Lift Restrictions On Aung San Suu Kyi
Friday, September 29 3:24 AM SGT
PARIS (AP)--The European Union said Thursday that Myanmar's authorities
must immediately lift restrictions on the freedom of movement of
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, adding that it was deeply concerned
by the Noble Peace laureate's situation. A statement issued by the EU
Presidency, currently held by France, condemned the restrictions on the
free movement of Suu Kyi and members of the her party, the National
League for Democracy.
Suu Kyi and eight other central executive committee members of the NLD
have been under virtual house arrest since last Friday after she made
her second attempt in one month to travel upcountry by train. She has
been similarly stopped on several occasions in the past.
Security forces hauled Suu Kyi and deputy party leader Tin Oo out of the
Yangon railway station after they tried to travel to Myanmar's second
biggest city, Mandalay, for party work. Officials say Tin Oo is being
kept at a government guest house.
Suu Kyi led a pro-democracy uprising against the military in 1988 and
was put under house arrest a year later. Her National League for
Democracy won general elections in 1990, but was prevented from taking
power.
Over the past month, the military's restrictions on the NLD have drawn a
barrage of international criticism.
"All current restrictions on Aung San Suu Kyi's freedom of movement and
on her freedom to communicate with the outside world and to receive
visitors must be lifted without delay," the EU statement said, calling
for dialogue between the authorities and the democratic opposition,
including the NLD.
____________________________________________________
AP: Thailand Supports Oct UN Mission To End Myanmar Deadlock
Friday, September 29 5:11 PM SGT
BANGKOK (AP)--Thailand voiced support Friday for a United Nations
mission to break the political deadlock inside Myanmar, warning the
situation there could deteriorate and affect other countries in the
region. A Thai Foreign Ministry statement urged Myanmar's military
government and pro-democracy opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to
cooperate with U.N. envoy Razali Ismail, a former Malaysian diplomat,
who will visit Myanmar in the second week of October.
On Thursday Thai Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan met with Razali, who
was appointed by U.N. Secretary-general Kofi Annan in April to promote
human rights and broker political reconciliation in Myanmar, also known
as Burma.
Without an urgent improvement, "the situation (in Myanmar) will only
deteriorate. The impact will not be limited only to inside Myanmar, but
will affect the region as Myanmar is also an ASEAN member," the Thai
statement said.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which includes Thailand,
admitted Yangon in 1997, despite Western opposition because of Myanmar's
poor human rights record. ASEAN nations rarely comment on the internal
affairs of a fellow member.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy swept 1990 general elections in
Myanmar but was barred from taking power by the military, that has
jailed hundreds of her followers and heavily restricts the NLD leader's
movements.
The long-running war of wills between Suu Kyi and the regime, which has
ignored the pro-democracy leader's long-standing calls for political
talks between them, has escalated since Razali's first visit to Myanmar
in June
.
Since Sept. 22, Suu Kyi and other leaders of her party have been under
virtual house arrest after her second attempt in one month to travel
outside Yangon was blocked by authorities. The regime's actions drew
renewed international criticism.
The Thai statement called for a political dialogue between the two sides
to promote national reconciliation for the benefit of the "majority of
Myanmar people."
____________________________________________________
The Nation: Maneeloy to be shut down next year
- Sep 29, 2000.
BY JEERAPORN CHAISRI
THAILAND will close down the Maneeloy holding centre next year as all
Burmese residents there are expected to leave soon for overseas
resettlement, Ratchaburi Deputy Governor Preecha Raungchan said
yesterday.
The Kingdom has accelerated the resettlement of thousands of the
centre's residents groups of Burmese gunmen seized and briefly held
hostages at the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok last October, then the
Ratchaburi Hospital in late January.
Preecha, who oversees the Maneeloy centre, said more than 1,000 Burmese
have been resettled in third countries since last October.
There are now less than 1,300 students in the camp and all have been
registered for overseas resettlement.
Most were accepted by the United Kingdom, Canada, New Zealand, Sweden,
Norway, Finland, Australia and the United States - the last two
countries taking the largest share.
