VL.png The World-Wide Web Virtual Library
[WWW VL database || WWW VL search]
donations.gif asia-wwwvl.gif

Online Burma/Myanmar Library

Full-Text Search | Database Search | What's New | Alphabetical List of Subjects | Main Library | Reading Room | Burma Press Summary

Home > Main Library > Economy > Industry > Extractive industries > Oil and gas

Order links by: Reverse Date Title

Oil and gas

Websites/Multiple Documents

Title: Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) - upstream
Description/subject: "Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) is the 100% State Owned Enterprise and is responsible for Upstream Petroleum Sub-sector". Paras and tables include: Oil and Gas Bearing Areas of Myanmar, Oil and Gas Fields of Myanmar, Natural Gas Pipelines of Myanmar, Capabilities of Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, Onshore and Offshore Blocks of Myanmar. It invites cooperation in the sector, with paras on Objectives of Production Sharing Contract, Current Operating Multi-national Companies, Major Discoveries in Offshore Area (incl. paras on Yadana and Yetagun fields), Available Blocks, Exploration and Production of Crude Oil and Natural Gas with Multi-national Companies, Details of production-sharing contracts, Onshore Natural Gas Pipelines existing, under construction and planned.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Myanmar Ministry of Energy
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 19 August 2010


Title: Myanmar Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE) - downstream
Description/subject: Myanmar Petrochemical Enterprise ("MPE") is a "100% State Owned Economic Enterprise responsible for Downstream Petroleum Sub-sector". Lists its refineries and plants producing urea fertilizer, methanol, LPG, bitumen, carbon dioxide, lubricants etc. and invites cooperation in this sector
Language: English
Source/publisher: Myanmar Ministry of Energy
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/show.php?cat=1626
Date of entry/update: 19 August 2010


Title: Myanmar Petroleum Products Enterprise (MPPE) - downstream
Description/subject: Myanmar Petroleum Products Enterprise is the State-owned Organization vested with authority and responsibility to carry out retail and whole sale distribution of Petroleum products in Myanmar. The Enterprise has conducted the effective and intensive distribution of Petroleum Products, dedicated to Agriculture, Fishery, Transport, Power Generation, Defense, Construction and Industries in the Government Sector and also to the Private Sector from the existing 4 Main Fuel Terminals, 26 Sub Fuel Terminals, 11 Aviation Depots and 256 Filling Stations." Lists its terminals and filling stations and carries an interesting little invitation regarding "Import of Crude Oil, Diesel Fuel and Motor Gasoline on a Deferred Basis
Language: English
Source/publisher: Myanmar Ministry of Energy
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 20 August 2010


Individual Documents

Title: A Survey of the State of Disclosure of Environmental Impact Assessments in Myanmars Oil and Gas Sector
Date of publication: March 2016
Description/subject: "... This survey examines the state of disclosure of Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA) and Initial Environmental Examinations (IEE) conducted by oil and gas companies in Myanmar who were awarded blocks after 2013. The survey reveals that 11 out of 19 offshore blocks (58%) have disclosed IEEs and 4 out of 15 onshore blocks (26%) have disclosed EIAs. It identifies the companies who have disclosed, and those who have not. It provides links to the IEE/EIA reports, and associated Environmental Management Plans (EMPs). The Executive Summaries of most disclosed IEE/EIA are available in Burmese as well as English, in line with the emerging guidance from MOECAF. The overall level of disclosure in the oil and gas sector is superior to other sectors in Myanmar where the IEE/EIA process has yet to be consistently applied, such as mining and construction. However some oil and gas companies have not disclosed their IEE or EIA reports. These are predominantly those with onshore blocks, who are mostly smaller companies and with fewer public commitments to operating to global standards than the offshore operators. They signed contracts 6-12 months earlier and may have undertaken their EIA/IEE in 2014. The survey does not attempt to comment on the quality of these IEE/EIA. However a quick review and anecdotal evidence suggests that the IEE/EIA reports disclosed by international oil/gas companies, who have used experienced international EIA consultancy firms partnering with Myanmar EIA consultancies, are generally of a higher quality – and cost - than those seen by MCRB for projects in other sectors in Myanmar. It is hoped that their example will lead to a raising of standards for EIA and disclosure across all sectors. The survey also analyses the challenges faced by companies in complying with the new requirement for IEE/EIA and disclosure, and makes recommendations for how these can be addressed. The issue of pre-existing projects is highlighted, which, under Article 8 of the new EIA Procedures, need to take steps to obtain an Environmental Compliance Certificate. The rationale for undertaking this research assumes that website disclosure, in addition to being a legal requirement under the new EIA procedures, will allow stakeholders to access and read the reports. These stakeholders – who may include national and regional government officials and parliamentarians, civil society organisations, local communities and the media – will therefore have the opportunity to study the assessments and engage critically with companies over the contractual commitments included in them, and hold companies to account for their environmental and social performance. However this requires those stakeholders to ‘do their homework’ and read the IEE/EIA. This survey is therefore also intended to raise awareness of the availability of these assessments; encourage stakeholders to read and engage with the EIA process; and encourage development partners to build their capacity to do so..."
Author/creator: Inna Lazareva, Vicky Bowman
Language: English
Source/publisher: Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB)
Format/size: pdf (710K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.myanmar-responsiblebusiness.org/pdf/2016-04-04-EIA-Disclosure_PR_en.pdf
http://www.myanmar-responsiblebusiness.org/pdf/2016-04-04-EIA-Disclosure_PR_my.pdf
Date of entry/update: 18 April 2016


