Mizzima: A Decade of Thai-Burma Rel

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A Burmese Perspective

                      A Decade of Thai-Burma Relations

By Kanbawza Win, March 5, 2001
Mizzima News Group (www.mizzima.com)

As immediate neighbors; Thailand and Burma face each other in a serious
potential confrontation across 2,500 miles of common border, the
international community is alarmed that these may come to blows. But
analysts reckon that Rangoon is either just in the process of testing
the resolve of the new Thai Thaksin administration or is playing out an
internal power struggle between hawks and doves, which the Junta has
vehemently denied.

These two countries of the Southeast Asian peninsular have a long
history of bilateral relations which often are not happy and Burma is
always portrayed as an aggressor, even though there have been instances
when Thailand exploited Burma. However, let us leave history behind and
look at the not-so-distant past.

Even during the Burmese Socialist Programme Party days bilateral
relations were somewhat lukewarm, if not normal, but they suddenly boom
into business and escalated when Thailand became the first country to
give tacit recognition to the Burmese military Junta who came to power
soaked with the blood of students and people. General Chavelit
Yongchaiyud, then Thailand?s Army Chief of Staff with his notorious ?A
Ko Gyi? policy (meaning ?big brother? in Burmese) embarked on ?personal
diplomacy? and successfully exploited Burma?s natural and human
resources in return for recognition. Since then, bilateral relations
have been  more or less based on ?personal diplomacy?.

On the Burmese side the Junta continues its tyrannical rule and seems to
have a standard foreign policy of always exploiting the Thai situation
whenever a new Thai administration crops up. From the Chatichai
Choonhavan administration of 1988, to the current Thaksin Shinwatra
administration, the kingdom of Thailand has already gone through seven
administrations, whereas the Burmese Generals still continue their iron
grip on the country. Obviously, the desk officers of the Burmese Foreign
ministry on Prome Road and the Strategic Studies at Signal Pagoda Road
have their own expertise on Thai-Burma relations not to mention the
experts at the branch of Foreign Economic Relations. Whenever there was
a military coup in Thailand, Burma was always the first country to
congratulate the new Junta although it does not imitate General Chavalit
and say ?Nga Nyi Nge? meaning ?my younger brother?.  .

Thailand on the other hand does not have a standard central authority in
dealing with its foreign affairs especially those with Burma. Sometimes
it is the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, while sometimes it is the
National Security Council and the Defense Ministry but often than not it
is the army that overrules others, especially during a military
administration. The situation very much depends on the person who is
running the country. For example during General Chavelit Yongchaiyudh?s
administration, or when he was a chief of staff or the defense minister,
he usually called the shots on Burmese affairs as even now he is itching
to go to Rangoon. Evidently Thai policy towards Burma has been
implemented through their ?personal diplomacy?.

The Burmese Generals on the other hand, clearly knew the strong and the
weak points of the Thai policy and as usual used their ?Divide and Rule
Policy,? which they have inherited from the British and had successfully
used against the ethnic groups they now applied to Thailand. It divided
the Thai generals from the civilian officials. Thus whenever the Thai
Ministry of Foreign Affairs attempted to solve a bilateral problem, the
Burmese seldom relented or the problem solved, but when the Thai
Generals came over to Burma and called them ?Ha! A Ko Gyi? (meaning ?Oh
my elder brother?) the problem was usually settled and the Thai managed
to get what they wanted and hence proved to the people of Thailand that
their personal diplomacy had paid off. In short, the connivance of the
Thai and Burmese Generals in the past has served them well, at least in
checking the pro-democracy movement in both the countries.

However, with the second Chuan Leekpai administration that came to power
in 1997 Chuan himself took over the Defense portfolio, putting  the
Burmese Junta in a fix. The Burmese Generals realized that ?personal
diplomacy? no longer works. Thai-Burma   bilateral relations cum the
foreign affairs were handled by the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs
headed by its minister Surin Pitsuwan that synchronize with the
international affairs of Thailand as well as with the internal policy.