About 50 refugees will fly to New Zealand on October 24.
Another big group is scheduled to leave in February, because all flights
to the resettlement countries are fully booked due to peak tourist
bookings.
Preecha said he expected the rest to be resettled by the middle of next
year as the preparation-and-resettlement process was going on smoothly
with cooperation from the Maneeloy residents.
Before the embassy hostage crisis, many Burmese students had resisted
attempts to relocate them elsewhere in the country or resettle them
overseas.
"If the Thai government and the UNHCR [UN High Commissioner for
Refugees] have a concrete policy to resettle all Maneeloy residents, we
will be able to close down the centre sometime early next year," said
the deputy governor.
Preecha said holding centre residents were allowed to enjoy sports and
recreational activities, but forbidden from engaging in any political
work or campaigns.
The authorities had to impose strict rules, he said, because it was not
easy to look after more than a thousand people.
If any of the Burmese break the rules, they would be sent to Bang Kaen
Police Cadet School in Bangkok for temporary detention.
"It's not jail imprisonment, only temporary detention," Preecha said.
"I understand what they [Burmese students] want is freedom, but they
should be aware of Thai law as well. If we let them engage in political
activities, Thailand might run into trouble again. I have, therefore,
followed the Interior Ministry's regulations in overseeing peace and
order in the camp," said Preecha, who will be transferred to Phetchaboon
province next month.
But there were still a few Burmese students who managed to sneak out of
the camp to run political activities, he claimed.
Preecha said the Thai government provided English lessons, computer and
vocational training for centre residents to prepare them for life
abroad.
The Maneeloy centre was set up in 1992 to house Burmese students
recognised by the UNHCR as refugees or 'persons of concern'.
____________________________________________________
The Nation: FROM THE EDGE: Burmese exiles in India lose their edge
Sep 30, 2000.
BY YINDEE LERTCHAROENCHOK
PUNE, India - Whereas their fellow countrymen in Thailand have been
living under constant threat of arrest and expulsion, Burmese refugees
and political activists in India have been enjoying the hospitality of
their host government.
The Burmese exiles not only mingle with the locals and live like Indian
citizens but they are also allowed to engage in political activism as
long as it remains peaceful and does not affect "Indian policy and
relations" with its neighbour to the east.
Interestingly, India and Thailand - two model democracies in South and
Southeast Asia - have over the past 10 years been watching Burma closely
and with similar grave concern. But each has treated exiled Burmese
living on their soil differently.
While Thailand is to be thanked for housing and tolerating hundreds of
thousands of Burmese refugees, economic migrants and dissidents and has
often closed its eyes to Burmese anti-government activism, these groups
of people have lived virtually under the whim of the powers-that-be in
Thailand, not to mention being subject to constant police crackdowns and
financial extortion. The Burmese can one day be valued as a prized cheap
labour source for the Thai industrial sector, and the next day be
vilified as snatchers of employment from Thai workers.
As Thai-Burmese relations began to deteriorate in the past two years,
partly as the result of violent Burmese activism in Thailand, the
leadership in Bangkok realised the large presence of undocumented and
uncontrolled Burmese in the Kingdom would only create more problems and
eventually harm its national interests.
Thus it's not a surprise that after the armed seizure of the Burmese
Embassy in Bangkok last October, the Thai government urged the West to
quicken their resettlement of thousands of so-called Burmese "students"
who were recognised by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). At
the same time, the government has repeatedly called on the UN refugee
body and Rangoon to help in the repatriation of more than 100,000 border
refugees, mainly Karen, back to Burma.
After the military coup in September 1988, tens of thousands of Burmese
students and urban protesters decided to flee the crackdown to the Thai
border, hoping to obtain international support and sympathy for their
democratic cause. Only a few thousand opted to leave for the Indian
border.
Large numbers of the former group have since been resettled in the West
or returned to Burma or continue to live low-profile lives in Thailand
or on the border. The latter group, confined initially for a few years
to border camps in India's northeastern Manipur State, has largely moved
to live in New Delhi and other major cities. Most of them are not only
protected as refugees by the UNHCR but are also recognised by the Indian
government as democratic activists fleeing political repression back
home.