Title: Breaking the Curse - Decentralizing Natural Resource Management in Myanmar (Burmese ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Date of publication: February 2016
Description/subject: Summary: "In 2008, Myanmar’s military rulers ratified a new constitution that ensured their continued monopoly of the country’s natural resources. Section 37 (a) states: “the Union is the ultimate owner ofall lands and all natural resources above and below the ground, above and beneath the water and in the atmosphere” Under this constitution, the central government in Naypyidaw is not only the owner of all natural resources in the country; it also controls and manages them, enacting “necessary laws for extraction.” This centralized control has had disastrous effects in widening inequality, fueling a cycle of conflict and violence, and depleting non-renewable resources that could be the basis of a sound economy for future generations. Arakan State provides a perfect illustration of this and lies at the heart of one of Myanmar’s most sought after resources: natural gas. The Shwe project now produces 500 million cubic feet of natural gas per day, yet none of this is used to provide electricity in Arakan State. While local communities bear livelihood and environmental destruction, human rights abuses and land confiscation, the gas is sold to China and more than one billion USD annually flows to Naypyidaw. There, accounting of the revenues remains opaque and reinvestment in Arakan’s infrastructure, education, and health is practically non-existent. The state is the second poorest in the country Until now, the military, the central government, and foreign investors have taken advantage of the centralized governance structure and a lack of protection mechanisms to make all the decisions around natural resources and reap most of the benefits. In contrast, devolving the powers to manage resources to lower levels of government will establish political, administrative, and fiscal structures so that decisions around the use of natural resources can be made at local levels with input from affected peoples. This distribution of powers makes natural resource management more accountable to the needs of local communities and will therefore ensure a more sustainable development. Drawing on the Arakan Oil Watch’s decade-long work with communities affected by natural resource investments and experiences from resource-rich countries around the world, we find six critical components to achieve sustainable natural resource management in Myanmar. They are: 1. Build peace: A moratorium on high-value natural resource extraction until political agreements and new legislation have been finalized will reduce tensions and conflict and allow time for protection laws and institutions to be established. Peace 4 agreements that specify division of powers—such as the one in Papua New Guinea—will help prevent conflicts from re- emerging and enable subnational governments to proceed with establishing their own governance structures. 2. Broaden participation: Engaging people in the process of managing their own resources and ensuring that they receive benefits from their resources will prevent resentment and reduce conflicts. Strengthening formal participation, as is done in Latin America with community referendums, will provide immediate input from affected communities and community- based organizations on natural resource projects as well as on long-term planning decisions. 3. Decentralize governance: Transferring significant powers of authority from Naypyidaw to civilian-led state and regional governments through statutory and constitutional provisions will bring decision-making closer to affected people and make development processes more efficient and equitable. 4. Decentralize ownership of natural resources: Amending Section 37 (a) of the national constitution to enable states and regions to own their natural resources will address longstanding calls for more autonomy from ethnic organizations, contributing to long lasting peace. 5. Decentralize control and management of natural resources: Amending Section 37 (b) of the national constitution so that states and regions can control and manage their lands and natural resources, including the decision whether or not non-renewable resources should be extracted. State and regional governments will also then be able to establish appropriate laws and institutions for economic planning, regulation and monitoring of extractive industries, and rights protection for current and future generations. 6. Decentralize collection of natural resource revenues: Providing legislative powers for states and regions to collect significant taxes will enable responsive local governments to manage their own budgets and allocate funds according to local plans and needs, reducing time consuming and costly bureaucracy at the national level, and better serving local populations.".....This Burmese version has been drastically reduced using OCR software, resulting in some blurred text and some pages split in half. We will replace this version if/when we get a better one.
Language: Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: pdf (3,2MB-reduced version; 129MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/Arakan_Oil_Watch-2016-02-Breaking-the-Curse-bu.pdf
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/Arakan_Oil_Watch-2016-02-Breaking-the-Curse-bu-tu.pdf
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/Arakan_Oil_Watch-2016-02-Breaking-the-Curse-bu-im-bal.pdf
Date of entry/update: 26 March 2016