The acid test came when the Vigorous Burmese Students raided the Burmese
embassy in Bangkok. It was galling to the Burmese Junta when much
publicity was achieved throughout the world revealing that not only the
democratically-elected Thai government but also the entire people
construed the Burmese students not as terrorists but as pro-democracy
freedom fighters. This attitude successfully solved the embassy episode
with a happy ending. The Junta?s rage was beyond itself and it
retaliated by stopping all the bilateral economic relations such as
border trade and canceling  fishing contracts with the Thai fishermen
and so on. This dawned upon the Thai government that the Burmese
military government was not sincere in its conflict resolution nor in
dealing with Thailand. Obviously Thailand refused to vote for the Junta
at the United Nations and other international fora. It also split ASEAN,
which is nearly unanimous in standing behind the Junta.

However, the weak point in the internal policy of Thailand is that the
elite especially the educated and the middle class did not give much
time or energy to educating the mass of the people, especially those in
the districts. Many of these simple folks have somewhat out-molded idea
of a leader ?Khun Thai Din? and still harbor the notion that a leader
must be rich, strong and able to drink with many wives. I am not saying
that this notion is prevalent, what I meant is that this outdated idea
still makes its present felt in the pattern of voting. Naturally Thaksin
Shinawatra, a Thai millionaire and business tycoon whose Thai Rak Party
was formed less than a decade ago won the election. The Far Eastern
Economic Review terms it ?Big Money Takes Over? in Thailand. The hope
that the younger generation would usher in a new breed of politicians
who represent national rather than personal interests was rudely dashed.
Many familiar old faces showed up that will haunt Thailand driving it
back to its old corrupt ways.

This result plays into the hand of the Burmese Junta, who are now all
smiles. Under the facade of ?Asian Way? the new Thai administration?s
foreign policy focuses more on neighbouring countries. Reflecting
Thaksin?s hard- nosed business approach to government it stresses
business over the strengthening of regional democracy and human rights.
Surakiart Sathirathai, a previous senior adviser to coup leader General
Suchinda Krapayoon was later forced to resign as Finance Minister under
the Banharn Silparcha administration because of its ill-fated policy
resulting in the currency crisis now became the Foreign Minister, and
said that, ?Our foreign policy must correspond with the economic needs
of Thailand.? All these indications play into the Burmese Junta?s hands
and these Narco-Generals make a bold move on the trafficking of
narcotics using their scape-goat United Wa State Army (UWSA). But the
Shan came into play and sat astride on a strategic hill of the narcotic
route. The Burmese army could not take it by frontier assault and
attacked from behind, but in order to do so had to cross Thailand and
that was where Thailand?s sovereignty and territory were violated,
resulting in the border skirmishes.

Although the guns have stopped barking from both sides it is still very
tense and can flare up at any moment with the Thai 3rd Army facing more
than 10,000 Burmese troops backed by the UWSA. The Junta have made it
known that if Thailand adopted a Constructive Engagement Policy it could
easily be settled; meaning that if General Chavilit Yongchaiyud would
come to Burma and kow tow. This is his ?personal diplomacy? and Chavilit
will now soon be going to Rangoon. Whether his ?personal diplomacy?,
which more or less based on a gentleman?s agreement, will serve Thailand
in the long run is still to be seen. Even though the Junta?s version of
gentleman agreement with the cease fire ethnic groups has not served
well we are quite sure that General Chavilet Yongchaiyud?s better half
will manage to get all the lucrative business and the economic
concessions from the Junta as she has done it in 1988.

(The author is a visiting Professor at the Faculty of International
Development Studies, University of Winnipeg Cum Research Fellow at the
University of Manitoba at the Institute of Humanities, Winnipeg,
Manitoba, Canada)





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<html>
<b><i><font size=+1>A Burmese Perspective</font></i></b>
<center>
<p><b><font color="#0000FF"><font size=+3>&nbsp;&nbsp; A Decade of Thai-Burma
Relations</font></font></b></center>