Many of those in India subsequently entered Indian schooling and higher
education. Although about a thousand of them have since been resettled
in third countries, mainly in the West, several hundred are said to be
staying put in New Delhi, Calcutta and in various northeastern cities.
Indian officials and Burmese activists in India attribute the Indian
"sympathy and hospitality" towards Burmese dissidents to the country's
"strong political culture and tradition". The world's largest democracy,
India takes pride in its advocacy for freedom and democratic values and
often sides with the oppressed people of dictatorships.
Between 1988 and 1993, the national All India Radio's Burmese language
service continuously broadcast pro-democracy news and information and
openly voiced government support for the democratic struggle in Burma.
Although New Delhi's policy towards Burma has started to shift towards
cultivating closer relations with the Burmese junta, the country's
adherence to freedom and democracy has never been totally abandoned.
As one official pointed out, the Burmese ruling generals have recently
complained about the Burmese democratic movement in India and requested
New Delhi crack down on it. The government's response was that "it has
toned down its support [for the Burmese], but it's not India's tradition
to throw these values [of freedom and democracy] away."
"As long as they demonstrate peacefully and do not create any violence,
there is not going to be any crackdown," the official added.
Burmese dissidents themselves have also praised India for its tolerance
and sympathy for the Burmese democratic struggle. They acknowledge the
lack of either hostility or discrimination against them, even among the
general Indian public.
"But again we [Burmese] are not the only exiled political group here. In
fact, we are pretty small when compared with the Tibetans or the Bengali
from Bangladesh," said Thin Thin Aung, a leading Burmese activist with
the Delhi-based Mizzima News Group.
"In general, there exists no hostility against the Burmese," noted one
official. "There is also no public discrimination against them. It's a
neutral kind of attitude."
A striking example of the sympathetic Indian attitude towards Burmese
dissidents is reflected by none other than Defence Minister George
Fernandez himself. He not only welcomes the Burmese who come to ask him
for help and political support, but he has also opened his residential
compound for them to stay. He also does not restrain his sharp criticism
against the Burmese junta for its harsh repression against the
democratic opposition and its increased dependence on China - the "major
threat" to India.
But despite the freedom and sympathy from top Indian political and
bureaucratic circles, Burmese political activism in India hardly gets
any Indian media coverage. In fact, news on Burma finds little space in
the country's numerous broad-sheet newspapers or electronic media,
unless it is a matter of national security or whenever Nobel Peace Prize
laureate Aung San Suu Kyi comes under harassment.
Of late, the Indian press began to voice its concern over Burma's closer
ties with China and potential Chinese military expansion into the Indian
Ocean.
It's a pity that the majority of India's one billion people, however,
remains pretty much unaware of what's been happening across their
eastern border where political repression has been the norm of the day.
Indian intellectuals, journalists and politicians attribute the public's
ignorance to the Indian media's virtual lack of interest. But they also
blame the Burmese dissidents themselves for the failure to lobby and for
their "ineffective" publicity campaigns.
"They have come to live such a comfortable life that perhaps they have
forgotten their cause," said one official. "For example, one leading
Burmese politician has never done any lobbying with the media. I can say
that there is absolutely not even one Indian journalist or writer who is
dedicated to writing about the Burmese cause for them."
_______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS _______________
_________________OPINION/EDITORIALS________________
The Nation: EDITORIAL: Razali's mission to Burma critical
- Sep 30, 2000.
DATO Ismail Razali, UN special envoy to Burma, will visit the
beleaguered country early next month. His trip comes at the most crucial
time for Burma since the crackdown on democracy in 1988. Two major
reasons give rise to optimism that there will be a breakthrough in the
decade-long political impasse. Firstly, Razali represents the United
Nations' ongoing effort to promote national reconciliation in Burma.
Secondly, he is one of Malaysia's most famous veteran diplomats, and is
close to Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad.
Razali held extensive talks with Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan on
Thursday about the situation on Burma. It was a good meeting because it
was a rare opportunity for Thailand and Malaysia to sit down and discuss
the crisis in Burma. Within the region, it has been an open secret that
the two countries have different approaches towards Burma.