Title: Breaking the Curse - Decentralizing Natural Resource Management in Myanmar (English)
Date of publication: February 2016
Description/subject: Summary: "In 2008, Myanmar’s military rulers ratified a new constitution that ensured their continued monopoly of the country’s natural resources. Section 37 (a) states: “the Union is the ultimate owner ofall lands and all natural resources above and below the ground, above and beneath the water and in the atmosphere” Under this constitution, the central government in Naypyidaw is not only the owner of all natural resources in the country; it also controls and manages them, enacting “necessary laws for extraction.” This centralized control has had disastrous effects in widening inequality, fueling a cycle of conflict and violence, and depleting non-renewable resources that could be the basis of a sound economy for future generations. Arakan State provides a perfect illustration of this and lies at the heart of one of Myanmar’s most sought after resources: natural gas. The Shwe project now produces 500 million cubic feet of natural gas per day, yet none of this is used to provide electricity in Arakan State. While local communities bear livelihood and environmental destruction, human rights abuses and land confiscation, the gas is sold to China and more than one billion USD annually flows to Naypyidaw. There, accounting of the revenues remains opaque and reinvestment in Arakan’s infrastructure, education, and health is practically non-existent. The state is the second poorest in the country Until now, the military, the central government, and foreign investors have taken advantage of the centralized governance structure and a lack of protection mechanisms to make all the decisions around natural resources and reap most of the benefits. In contrast, devolving the powers to manage resources to lower levels of government will establish political, administrative, and fiscal structures so that decisions around the use of natural resources can be made at local levels with input from affected peoples. This distribution of powers makes natural resource management more accountable to the needs of local communities and will therefore ensure a more sustainable development. Drawing on the Arakan Oil Watch’s decade-long work with communities affected by natural resource investments and experiences from resource-rich countries around the world, we find six critical components to achieve sustainable natural resource management in Myanmar. They are: 1. Build peace: A moratorium on high-value natural resource extraction until political agreements and new legislation have been finalized will reduce tensions and conflict and allow time for protection laws and institutions to be established. Peace agreements that specify division of powers—such as the one in Papua New Guinea—will help prevent conflicts from re- emerging and enable subnational governments to proceed with establishing their own governance structures... 2. Broaden participation: Engaging people in the process of managing their own resources and ensuring that they receive benefits from their resources will prevent resentment and reduce conflicts. Strengthening formal participation, as is done in Latin America with community referendums, will provide immediate input from affected communities and community- based organizations on natural resource projects as well as on long-term planning decisions... 3. Decentralize governance: Transferring significant powers of authority from Naypyidaw to civilian-led state and regional governments through statutory and constitutional provisions will bring decision-making closer to affected people and make development processes more efficient and equitable. 4. Decentralize ownership of natural resources: Amending Section 37 (a) of the national constitution to enable states and regions to own their natural resources will address longstanding calls for more autonomy from ethnic organizations, contributing to long lasting peace... 5. Decentralize control and management of natural resources: Amending Section 37 (b) of the national constitution so that states and regions can control and manage their lands and natural resources, including the decision whether or not non-renewable resources should be extracted. State and regional governments will also then be able to establish appropriate laws and institutions for economic planning, regulation and monitoring of extractive industries, and rights protection for current and future generations... 6. Decentralize collection of natural resource revenues: Providing legislative powers for states and regions to collect significant taxes will enable responsive local governments to manage their own budgets and allocate funds according to local plans and needs, reducing time consuming and costly bureaucracy at the national level, and better serving local populations."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: pdf (1.2MB-reduced version; 60MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://arakanoilwatch.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/Breaking-the-Curse-Eng.pdf
Date of entry/update: 23 March 2016


Title: Offshore gas fields to halt in April
Date of publication: 10 March 2015
Description/subject: "Three of the country’s four offshore gas fields are to be shut down in April “for annual maintenance”, according to a senior official with Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise...The Yadana, Yetagun and Zawtika gas fields are to be halted for about a week each at the end of April, said the official, who is an offshore director but declined to be named. “We have negotiated with PTT [the gas buyer] for gas exports, and with the Ministry of Electric Power for domestic supply, to arrange a shutdown of the gas fields for maintenance,” he said yesterday. “It will start in April around the time of the water festival.” Thailand relies heavily on natural gas for 70 percent of its electricity generation, with about one-fifth of its supply coming from Myanmar, according to Reuters. Yadana and Yetagun will be shut down for maintenance from April 10 to 19 and Zawtika from April 20 to 27, according to Reuters news agency, which quoted a statement from Thailand’s state-owned PTT..."
Author/creator: Aung Shin
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Myanmat Times"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 10 March 2015


Title: Save The Madae Island - English & Burmese (video)
Date of publication: January 2015
Description/subject: "On remote Madae Island on Myanmar’s western coast, the Chinese state-owned China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), is constructing a huge seaport, oil terminal and oil and gas pipeline to China for shipping more than 80% of China’s imported oil from the Middle East and Africa without people’s consent, and without implementation of EIA, SIA and FPIC. The construction of these projects has resulted in human rights abuses, massive land confiscation, environmental destruction and destruction of the islanders’ livelihoods and farmlands. Islanders are living in fear of an accident or explosion resulting from the oil terminal, oil and gas pipeline and China’s oil tankers which plan to dock in this area in 2015. Madae Island is a small island located in the Kyauk Phyu township of Arakan State, on the West coast of Myanmar. The island has been inhabited by indigenous peoples for centuries. Over 800 households and 3000 people live in four villages on Madae Island, mostly consisting of fishermen and farmers. CNPC’s projects on Madae Island is not benefiting local Madae islanders, Arakan State or the rest of the people in Myanmar. The video documentary was conducted in late 2013 and 2014. "
Language: English, Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: Adobe Flash (28 minutes)
Alternate URLs: http://arakanoilwatch.org/2014/12/save-myaday-island-video-release
Date of entry/update: 15 January 2015


