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Mizzima: The Junta versus Forced La



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                     The Junta versus Forced Labour

Kanbawza Win
New Delhi, May 9, 2001
Mizzima News Group (www.mizzima.com)

For years the Burmese Military Junta has been using forced labour
throughout the length and breadth of the country, a fact that is well
known to the international community.  So it came to no surprise when
the International Labour Organization (ILO) kicked the Burmese Junta of
its membership.  The Junta, on the other hand, is not at all remorseful
about it, although it was quite upset the Generals construe the event as
the ILO being controlled by the big powers. They interpreted ILO?s
decision as arising out of an arbitrary judgement based on
misinformation and as part of the manipulation by the big nations,
victimizing developing nations like Burma.

Obviously the regime goes ahead with its planned forced labour and
orders its Colonel Thin Maung of Tactical Command No. 2 to use 500
forced labour workers to construct a new road from Myitta (near Tavoy)
in Tenasserim Division to Bongti on the Thai-Burma border. This is part
of the renovation of the notorious Japanese death highway connecting
Thailand and Burma during the Second World War.  Other forced labour
projects in the ethnic region of Shan, Karen and Karenni states continue
as usual as part and parcel of the ethnic cleansing process.

The ILO demand for an end to forced labour and punishment for those who
continue using it placed the Junta between the devil and the deep blue
sea. Forced labour like other human rights violations is not something
the Junta can simply pretend does not exist. Of course, at first they
denied its existence and then they said it is an old tradition of making
merit (meaning that one gains merit by giving voluntary labour and they
insist that all this forced labour is voluntarily). Then they admitted
that it exists in certain projects, and later they admitted that they
were in the process of dealing with it, and so on. Their confused
attempts to answer the ILO clearly showed that massive forced labour was
endemic in Burma.

So then, the question of complying with the ILO demand was a formidable
task. Forced labour in Burma cannot be construed as an isolated issue.
It is the very heart and soul of the Junta's entire rule of more than a
decade. The core problem is that the Junta has no real ideology except
its obsession to hold onto power, if possible in perpetuity, and in
order to hold on to power, it has to reward its armed organizations with
something tangible. But the fact of the matter is that the regime has
nothing to offer its officer corps in return for their loyalty except
absolute power as small dictators in their jurisdiction. This has led to
the era of pillaging, plundering and using civilians for personal profit
and gains, with complete impunity. Mid-level officers literally make
millions or more Kyats per year by using forced labour. Money from
businesses such as logging, construction of infrastructure projects,
brick baking, rubber plantation, fishpond, growing cash crops,
purchasing of paddy etc. are all lucrative ventures for those petty
military officers in charge. They can live quite a comfortable life paid
for by civilians in order to avoid forced labour.

Thus, if ever the Junta acted on the ILO recommendation and ordered its
officer corps not to use forced labour it would definitely  take away
their money-making process and if carried a step further and included
punishing those who demand forced labour be stopped (tantamount to
taking away their impunity), the petty officers who are in the majority
would be very edgy. Discontent would naturally rise among the mass of
junior officers, and the Junta would face very restless officers whose
loyalty is not guaranteed. A split or rebellion in the army is the
greatest fear of the Junta. This would definitely lead to the beginning
of the end of the Burmese military Junta.

Forced labour in Burma is a form of reward for the officers in the field
whose loyalty was bought at a very low price i.e. the exploitation of
coerced civilian labour and the profit made from the backs of civilians.
Another factor to be reckoned with, is who will do the necessary labour
once this forced labour is eliminated. The Junta claims that progress
has been made since the Burmese Socialist Programme Party days. The
Junta's reliance on convicts as forced labour cannot meet the demand.
In the current military operations against the ethnic groups and armed
democratic organizations, the Burmese army has to use forced labour in
the form of porters. This is partly due to the lack of mechanized
division where forced labour became  so essential to their survival.

But the most important factor is that even if the Junta wishes to stop
the practice of forced labour, it cannot unless it is willing to
introduce radical and wide-ranging reforms unilaterally via a political
dialogue and settlement with the opposition. This is the one and only
way it could protect itself against the possible backlash from the
officer corps and it means essentially weakening the political power of
the army itself. This would be tantamount to digging their own grave and
obviously they will not do such a thing and would rather go down
fighting to the death. We are sure that the Junta will never contemplate
yielding to ILO's demand.

The ILO has further stressed that until and unless the Junta takes
concrete action and adopts the necessary framework of legislative,
executive and administrative measures, more punitive actions will be
taken. It also recommend its 174 member states both government and
employee to review their relations with the Burmese Junta to ensure that
they cannot in any way be used to perpetuate the system of forced
labour. In this sense the voices of hundreds of thousands of workers who
have died in forced labour camps have been heard. Their spirit, crying
for justice, has not been abandoned by the international community.