<p><font color="#CC0000"><font size=+1>By Kanbawza Win, March 5, 2001</font></font>
<br><font color="#CC0000"><font size=+1>Mizzima News Group (<a href="http://www.mizzima.com";>www.mizzima.com</a>)</font></font>
<p><font size=+1>As immediate neighbors; Thailand and Burma face each other
in a serious potential confrontation across 2,500 miles of common border,
the international community is alarmed that these may come to blows. But
analysts reckon that Rangoon is either just in the process of testing the
resolve of the new Thai Thaksin administration or is playing out an internal
power struggle between hawks and doves, which the Junta has vehemently
denied.</font>
<p><font size=+1>These two countries of the Southeast Asian peninsular
have a long history of bilateral relations which often are not happy and
Burma is always portrayed as an aggressor, even though there have been
instances when Thailand exploited Burma. However, let us leave history
behind and look at the not-so-distant past.</font>
<p><font size=+1>Even during the <b><i>Burmese Socialist Programme Party</i></b>
days bilateral relations were somewhat lukewarm, if not normal, but they
suddenly boom into business and escalated when Thailand became the first
country to give tacit recognition to the Burmese military Junta who came
to power soaked with the blood of students and people. General Chavelit
Yongchaiyud, then Thailand?s Army Chief of Staff with his notorious
<b><i>?A
Ko Gyi? </i></b>policy (meaning ?big brother? in Burmese) embarked on ?personal
diplomacy? and successfully exploited Burma?s natural and human resources
in return for recognition. Since then, bilateral relations have been&nbsp;
more or less based on ?personal diplomacy?.</font>
<p><font size=+1>On the Burmese side the Junta continues its tyrannical
rule and seems to have a standard foreign policy of always exploiting the
Thai situation whenever a new Thai administration crops up. From the Chatichai
Choonhavan administration of 1988, to the current Thaksin Shinwatra administration,
the kingdom of Thailand has already gone through seven administrations,
whereas the Burmese Generals still continue their iron grip on the country.
Obviously, the desk officers of the Burmese Foreign ministry on Prome Road
and the Strategic Studies at Signal Pagoda Road have their own expertise
on Thai-Burma relations not to mention the experts at the branch of Foreign
Economic Relations. Whenever there was a military coup in Thailand, Burma
was always the first country to congratulate the new Junta although it
does not imitate General Chavalit and say <b><i>?Nga Nyi Nge?</i></b> meaning
?my younger brother?.&nbsp; .</font>
<p><font size=+1>Thailand on the other hand does not have a standard central
authority in dealing with its foreign affairs especially those with Burma.
Sometimes it is the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, while sometimes it is
the National Security Council and the Defense Ministry but often than not
it is the army that overrules others, especially during a military administration.
The situation very much depends on the person who is running the country.
For example during General Chavelit Yongchaiyudh?s administration, or when
he was a chief of staff or the defense minister, he usually called the
shots on Burmese affairs as even now he is itching to go to Rangoon. Evidently
Thai policy towards Burma has been implemented through their ?personal
diplomacy?.</font>
<p><font size=+1>The Burmese Generals on the other hand, clearly knew the
strong and the weak points of the Thai policy and as usual used their
<b><i>?Divide
and Rule Policy,?</i></b> which they have inherited from the British and
had successfully used against the ethnic groups they now applied to Thailand.
It divided the Thai generals from the civilian officials. Thus whenever
the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs attempted to solve a bilateral problem,
the Burmese seldom relented or the problem solved, but when the Thai Generals
came over to Burma and called them <b><i>?Ha! A Ko Gyi?</i></b> (meaning
?Oh my elder brother?) the problem was usually settled and the Thai managed
to get what they wanted and hence proved to the people of Thailand that
their personal diplomacy had paid off. In short, the connivance of the
Thai and Burmese Generals in the past has served them well, at least in
checking the pro-democracy movement in both the countries.</font>
<p><font size=+1>However, with the second Chuan Leekpai administration
that came to power in 1997 Chuan himself took over the Defense portfolio,
putting&nbsp; the Burmese Junta in a fix. The Burmese Generals realized
that ?personal diplomacy? no longer works. Thai-Burma&nbsp;&nbsp; bilateral
relations cum the foreign affairs were handled by the Thai Ministry of