Title: Hunting for Myanmar's hidden treasure
Date of publication: 17 October 2014
Description/subject: " Ramree Island, Myanmar - Zaw Myint looked quizzical as he sniffed a handful of grey sludge. He had just pulled the mud up from the bottom of an oil well he's digging on Myanmar's impoverished western coastline, hoping for the sweet whiff of black gold. "The money I get working here is good," Zaw Myint said, standing in a shallow pool of water that glistened with the sheen of oil. However, Zaw Myint's success may soon change. Big Oil is hot on his trail. Companies from the United States, Europe, Japan and Singapore are elbowing their way into the country they turned their backs on during the past two decades because of its appalling human rights abuses. The country fell into China's less scrupulous embrace and, for two decades, Myanmar was the monogamous partner in a loveless marriage of convenience. Western nations are moving into the resource-rich country after decades of disinterest, challenging China's interests... In 2011, fearing the country was sliding towards Chinese client statehood, Myanmar began a process of liberalising the economy, releasing political prisoners, and rebalancing foreign relations. As Myanmar took its first baby-steps towards democracy, Western nations eased economic sanctions. Last year, Myanmar's President Thein Sein met with US President Barack Obama at the White House, the first such visit by a Myanmar head of state in almost 50 years. China is no longer Myanmar's only suitor; she's being courted, she's seeing other people. It's complicated... Burmah Oil: Myanmar is one of the world's oldest oil producers, exporting its first barrel in 1853. Its discovery by British colonisers prompted the creation of the Burmah Oil Company, an early shareholder of the company that would later become oil giant BP. ..."
Author/creator: Hereward Holland
Language: English
Source/publisher: Aljazeera
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 21 October 2014


Title: The shell starts to crack? - Real owners of Myanmar’s oil and gas blocks come forward (English, Burmese မန္မာဘာသာ)
Date of publication: October 2014
Description/subject: "Corrupt politicians all over the world use companies and trusts with hidden ownership to seize public property worth billions of dollars. This deprives ordinary citizens of money that should be spent on development and empowers unaccountable elites, often helping them gain and maintain power at the expense of democracy, human rights and peace. Revealing the real people behind companies is critical to achieving genuine reform in Myanmar, where military families and crony tycoons have long benefited from control of natural resources like gas and gemstones. This is a critical time—in July 2014, Myanmar became a candidate member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), a global transparency standard which recommends that the identities of individuals who own and control oil, gas and mining companies are published. If Myanmar can meet the standard, it will go a long way to addressing the question of who really owns the companies that control the country’s most valuable natural assets. To test the waters, Global Witness asked each of the companies granted oil and gas blocks in Myanmar over the past 12 months to declare their ultimate beneficial ownership. These blocks were awarded in the wake of a public commitment by the Ministry of Energy to manage Myanmar’s energy sector in line with international best practices, and alongside the engagement of leading energy companies in Myanmar’s EITI process. As such, the willingness of block winners to open up their ownership is an important yardstick for progress on reform of Myanmar’s extractive industries..."
Language: English, Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Global Witness
Format/size: pdf (1.3MB-reduced version, English; 2.29MB-original, English; 1.7MB-Burmese version))
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/GW-2014-10-the_shell_starts_to_crack-bu.pdf
http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/Global%20Witness%20-The%20shell%20starts%20to%20cr...
Date of entry/update: 14 October 2014


Title: Myanmar Oil & Gas Sector-Wide Impact Assessment (SWIA) - full text
Date of publication: 04 September 2014
Description/subject: " The Oil & Gas Sector-Wide Impact Assessment (SWIA), developed by the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB) in partnership with its co-founders, the Institute of Human Rights and Business and the Danish Institute of Human Rights, is intended to support responsible business practices in this growing sector of Myanmar’s economy. The Myanmar Oil & Gas SWIA puts detailed information on potential impacts of the sector into the public domain for uptake and use by a wide range of audiences. It assesses not only localised impacts on individuals and groups that may arise from projects in the sector, but also cumulative impacts and the sector’s potential impacts on Myanmar society as a whole. This is important because: Myanmar is currently facing a rapid increase in investment in its oil and gas (O&G) sector with the award of 16 onshore and 20 offshore blocks in the space of 12 months in 2013-2014 Even though the country is emerging from decades of ethnic conflict, authoritarian rule and economic isolation it is, and will remain for some time, a high-risk country with poor governance. An understanding of the potential impacts of the sector is necessary to improve the outcomes for Myanmar and its people. Responsible business conduct in the Oil & Gas sector in Myanmar therefore requires enhanced due diligence to determine what impacts business activities may have on society, including on human rights. This must include robust approaches to managing those impacts. The Oil & Gas SWIA is intended to be a resource for these efforts. The recommendations in the SWIA are directed towards government, businesses (and investors in those business), civil society and development partners for Myanmar, and are intended to support wider multistakeholder collaboration..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: The Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business
Format/size: pdf (5.7MB), html
Alternate URLs: http://www.myanmar-responsiblebusiness.org/pdf/SWIA/Oil-Gas/00-Myanmar-Oil-and-Gas-Sector-Wide-Asse...
Date of entry/update: 02 October 2014