However, to soften the world?s opinion and also to protect themselves
the Office of Strategic Studies (OSS) at Signal Pagoda Road in Rangoon,
the think tank of the Burmese Military Junta, has done a meticulous
research and has recommended that Burma should be prepared for
international community censure. It should also rely on the two
countries of ASEAN, viz, Singapore and Malaysia, that have staunchly
supported  the Junta.

Firstly OSS has recommended that all Burmese exports should be sent via
private companies to Malaysia and Singapore  in case the civilized
international community should refuse to purchase Burmese export that
are based on forced labour, especially the garment industry which is
based on child labour. Only then will the Western companies, especially
North American companies like Wal Mart, SAAN and others continue to
purchase them. The Burmese Junta knew that the ASEAN countries of
Malaysia and Singapore were legitimized regimes that have not only a
facade of democracy but also the technical know-how to distribute them.
Burma has to rely much on Singapore whose small arms (especially the
latest mine proof boots with a thin steel plate is place at the sole so
that the mine will not blow up the leg when stepping on) are of great
use in fighting the ethnic and pro-democracy groups in Burma. Besides it
can pay with Singapore narco-dollars which is the main conduit for
laundering narco-dollars now that DBS bank has become a leading bank in
that part of the world. Hence it has endeavoured to  curb its drug war
lords especially  Lo Hse Han, Steven Law,  (owner of Singapore's Asia
World Company) Hwe Hsu Keng and the rest telling them not to be too
conspicuous in traveling to and fro to Singapore. In the case of Khun
Hsa permission has to be granted on medical grounds, who imitating U Ne
Win is taking treatment at the Singaporean Hospital.

Secondly the OSS  has directed that the Burmese government
representative continues to sit at the ILO and face the fire from the
rest of the countries even though Burma has  been kicked out of this
international organization. This is because in the absence of the
Burmese government representative, the FTUB (Federation of Trade Union,
of Burma) led by the opposition group will take their place and in
future they may have no say whatsoever. It was the FTUB led by Pyi Thit
Nyunt Wai that has successfully taken the initiative to publicize forced
labour in Burma. It can be also conjectured that an assassination team
may have been hatched to liquidate Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai as they have
successfully done to reporter Zan Ya in Germany and the NCGUB (National
Coalition Government of the Union of Burma) cabinet minister in China
because Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai has been construed as a terrorist by the
Junta.

Thirdly, to expand and encourage the existing bilateral trade through
the border gates with the neighbouring countries. Trade with India,
Bangladesh and China has been greatly increased while with Thailand it
has already drawn up plans and has reached compromise agreement with the
Thais. However, it has cautioned that only essential goods are to be
imported while luxury and some consumer goods are to be screened. With
this aim in view it has sent the all powerful  Na Hsa Ka ( border
supervision committee) that will oversee and over-ride the decisions of
the local immigration, border police and customs.

Now there exists the possibility that port labourers throughout the
world may organize through their respective labour unions, and under the
influence of the ILO, may refuse to load and unload Burmese goods. So
the OSS  has recommended that all Burmese products be put into
containers, hence only the cranes and heavy machinery (with the minimum
use of labour) can be affective.

Fourthly, it has directed that the Foreign Trade ministry in drawing up
contracts with the international private companies, to include a clause
saying that these companies who are doing business with Burma must
shoulder the responsibility of loading and unloading the Burmese goods
so that in case of a labour problem at that particular port it would be
the responsibilities of the private companies.

Number five is to soften up the labour unions of India, Japan, Korea,
Hong Kong and Japan because it was to these countries that most of the
Burmese exports goes. Hence the Junta's explanatory teams are to be
dispatched to these places to explain and justify the Junta's
perspective.

But the most important aspect of the OSS recommendations is that this
coming July UNESCO (United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural
Organization) will take up the issue of Burma including forced labour,
forced relocation, child labour, trafficking of women, exporting of
narco-drugs etc. directives have been issued to  Burmese embassies
abroad to explain the Junta's stand and to soften the UNESCO delegates
especially the 54 member countries of UNESCO. Failing to do it, Burma
could still be kicked out of the UNESCO as well as the ILO. Hence the
Junta is well prepared for the international community come what may.

Whatever the case may be it is heartening for the persecuted people of
the world to witness an unprecedented moved by the ILO that will serves
a green light for the World Bank, ADB and the IMF to enforce sanctions
which can later result in kicking out of the UN itself.