Foreign Affairs headed by its minister Surin Pitsuwan that synchronize
with the international affairs of Thailand as well as with the internal
policy.</font>
<p><font size=+1>The acid test came when the Vigorous Burmese Students
raided the Burmese embassy in Bangkok. It was galling to the Burmese Junta
when much publicity was achieved throughout the world revealing that not
only the democratically-elected Thai government but also the entire people
construed the Burmese students not as terrorists but as pro-democracy freedom
fighters. This attitude successfully solved the embassy episode with a
happy ending. The Junta?s rage was beyond itself and it retaliated by stopping
all the bilateral economic relations such as border trade and canceling&nbsp;
fishing contracts with the Thai fishermen and so on. This dawned upon the
Thai government that the Burmese military government was not sincere in
its conflict resolution nor in dealing with Thailand. Obviously Thailand
refused to vote for the Junta at the United Nations and other international
fora. It also split ASEAN, which is nearly unanimous in standing behind
the Junta.</font>
<p><font size=+1>However, the weak point in the internal policy of Thailand
is that the elite especially the educated and the middle class did not
give much time or energy to educating the mass of the people, especially
those in the districts. Many of these simple folks have somewhat out-molded
idea of a leader <b><i>?Khun Thai Din?</i></b> and still harbor the notion
that a leader must be rich, strong and able to drink with many wives. I
am not saying that this notion is prevalent, what I meant is that this
outdated idea still makes its present felt in the pattern of voting. Naturally
Thaksin Shinawatra, a Thai millionaire and business tycoon whose Thai Rak
Party was formed less than a decade ago won the election. The Far Eastern
Economic Review terms it <b><i>?Big Money Takes Over?</i></b> in Thailand.
The hope that the younger generation would usher in a new breed of politicians
who represent national rather than personal interests was rudely dashed.
Many familiar old faces showed up that will haunt Thailand driving it back
to its old corrupt ways.</font>
<p><font size=+1>This result plays into the hand of the Burmese Junta,
who are now all smiles. Under the facade of <b><i>?Asian Way?</i></b> the
new Thai administration?s foreign policy focuses more on neighbouring countries.
Reflecting Thaksin?s hard- nosed business approach to government it stresses
business over the strengthening of regional democracy and human rights.
Surakiart Sathirathai, a previous senior adviser to coup leader General
Suchinda Krapayoon was later forced to resign as Finance Minister under
the Banharn Silparcha administration because of its ill-fated policy resulting
in the currency crisis now became the Foreign Minister, and said that,
<b><i>?Our
foreign policy must correspond with the economic needs of Thailand.?</i></b>
All these indications play into the Burmese Junta?s hands and these Narco-Generals
make a bold move on the trafficking of narcotics using their scape-goat
United Wa State Army (UWSA). But the Shan came into play and sat astride
on a strategic hill of the narcotic route. The Burmese army could not take
it by frontier assault and attacked from behind, but in order to do so
had to cross Thailand and that was where Thailand?s sovereignty and territory
were violated, resulting in the border skirmishes.</font>
<p><font size=+1>Although the guns have stopped barking from both sides
it is still very tense and can flare up at any moment with the Thai 3rd
Army facing more than 10,000 Burmese troops backed by the UWSA. The Junta
have made it known that if Thailand adopted a <b><i>Constructive Engagement
Policy</i></b> it could easily be settled; meaning that if General Chavilit
Yongchaiyud would come to Burma and kow tow. This is his ?personal diplomacy?
and Chavilit will now soon be going to Rangoon. Whether his ?personal diplomacy?,
which more or less based on a gentleman?s agreement, will serve Thailand
in the long run is still to be seen. Even though the Junta?s version of
gentleman agreement with the cease fire ethnic groups has not served well
we are quite sure that General Chavilet Yongchaiyud?s better half will
manage to get all the lucrative business and the economic concessions from
the Junta as she has done it in 1988.</font>
<p><i><font size=+1>(The author is a visiting Professor at the Faculty
of International Development Studies, University of Winnipeg Cum Research
Fellow at the University of Manitoba at the Institute of Humanities, Winnipeg,
Manitoba, Canada)</font></i>
<br>&nbsp;
<br>&nbsp;
<p>&nbsp;</html>

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