Title: Myanmar Oil & Gas Sector-Wide Impact Assessment (SWIA) - in sections
Date of publication: 04 September 2014
Description/subject: " The Oil & Gas Sector-Wide Impact Assessment (SWIA), developed by the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB) in partnership with its co-founders, the Institute of Human Rights and Business and the Danish Institute of Human Rights, is intended to support responsible business practices in this growing sector of Myanmar’s economy. The Myanmar Oil & Gas SWIA puts detailed information on potential impacts of the sector into the public domain for uptake and use by a wide range of audiences. It assesses not only localised impacts on individuals and groups that may arise from projects in the sector, but also cumulative impacts and the sector’s potential impacts on Myanmar society as a whole. This is important because: Myanmar is currently facing a rapid increase in investment in its oil and gas (O&G) sector with the award of 16 onshore and 20 offshore blocks in the space of 12 months in 2013-2014 Even though the country is emerging from decades of ethnic conflict, authoritarian rule and economic isolation it is, and will remain for some time, a high-risk country with poor governance. An understanding of the potential impacts of the sector is necessary to improve the outcomes for Myanmar and its people. Responsible business conduct in the Oil & Gas sector in Myanmar therefore requires enhanced due diligence to determine what impacts business activities may have on society, including on human rights. This must include robust approaches to managing those impacts. The Oil & Gas SWIA is intended to be a resource for these efforts. The recommendations in the SWIA are directed towards government, businesses (and investors in those business), civil society and development partners for Myanmar, and are intended to support wider multistakeholder collaboration..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: The Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business
Format/size: html, pdf (5.78MB)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs19/SWIA-Myanmar-Oil_and_Gas_Sector_Wide_Assessment-red.pdf
Date of entry/update: 02 October 2014


Title: Burma’s Oil Production Tipped to Decline; Fuel Imports to Increase
Date of publication: 17 July 2014
Description/subject: "Burma will become increasingly dependent on imported crude oil and refined fuels over the next ten years because of a lack of planning and investment, an industry report has forecast. A rise in crude oil imports is highly likely in spite of an expected upsurge in onshore and offshore exploration in coming years, while underinvestment in refining capacity will necessitate more imports of petrol and diesel, said Business Monitor International (BMI) in a study of Burma’s energy resources. BMI is an international business risks analysis company based in London..."
Author/creator: William Boot
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 18 July 2014


Title: Who are the real winners of Myanmar’s latest oil and gas block sales? - Tackling hidden company ownership in Myanmar
Date of publication: June 2014
Description/subject: Summary: "In October 2013 and March 2014, Myanmar awarded 36 major oil and gas blocks to 47 international and local companies. Global Witness has contacted each of these winning companies to ask simply: who owns and controls you? Getting full answers to this question is crucial to putting an end to the corruption which has kept Myanmar’s people in poverty for so long. Secret company structures enable powerful individuals to hide their identities and there are countless examples globally of corrupt officials awarding major deals to companies which they later turn out to own. Putting company ownership details into the public domain provides a crucial safeguard against corruption. Of the 47 companies contacted, only 13 provided responses to Global Witness’ ownership questions.1 Two private companies have set a positive precedent by revealing full details of the individuals who own and control them. Overall, however, these results reveal a high level of corporate secrecy which must be tackled if Myanmar’s oil and gas riches are to benefit its people..."
Language: English, Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Global Witness
Format/size: html, pdf (819K-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/GW-2014-06-responses-en.pdf
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/GW-2014-06-briefing-bu-red.pdf
Date of entry/update: 07 July 2014


Title: Summary of March 2014 Consultation Meetings: Oil & Gas Sector-Wide Impact Assessment (SWIA)
Date of publication: 16 April 2014
Description/subject: Overview and links to pdf versions of individual reports..... "MCRB will carry out a series of SWIAs to help inform government policy, advance responsible business practice and build civil society capacity to strengthen accountability. MCRB held consultations in Yangon, 24-26 March 2014, on the findings and assessments from field work across Myanmar, forming part of the forthcoming Sector-Wide Impact Assessment (SWIA) on Myanmar’s Oil & Gas sector. Three sessions were convened: Business (English language) on 24 March 2014 Local civil society (Myanmar language) on 25 March 2014 The international NGO, Embassies and donor community (English language) on 26 March 2014..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB)
Format/size: html, pdf
Alternate URLs: http://www.myanmar-responsiblebusiness.org/news/summary-march-2014-swia-consultation-meetings.html
Date of entry/update: 25 May 2014


Title: Draft not for citation or reference 1 Sector -­‐ Wide Impact Assessment (SWIA) of Myanmar’s Oil & Gas Sector:" Draft for Consultation March 2014
Date of publication: March 2014
Language: English
Source/publisher: Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB)
Format/size: pdf
Date of entry/update: 25 May 2014


Title: Burma’s Resource Curse The case for revenue transparency - A briefing by Arakan Oil Watch
Date of publication: 22 March 2012
Description/subject: "Burma is rich in natural resources. Exports of natural gas alone amount to approximately US$2.5 billion in annual revenues, and these are expected to increase by 60% as three additional production blocks come on line as early as next year. Yet despite this enormous wealth, Burma is one of the poorest countries in the world. A lack of transparency around revenues from the sale of oil, gas and other natural resources, a lack of an accountable system to manage revenues, and a lack of equitable benefit sharing of resource revenues are perpetuating a resource curse in Burma. It is a country crippled by corruption, censured for major human rights violations, and continuing to suffer from a decades-old civil war between the ruling government and ethnic peoples. The country’s major businesses are controlled by military companies and cronies. Projects which extract and export natural resources have directly led to human rights abuses such as forced labor, land confiscation, rape and displacement, as well as severe environmental degradation. The revenues from these projects have in turn helped prop up authoritarian rule and enrich top military generals. There is therefore an urgent need for Burma to manage oil and gas revenues with a greater transparency and accountability as well as to reform its military-dominated economy to ensure that the benefits of the country’s resources are shared more equitably among its people and for the country’s sustainable development. in the oil and gas sector"
Language: English
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: pdf (739K)
Date of entry/update: 23 March 2012