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<center><font color="#3333FF"><font size=+2>The Junta versus Forced Labour</font></font></center>

<p><font color="#CC0000">Kanbawza Win</font>
<br><font color="#CC0000">New Delhi, May 9, 2001</font>
<br><font color="#CC0000">Mizzima News Group (<a href="http://www.mizzima.com";>www.mizzima.com</a>)</font>
<p>For years the Burmese Military Junta has been using forced labour throughout
the length and breadth of the country, a fact that is well known to the
international community.&nbsp; So it came to no surprise when the International
Labour Organization (ILO) kicked the Burmese Junta of its membership.&nbsp;
The Junta, on the other hand, is not at all remorseful about it, although
it was quite upset the Generals construe the event as the ILO being controlled
by the big powers. They interpreted ILO?s decision as arising out of an
arbitrary judgement based on misinformation and as part of the manipulation
by the big nations, victimizing developing nations like Burma.
<p>Obviously the regime goes ahead with its planned forced labour and orders
its Colonel Thin Maung of Tactical Command No. 2 to use 500 forced labour
workers to construct a new road from Myitta (near Tavoy) in Tenasserim
Division to Bongti on the Thai-Burma border. This is part of the renovation
of the notorious Japanese death highway connecting Thailand and Burma during
the Second World War.&nbsp; Other forced labour projects in the ethnic
region of Shan, Karen and Karenni states continue as usual as part and
parcel of the ethnic cleansing process.
<p>The ILO demand for an end to forced labour and punishment for those
who continue using it placed the Junta between the devil and the deep blue
sea. Forced labour like other human rights violations is not something
the Junta can simply pretend does not exist. Of course, at first they denied
its existence and then they said it is an old tradition of making merit
(meaning that one gains merit by giving voluntary labour and they insist
that all this forced labour is voluntarily). Then they admitted that it
exists in certain projects, and later they admitted that they were in the
process of dealing with it, and so on. Their confused attempts to answer
the ILO clearly showed that massive forced labour was endemic in Burma.
<p>So then, the question of complying with the ILO demand was a formidable
task. Forced labour in Burma cannot be construed as an isolated issue.
It is the very heart and soul of the Junta's entire rule of more than a
decade. The core problem is that the Junta has no real ideology except
its obsession to hold onto power, if possible in perpetuity, and in order
to hold on to power, it has to reward its armed organizations with something
tangible. But the fact of the matter is that the regime has nothing to
offer its officer corps in return for their loyalty except absolute power
as small dictators in their jurisdiction. This has led to the era of pillaging,
plundering and using civilians for personal profit and gains, with complete
impunity. Mid-level officers literally make millions or more Kyats per
year by using forced labour. Money from businesses such as logging, construction
of infrastructure projects, brick baking, rubber plantation, fishpond,
growing cash crops, purchasing of paddy etc. are all lucrative ventures
for those petty military officers in charge. They can live quite a comfortable
life paid for by civilians in order to avoid forced labour.
<p>Thus, if ever the Junta acted on the ILO recommendation and ordered
its officer corps not to use forced labour it would definitely&nbsp; take
away their money-making process and if carried a step further and included
punishing those who demand forced labour be stopped (tantamount to taking
away their impunity), the petty officers who are in the majority would
be very edgy. Discontent would naturally rise among the mass of junior
officers, and the Junta would face very restless officers whose loyalty
is not guaranteed. A split or rebellion in the army is the greatest fear
of the Junta. This would definitely lead to the beginning of the end of
the Burmese military Junta.
<p>Forced labour in Burma is a form of reward for the officers in the field
whose loyalty was bought at a very low price i.e. the exploitation of coerced
civilian labour and the profit made from the backs of civilians. Another
factor to be reckoned with, is who will do the necessary labour once this
forced labour is eliminated. The Junta claims that progress has been made
since the Burmese Socialist Programme Party days. The Junta's reliance
on convicts as forced labour cannot meet the demand.&nbsp; In the current
military operations against the ethnic groups and armed democratic organizations,
the Burmese army has to use forced labour in the form of porters. This
is partly due to the lack of mechanized division where forced labour became&nbsp;
so essential to their survival.
<p>But the most important factor is that even if the Junta wishes to stop
the practice of forced labour, it cannot unless it is willing to introduce
radical and wide-ranging reforms unilaterally via a political dialogue
and settlement with the opposition. This is the one and only way it could
protect itself against the possible backlash from the officer corps and
it means essentially weakening the political power of the army itself.
This would be tantamount to digging their own grave and obviously they
will not do such a thing and would rather go down fighting to the death.
We are sure that the Junta will never contemplate yielding to ILO's demand.
<p>The ILO has further stressed that until and unless the Junta takes concrete
action and adopts the necessary framework of legislative, executive and
administrative measures, more punitive actions will be taken. It also recommend
its 174 member states both government and employee to review their relations