It was Mahathir who succeeded in bringing the pariah state into Asean as
a member in 1997. Thailand was to blame for a lack of strong leadership
to counterbalance Mahathir's push for Burma's membership. Other Asean
countries were overwhelmed by Malaysia's weight.
This will not be the last consultation between the two countries. There
will be a series of meetings after Razali's trip to ensure that his
efforts produce results. The Thai-Malaysian effort also can be expanded
in the near future to include other like-minded Asean countries in the
effort to assert peer pressure on Burma. Asean finds it impossible to
act as a group because gaining a consensus on this issue is extremely
difficult. Vietnam, the current chair, is approaching Rangoon about the
possibility of having an Asean troika inside the country. This followed
UN secretary-general Kofi Annan's suggestion to Vietnam at UN
headquarters in New York. So far, Burma is not happy about the idea.
Annan has taken a special interest in the Burma crisis, and has now
become personally involved. Therefore, Razali's trip can make or break
the notorious Rangoon regime. That explains why Thailand, along with
Western countries, has strongly backed Razali in searching for a way out
of the current impasse. It is high time for Burma to show its Asean
spirit. If the country has any, it must start a political dialogue with
the opposition. For the past three years, Asean has suffered from
Burma's intransigence.
Beyond Asean, Japan can help. Razali, who has also held talks with
Japanese leaders, is confident that Tokyo's economic leverage can be put
to good use. So far, Japan has used only the "carrot" half of the
"carrot and stick" approach. Japan has been most generous in providing
humanitarian assistance to Burma, despite the termination of official
aid. If Japan wants to help improve the situation in Burma, Tokyo must
end its marshmallow methods. It must get tough and break out its stick.
Otherwise, its aid will only compound the problem and turn the junta
leaders more inward, hardening them into a refusal to cooperate.
With the support of Malaysia and the UN, as well as core Asean
countries, Razali carries with him the UN mandate and Mahathir's
friendship. If his visit fails, Burma will certainly become the target
for criticism and condemnation in a series of international meetings.
This will include a review of labour conditions inside Burma at the
International Labour Organisation.
____________________________________________________
Bohmu Aung's address at his residence at a ceremony on August 31st to
mark his 90th birthday.
[Excerpt]
........I am 90 today. The other yebaws (comrades) are in their 70s and
80s. So we should be doing what is worthwhile during this lifetime to
reap rewards in the next existence. We were the founders of the tatmadaw
and we formally pledged that we would loyally serve, defend and respect
our country and people; that we would unhesitatingly, faithfully and
unremittingly obey orders and defend our country even to the extent of
sacrificing our lives. Those solemn vows must be kept. Amongst those
present here today are many ex BIA and BDA tatmadaw comrades who
fulfilled those vows. Their example should be followed and sacrifices
for one's country must be made. Doing anything and everything according
to one's whims and fancies will have a boomerang effect on the pledger.
It is the same as 'kyan-su-mai' (meaning falling under a curse).......
.......... Tatmadaw members of today have to take a formal oath. It is
the same as 'kyan-kyein-de'. The tatmadaw will endure if the oath is
observed. Otherwise it will disintegrate. As founders and members of the
BDA and BIA who took the oath, my comrades (Thakin Chit Maung and
others) and I, even in our old age, steadfastly continue to be concerned
for the country and the political state we are experiencing today. We
are not looking for benefits for ourselves. We have to keep the oath,
the vows we have taken so that we do not fall under a curse. Some who
are in power and have authority may regard us disdainfully because of
our age. Nonetheless we maintain that it is absolutely essential for an
amicable settlement to be reached with those who have been elected by
the people. -------
------It was this tatmadaw that appointed an election commission and
called the elections. Now, it is this same tatmadaw that will not to
this day honor the results of the elections. The party that won the
elections is demanding that since a democratic election was held, power
must be transferred to them to govern. For this they are accused. They
are called "power-hungry, power-mad". Who caused this power-madness?