Title: Burma’s Resource Curse The case for revenue transparency in the oil and gas sector (Burmese)
Date of publication: 22 March 2012
Description/subject: Executive Summary: "Burma is rich in natural resources, particularly natural gas and oil. Yet instead of using these resources for the country’s development through industry and job growth, military leaders have been exporting them for over a decade. This has generated huge revenue flows, but a lack of transparency and mismanagement of these revenues has left Burma with some of the worse development indicators in the world, creating a resource curse. Sales revenues of natural gas exports alone amounted to US$ 2.5 billion in 2010-11. It is estimated that this amount will increase by over 60% to US$ 4.1 billion starting from 2013 as three additional production blocks come on line. Further revenues will be generated from over 40 additional oil and gas blocks that are currently under exploration. Despite this enormous wealth, Burma remains extremely poor and its people live with chronic energy shortages. It is a country crippled by corruption, with its major businesses controlled by military companies and cronies. Burma is censured for major human rights violations, and continues to suffer from a decades-old civil war between the ruling government and ethnic peoples. Due to Burma’s lack of protection laws, projects which extract and export natural resources have directly led to human rights abuses such as forced labor, land confiscation, rape and displacement, as well as severe environmental degradation. The projects also fuel armed conflict as government and ethnic troops clash in order to access and control project areas. The revenues from resource extraction projects have in turn helped prop up authoritarian rule and enrich top military generals. The report analyzes the previous Than Shwe regime and new military-dominated government’s lack of transparency around oil and gas revenues, lack of an accountable system to manage revenue, corruption, and a lack of equitable benefit sharing of resource revenues. Although a new “civilian” government is now in place, under Burma’s new constitution, the military remains firmly outside the law and beyond civilian control. The role of military companies in Burma’s economy and in accessing and managing Burma’s massive oil and gas revenues remain unknown and unregulated. The government does not disclose how much it receives in gas revenues, or how those revenues are managed or spent. Foreign oil companies engaging in Burma’s oil and gas sector also refuse to publish how much and how they pay the military regime. There is therefore an urgent need for Burma to manage oil and gas revenues with greater transparency and accountability as well as to reform its military-dominated economy to ensure that the benefits of the country’s resources are shared more equitably among its people and for the country’s sustainable development. If Burma prioritizes the protection of peoples and the environment in extraction projects and manages the revenues from the sale of its resources transparently, the country’s non-renewable resources can be used sustainably for the benefit of current and future generations, decreasing the pace and need to extract resources from additional areas. Mechanisms and systems for public disclosure of money flows, independent revenue management and auditing, civil society input, and equal benefit sharing currently exist in international standards of revenue transparency and are put into practice in oil and gas producing countries around the world. This report provides key lessons from these countries that Burma can draw on to improve the management of its oil and gas revenues and work toward ending its resource curse."
Language: Burmese
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: pdf (2.8MB)
Date of entry/update: 23 March 2012


Title: Burma’s Resource Curse The case for revenue transparency in the oil and gas sector (English)
Date of publication: 22 March 2012
Description/subject: Executive Summary: "Burma is rich in natural resources, particularly natural gas and oil. Yet instead of using these resources for the country’s development through industry and job growth, military leaders have been exporting them for over a decade. This has generated huge revenue flows, but a lack of transparency and mismanagement of these revenues has left Burma with some of the worse development indicators in the world, creating a resource curse. Sales revenues of natural gas exports alone amounted to US$ 2.5 billion in 2010-11. It is estimated that this amount will increase by over 60% to US$ 4.1 billion starting from 2013 as three additional production blocks come on line. Further revenues will be generated from over 40 additional oil and gas blocks that are currently under exploration. Despite this enormous wealth, Burma remains extremely poor and its people live with chronic energy shortages. It is a country crippled by corruption, with its major businesses controlled by military companies and cronies. Burma is censured for major human rights violations, and continues to suffer from a decades-old civil war between the ruling government and ethnic peoples. Due to Burma’s lack of protection laws, projects which extract and export natural resources have directly led to human rights abuses such as forced labor, land confiscation, rape and displacement, as well as severe environmental degradation. The projects also fuel armed conflict as government and ethnic troops clash in order to access and control project areas. The revenues from resource extraction projects have in turn helped prop up authoritarian rule and enrich top military generals. The report analyzes the previous Than Shwe regime and new military-dominated government’s lack of transparency around oil and gas revenues, lack of an accountable system to manage revenue, corruption, and a lack of equitable benefit sharing of resource revenues. Although a new “civilian” government is now in place, under Burma’s new constitution, the military remains firmly outside the law and beyond civilian control. The role of military companies in Burma’s economy and in accessing and managing Burma’s massive oil and gas revenues remain unknown and unregulated. The government does not disclose how much it receives in gas revenues, or how those revenues are managed or spent. Foreign oil companies engaging in Burma’s oil and gas sector also refuse to publish how much and how they pay the military regime. There is therefore an urgent need for Burma to manage oil and gas revenues with greater transparency and accountability as well as to reform its military-dominated economy to ensure that the benefits of the country’s resources are shared more equitably among its people and for the country’s sustainable development. If Burma prioritizes the protection of peoples and the environment in extraction projects and manages the revenues from the sale of its resources transparently, the country’s non-renewable resources can be used sustainably for the benefit of current and future generations, decreasing the pace and need to extract resources from additional areas. Mechanisms and systems for public disclosure of money flows, independent revenue management and auditing, civil society input, and equal benefit sharing currently exist in international standards of revenue transparency and are put into practice in oil and gas producing countries around the world. This report provides key lessons from these countries that Burma can draw on to improve the management of its oil and gas revenues and work toward ending its resource curse."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: pdf (1MB)
Date of entry/update: 23 March 2012