with the Burmese Junta to ensure that they cannot in any way be used to
perpetuate the system of forced labour. In this sense the voices of hundreds
of thousands of workers who have died in forced labour camps have been
heard. Their spirit, crying for justice, has not been abandoned by the
international community.
<p>However, to soften the world?s opinion and also to protect themselves
the Office of Strategic Studies (OSS) at Signal Pagoda Road in Rangoon,
the think tank of the Burmese Military Junta, has done a meticulous research
and has recommended that Burma should be prepared for international community
censure. It should also rely on the two countries of ASEAN, viz, Singapore
and Malaysia, that have staunchly supported&nbsp; the Junta.
<p>Firstly OSS has recommended that all Burmese exports should be sent
via private companies to Malaysia and Singapore&nbsp; in case the civilized
international community should refuse to purchase Burmese export that are
based on forced labour, especially the garment industry which is based
on child labour. Only then will the Western companies, especially North
American companies like Wal Mart, SAAN and others continue to purchase
them. The Burmese Junta knew that the ASEAN countries of Malaysia and Singapore
were legitimized regimes that have not only a facade of democracy but also
the technical know-how to distribute them. Burma has to rely much on Singapore
whose small arms (especially the latest mine proof boots with a thin steel
plate is place at the sole so that the mine will not blow up the leg when
stepping on) are of great use in fighting the ethnic and pro-democracy
groups in Burma. Besides it can pay with Singapore narco-dollars which
is the main conduit for laundering narco-dollars now that DBS bank has
become a leading bank in that part of the world. Hence it has endeavoured
to&nbsp; curb its drug war lords especially&nbsp; Lo Hse Han, Steven Law,&nbsp;
(owner of Singapore's Asia World Company) Hwe Hsu Keng and the rest telling
them not to be too conspicuous in traveling to and fro to Singapore. In
the case of Khun Hsa permission has to be granted on medical grounds, who
imitating U Ne Win is taking treatment at the Singaporean Hospital.
<p>Secondly the OSS&nbsp; has directed that the Burmese government representative
continues to sit at the ILO and face the fire from the rest of the countries
even though Burma has&nbsp; been kicked out of this international organization.
This is because in the absence of the Burmese government representative,
the FTUB (Federation of Trade Union, of Burma) led by the opposition group
will take their place and in future they may have no say whatsoever. It
was the FTUB led by Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai that has successfully taken the
initiative to publicize forced labour in Burma. It can be also conjectured
that an assassination team may have been hatched to liquidate Pyi Thit
Nyunt Wai as they have successfully done to reporter Zan Ya in Germany
and the NCGUB (National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma) cabinet
minister in China because Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai has been construed as a terrorist
by the Junta.
<p>Thirdly, to expand and encourage the existing bilateral trade through
the border gates with the neighbouring countries. Trade with India, Bangladesh
and China has been greatly increased while with Thailand it has already
drawn up plans and has reached compromise agreement with the Thais. However,
it has cautioned that only essential goods are to be imported while luxury
and some consumer goods are to be screened. With this aim in view it has
sent the all powerful&nbsp; Na Hsa Ka ( border supervision committee) that
will oversee and over-ride the decisions of&nbsp; the local immigration,
border police and customs.
<p>Now there exists the possibility that port labourers throughout the
world may organize through their respective labour unions, and under the
influence of the ILO, may refuse to load and unload Burmese goods. So the
OSS&nbsp; has recommended that all Burmese products be put into containers,
hence only the cranes and heavy machinery (with the minimum use of labour)
can be affective.
<p>Fourthly, it has directed that the Foreign Trade ministry in drawing
up contracts with the international private companies, to include a clause
saying that these companies who are doing business with Burma must shoulder
the responsibility of loading and unloading the Burmese goods so that in
case of a labour problem at that particular port it would be the responsibilities
of the private companies.
<p>Number five is to soften up the labour unions of India, Japan, Korea,
Hong Kong and Japan because it was to these countries that most of the
Burmese exports goes. Hence the Junta's explanatory teams are to be dispatched
to these places to explain and justify the Junta's perspective.
<p>But the most important aspect of the OSS recommendations is that this
coming July UNESCO (United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural
Organization) will take up the issue of Burma including forced labour,
forced relocation, child labour, trafficking of women, exporting of narco-drugs
etc. directives have been issued to&nbsp; Burmese embassies abroad to explain
the Junta's stand and to soften the UNESCO delegates especially the 54
member countries of UNESCO. Failing to do it, Burma could still be kicked
out of the UNESCO as well as the ILO. Hence the Junta is well prepared
for the international community come what may.
<p>Whatever the case may be it is heartening for the persecuted people
of the world to witness an unprecedented moved by the ILO that will serves
a green light for the World Bank, ADB and the IMF to enforce sanctions
which can later result in kicking out of the UN itself.
<p>&nbsp;</html>

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