They started it. If they wanted to hold on to power, why did they hold
elections to begin with? The fact that elections were held proves that
they wanted democracy. In ignoring the elected representatives, their
own spittle has fallen on their faces. When one looks up to the sky and
spits where does the spittle fall? On the face of the spitter. Instead
of considering their own actions they condemn those who want to follow
through with the democratic system. They call them "power-mongers who
rely on foreigners". This makes us very sad. The military is referred
to as "tatmadaw" by all ethnic groups of the country. Affixing the
letters "daw' to words lends dignity like "ya-han-daw", "pho-thu-daw"
and "bwa-daw" It will be disgraceful if instead of saying "tatmadaw",
the term "military" is used.
----------- Having taken the oath which I have referred to already, are
they performing the obligations of respecting and defending the country
and the people? Everyone knows that they are not. The whole world
knows. Daw Suu Kyi did not inadvertently call the elections, nor did the
other political parties. It was this tatmadaw, the present dictators
that made it happen. Now, instead of abiding by the results, they are
looking the other way as if it did not happen, as if it had nothing to
do with them. The truth is that they created the elections. It has
everything to do with them. The Malaysian who is a representative of the
United Nations told Daw Suu Kyi that the State Council and the Elections
Commission should be sued. Why? Because it was the Elections Commission
that was empowered to conduct the elections and in keeping with the
democratic system, it should instruct the current government (the
current power holders) to transfer power to the winning party who must
form govern.
Even if our country has no constitution (which they are saying), an
interim government should be formed with available people and a
constitution must be written. Then a proper government can be formed
according to that constitution. They say that there are no rules for
holding elections. What about the elections they called? What rules
were there? They are ignoring the results because there were no rules!
At the time when Bogyoke Aung San and Atlee entered into a written
agreement about our independence, we were asked to form a constituent
assembly and write a constitution. Under the British there were 91
administrative units and one representative each. For the formation of
this constituent assembly two representatives each was required. U Kyaw
Min and I represented West Thayet District . That was how we formed an
interim government and wrote the constitution. Because the country was
riddled with numerous insurgent groups it was not possible to have
another election for over two years. The interim government and the
AFPFL (Anti Fascist People's Freedom League) party .took charge.------
The excuse given by them is that a legal government cannot be formed
because there is no constitution.. Then why did they call the
elections? It was with the consent of the British government that the
elections for the constituent assembly was held and the constitution was
drawn up with their approval while the country was governed by an
interim government. The same process must be followed now. An interim
government should first be formed and then the constitution must be
written.
---------- One moves around in Rangoon because there are no restrictions
for the Rangoon area. But when we are told we cannot go to this or that
part in Rangoon we are at a loss to understand what is what. They are
not doing what should be done and are doing what should not be done.
What is it that they should be doing? When faced with a crisis it is
usual for the tatmadaw to take over the reigns of government
temporarily. But when the crisis ends, state power must be returned to
the people. Government must be by the people. We had three goals -
independence, unity of the nationalities, and democracy. Today we find
the country is independent but is there unity? NO. Because of the
breakdown in this sphere the demonstrations of 1988 and such like events
are taking place. After all that happened, why did the tatmadaw call
elections?
General Saw Maung declared that they would return to their barracks
after the elections. Up to this day they have not returned to their
barracks. Why? Are the barracks not there? No those barracks are
there. Possibly it is because they do not want to return! If one wants
to work effectively for the country the way to do it is by leaving the
army, forming a political party, contesting in elections and working to
win. This is not what is happening. The country is besieged with
problems on all fronts. Now the whole world is condemning them on
account of the episode relating to Daw Su Kyi. Who and why is this
happening. Because the tatmadaw which has the duty to defend and uphold
the honor and integrity of the people and the country has failed. Why
condemn the tatmadaw? Where has this tatmadaw taken power? It has taken
power in Burma. How shameful for Burma! Burma is the country that the
whole world looks down on. As a country we suffer a lot. The tatmadaw
also suffers. It is something to be ashamed of. This Bogyoke Than Shwe
and all the A-kji A-ke (big bosses) should think about this.