Title: Burma’s Resource Curse The case for revenue transparency - กลุ่มเคลื่อนไหวเรียกร้องให้ยุติมรดกบาปด้านทรัพยากรของพม่า (Thai)
Date of publication: 22 March 2012
Description/subject: นักลงทุนเริ่มหลั่งไหลเข้าไปในพม่า ซึ่งยังขาดความโปร่งใสและการตรวจสอบได้เกี่ยวกับรายได้ ซึ่งจะยิ่งส่งผลให้เกิดมรดก บาปด้านทรัพยากรมากขึน้ ของประเทศนี ้กลุ่มเคลื่อนไหวเตือนในวันนี ้ จากข้อมูลในรายงานของกลุ่ม Arakan Oil Watch รายได้จากก๊าซธรรมชาติหลายพันล้านเหรียญไม่ได้รับการบันทึกข้อมูล อย่างเหมาะสมและไม่ได้เข้ากระเป๋าของรัฐ แต่กลับถูกโยกไปเข้ากระเป๋าของนายทหารที่ทุจริต ส่งผลให้พม่ายังคงเป็น ประเทศที่มีดัชนีชีวั้ดด้านสังคมเลวร้ายสุดในโลก และเต็มไปด้วยความขัดแย้งเนื่องจากทรัพยากรธรรมชาติ
Language: Thai
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: pdf (74K)
Date of entry/update: 23 March 2012


Title: Burma’s Resource Curse The case for revenue transparency - ျမန္မာ့သယံဇာတက်ိန္စာ အဆံုးသတ္ရန္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေရးအဖြဲ႔မွ ေျပာၾကား (Burmese
Date of publication: 22 March 2012
Description/subject: ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံထဲသို႔ စီးပြားေရးရင္းႏွီးျမွဳပ္ႏွံသူမ်ား အလံုးအရင္းႏွင့္စတင္ဝင္ေရာက္ လာၾကေသာ္လည္း တိုင္းျပည္တြင္းတြင္ ဘ႑ာေငြဆိုင္ရာ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈႏွင့္တာဝန္ခံမႈ ဆိတ္သုန္းကင္းမဲ့ေနျခင္းက တုိင္းျပည္၏ သဘာဝသယံဇာတက်ိန္စာအား ပို၍ပင္ဆိုးရြားသြားေစသည္ဟု ရခုိင့္ေရနံေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေရး အဖြဲ႔မွ ယေန႔ သတိေပးေျပာၾကားလိုက္သည္။ သဘာဝဓါတ္ေငြ႔တင္ပို႔ေရာင္းခ်ရာမွရရိွေသာ ဘ႑ာဝင္ေငြ ေဒၚလာဘီလီယံေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို ျပည့္သူ႔ ေငြစာရင္းမ်ားထဲတြင္ ထည့္သြင္းျခင္းမရိွဘဲ အက်င့္ပ်က္ျခစားေနေသာ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကသာ မတရား အလႊဲသုံးစားျပဳလုပ္ေနၾကေသာေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသည္ ကမၻာေပၚမွာ အဆုးိ ရြားဆုံး လူမႈဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈ ညႊန္းကိန္းမ်ားႏွင့္တိုင္းျပည္တစ္ခုျဖစ္ေနၿပီး၊ သဘာဝသယံဇာတဆုိင္ရာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားႏွင့္ျပႆနာမ်ားကို လည္း ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရသည္ဟု အဆိုပါအဖြဲ႔က ေျပာၾကားသည္။
Language: Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: pdf (60K)
Date of entry/update: 23 March 2012


Title: Burma’s Resource Curse The case for revenue transparency - 监察团体:结束缅甸的资源诅咒 (Chinese)
Date of publication: 22 March 2012
Description/subject: 随着投资者开始涌入缅甸,收益透明度及问责机制的缺失正加剧该国的资源诅 咒,一个监察团体在今天发出警告。 由阿拉干石油观察发布的一份报告显示,数十亿美元的天然气销售收入没有记 录进缅甸的国家账户,而被腐败的军事统治者窃取,留给缅甸的只是一些世界最糟 糕的社会指标,并使其卷入自然资源的冲突中。
Language: Chinese
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: pdf (66K)
Date of entry/update: 23 March 2012