They refer to themselves as the akji ake (persons in authority). The
word 'ke' has bad connotations. It is noxious. When a fellow or a woman
or an old man's behavior is not acceptable, we say "kaung galay taw taw
ke de", "kaung-ma-lay taw taw ke de", "a phogyi taw taw ke de". We
should discard that term "a-kji a-ke" and replace it with "the country's
leaders". Of course they like the term "akji ake" and it is an apt
description of their behaviour.
We are motivated because we desire harmony in the country. We have
written over and over again for the tatmadaw and the NLD to seek a
settlement and every time we write they summon us and scold us harshly.
On the first occasion there were 23 of us. One thakin was sick so he
could not go with us. Colonel Tin Hlaing, the present Home Minister
addressed us as A-ba and said that we could be arrested for submitting
the letter. Our response was that the letter was written out of our
desire for a reconciliation between themselves. We asked about the
provision of law for our arrest and he replied that there was none. So
we said that we were prepared to be arrested. That we were members of
the thakin party and not afraid to go to jail and for his information
told him that our slogan used to be "Big Jail - expand, expand.". Our
subsequent letters resulted in them calling and meeting us. On the third
occasion we were asked what we wanted to see happen. Our reply was that
for the sake of reconciliation parliament should be convened, an interim
government formed where the constitution which they were writing, and
the constitution that Daw Su had written be discussed together or
separately. Then when a proper constitution emerges, call elections
and hand over the government to those so elected.
-------- Earlier they said they would hold no discussions if Daw Su is
included. Then Daw Su gave in and said discussions could be held without
her and any subject would be approved just as along as a discussion took
place. Still nothing happened. From day to day the old, old story is
repeated about the modern colonial expansionists axe handles etc.
Disregarding whatever is said by elders or the youth, whatever is
written in newspapers, they keep making the same accusation. No meeting
and discussion has taken place. There is no consideration for the
country. The tatmadaw should truly face the existing facts and the
country. Its duty is to defend the country from foreign invasion. There
should always be a bond between the people, the tatmadaw and the
country. This does not exist now. According to them the National
Convention is meant to produce unity. The National Convention is
composed of successful election candidates. Daw Su's party has 85% while
the others had just 15%. So when the NLD walked out there was no one
left. The whole world knows these facts. In the end they are plucking
off the NLD as if they were ready for picking.
Their newspapers write that the resignations are voluntary. No one
believes this. Not in the whole world. Resignations are forced.
Resignation is not the voluntary part. There is a voluntary desire to be
free from persecution. Will the tatmadaw's prestige be enhanced because
of these activities? Never. The gap between the people and the tatmadaw
will widen and we, the founders, fear that it will become the hated
tatmadaw. Most of their activities are antagonistic to the people. We
want to tell them not to act like adversaries of the people. The whole
world is advocating that they work towards reconciliation with Daw Suu
Kyi. General Khin Nyunt proclaimed that he regarded her as his little
sister. These words are admirable. It was her father Bogyoke Aung San
who nurtured. the tatmadaw Fighting with Bogyoke Aung San's daughter is
like siblings fighting. Why must brother and sister fight. You must
agree. If brother is naughty, sister must be longsuffering and vice
versa. The duty to help each other not to be bad is obligatory on both
sides. The tatmadaw and Daw Suu both have their duties and tasks. Both
have the same father and when they are fighting, what must we, the
people of the country do. The people are in big trouble. When will
their problems be solved. They are waiting for this reconciliation to
happen. And it is not happening. Why? Because they are watching intently
at the quail's backside to see when the tail feather tail will grow.
-------- That feather will never grow. It will remain as it is. There
are masses that will starve, others will be bereft. We need to write to
General Than Shwe and his group of tatmadaw leaders again. Otherwise if
the breastbone rift between the tatmadaw and the people cannot meet it
will widen. The people may be in the majority and the tatmadaw the
minority. The time has come to consider who will win if there is a
clash. The minority have weapons, what about the majority? What have
they? They have mouths. There are differences in the majority group
with weapons. Some want reconciliation while others don't. Those who
want reconciliation will take the side of the people. Then what
happens?. Civil war. We do not want this to happen. Why? If the
tatmadaw disintegrates, the country will be ruined. It will be easy for
a foreign power to over-run the country. We never want this to happen.
We want to see a bond between the people and the tatmadaw. Then only
will the country have security.
As elders, it is absolutely necessary for us to write to them. In doing
so we are not making demands. We are making requests. Ironically we
have to beg respectfully. This is the state we are reduced to.
These respectfully worded petitions have not had positive results.
Because it is our duty as politicians we write. Just as they have
duties to perform, we have ours.
These politicians are stems from the tatmadaw. So why cannot mutual
understanding and reconciliation be achieved. It should be done. No,
that is not happening. Now we remain waiting for the quail's tail
feather to grow.
-end-
_____________________ OTHER ______________________
All Burma Students' Democratic Front: Reorganization Statement
First Central Committee Meeting (Fifth Conference)
1. The Central Committee meeting of the All Burma Students'
Democratic Front was successfully held from September 19 to 27, 2000 on
the Thai-Burma border. A total of 49 members which include ABSDF central
Committee members, alternate committee members, commanders from
different regiments and units as well as observers attended. The
political dead-lock in Burma, international pressure and current status
of the movement were discussed. The central committee discussed and
collectively decided on the role of ABSDF and its future plans. 2.
The central committee strongly condemned the repressions of the military
regime on the freedom of movement of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the
National League for Democracy (NLD) and strongly demands that the
military regime cease the repression on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the
NLD. In order to solve the basic problems of the country, ABSDF urges
the junta to hold tripartite dialogue (composed of military, NLD and
ethnic national forces). ABSDF is determined to obtain internal and
international support for the NLD and Committee Representing the
People's Parliament (CRPP). ABSDF strives to achieve the aims of the NLD
and CRPP.
3. After discussing the current political situation and future
activities, central committee members decided to form separate political
forces whose strategies are solely political activities. ABSDF remains
in unity with ethnic forces in the Resistance War in Burma. These
changes in structure will be decided in the coming ABSDF conference
representing the grassroots of the ABSDF. Members of the central
committee who will take part in the political activities to form
separate political forces have resigned from the Central Committee of
the ABSDF. The new leadership for the ABSDF was elected during the
meeting. In order to obtain a smooth and stable transition, Central
Committee of ABSDF for the transitional period was elected
democratically as follows.
4. The newly elected Central Committee of the ABSDF
Sai Myint Thu - Chairperson
Than Khe - Vice-Chairperson -
Kyaw Ko - General Secretary -
Myo Win - Secretary 1 -
Hla Htay - Secretary 2 -
Sonny Mahinder - Central Executive Committee
member -
Thein Sun - Central Executive Committee
member -
Salai Yaw Aung - Central Committee member -
Min Min - Central Committee member -
Khin Maung Swe - Central Committee member -
Khin Kyaw - Central Committee member -
Myat Thu - Central Committee member -
Maung Maung Gyi - Central Committee member -
Tun Tun Aung - Central Committee member -
Zaw Ko Naing - Central Committee member -
Kyaw Thu Ryein - Central Committee member
5. In order to obtain stable and smooth transitional period, the
advisory board for ABSDF was formed to support the new central
committee. The Advisory Board was formed with the following former
leaders of ABSDF.
a. Dr. Naing Aung
b. Moe Thee Zon
c. Aung Thu Nyein
d. Kyaw Kyaw
e. Htay Aung
f. Win Naing Oo
g. Aung Naing
h. Khin Maung Win
6. ABSDF Central Committee also decided to actively participate
in the Illicit Drug Eradication Program as Burma's drug problems is
endangering the world and human society as a whole. 7. ABSDF
central committee is committed to fight together with the patriotic
forces both inside and outside the country as well as allied ethnic
forces until democracy has been achieved. ABSDF urges the people of
Burma to take part as much as possible in the Democratic
Movement of Burma.
Central Committee
All Burma Students' Democratic Front
September 27, 2000
____________________________________________________
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