Title: End Burma’s Resource Curse Says Watchdog Group
Date of publication: 22 March 2012
Description/subject: As investors start flooding in to Burma, a lack of revenue transparency and accountability is set to exacerbate the country’s resource curse, warns a watchdog group today. According to a report by the Arakan Oil Watch, billions of dollars in revenues from the sale of natural gas have gone unrecorded in Burma’s public accounts and been siphoned off by corrupt military rulers, leaving Burma with some of the worst social indicators in the world and embroiled in conflicts over natural resources.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Arakan Oil Watch
Format/size: pdf (12K)
Date of entry/update: 23 March 2012


Title: Oil and Politics Don’t Mix
Date of publication: July 2009
Description/subject: "The growing revenues from Burma’s oil and gas resources provide financial support to the Burmese military to the detriment of Burma and her peoples... AS the Burmese regime increases its isolation of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, the United Nations and Western governments, especially the US and the European Union, remain steadfast in applying diplomatic pressure on the junta. Burma’s stubborn military leaders can shrug off Western pressure, however, knowing they can rely on support from such friendly and powerful neighbors as China, India and some Southeast Asian countries, most of which have significant trade and investment links with Burma and which are inclined to follow an engagement-oriented policy towards the regime..."
Author/creator: Yeni
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 17, No. 4
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 11 August 2009


Title: Laid Waste: Human Rights along the Kanbauk to Myaing Kalay gas pipeline
Date of publication: 01 May 2009
Description/subject: "...Laid Waste documents the suffering of villagers along the 180-mile Kanbauk to Myaing Kalay gas pipeline. Ten years after the pipeline’s initial construction, villagers along its route continue to see their land seized and income taken as they are conscripted into work as forced laborers and subject to arbitrary detentions, torture and summary execution. This report is released at a time when international debate on appropriate responses to the situation in Burma appears to be renewing. The discussion is healthy and appreciated. But there should be no question: projects like the Kanbauk to Myaing Kalay gas pipeline do not benefit the people of our country."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
Format/size: pdf (3.7MB; 12MB)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs07/Laid-Waste.pdf (higher resolution)
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs14/Laid-Waste-smaller.pdf
Date of entry/update: 08 May 2009


Title: Energy Security: Security for Whom?
Date of publication: 22 July 2008
Description/subject: "In military-ruled Burma, also known as Myanmar, large-scale natural gas projects have directly and indirectly led to violations of basic human rights through the complicity of multinational corporate actors. These abuses are ongoing and there is an unreasonably high risk they will increase as more gas projects are developed. This paper assesses the past, present, and future human rights impacts of large-scale natural gas extraction in Burma, and the implications these impacts have in terms of corporate accountability. The paper provides background information regarding Burma’s government, economic policy, and the energy sector and considers past and present human rights abuses connected to the Yadana natural gas project, developed by a consortium including Chevron, Total, PTTEP, and MOGE. The authors argue that the companies are complicit in ongoing human rights abuses in connection to their investment. The paper then describes the threat of future human rights abuses in connection to the country’s largest offshore gas deposits, concluding that there is a high risk that current human rights abuses in the proposed project areas will be exacerbated by the new gas production, and that there will likely be abuses directly linked to the Shwe pipeline project. Finally, the authors assess the interests and actors involved in the Southeast Asia regional energy security dynamic as it relates to Burma’s fast growing oil and gas sector, human rights, and corporate accountability. They argue that the energy security strategies of China, Thailand, and India—and by association, the national oil corporations under those governments—relying on Burmese resources have paid dangerously inadequate attention to the protection of human rights."
Author/creator: Matthew F. Smith and Naing Htoo
Language: English
Source/publisher: Yale Human Rights and Development Law Journal
Format/size: pdf (336K)
Date of entry/update: 31 October 2008


Title: The Yadana syndrome? Big oil and principles of corporate engagement in myanmar
Date of publication: 02 January 2008
Description/subject: "... In debates about economic globalisation, the case for leading corporations to engage with some of the world's most desperate development challenges is increasingly heard. In just the last few years, the World Bank and Mandle have shown that economic globalisation can operate to the benefit of the poor, Bhagwati and Wolf have issued powerful defences of globalisation, and Friedman has urged individuals, corporations and governments to seize the opportunities present in the increasingly "flat" world in which we live.2 From the peak of the international political system, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has endorsed all these arguments by holding that it is "the absence of broad-based business activity, not its presence, that condemns much of humanity to suffering."3 To stimulate action, he sponsored the UN Global Compact, dedicated to promoting responsible corporate citizenship throughout the world, and appointed its principal author, Kennedy School Professor John Ruggie, to the position of Special Representative on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises. However, despite all the mood music lauding the contribution business can make to development, it remains an open question whether corporate engagement, and in particular inward investment, should take place in extreme contexts. On the one hand, foreign capitalist involvement in some industries, notably resource extraction, has long been seen as highly exploitative. For decades, neo-Marxist critiques of capitalist underdevelopment held sway, stressing the extent of local state dependence on foreign capitalist interests, and the catastrophic impact of corporate engagement on local economic, social and political evolution.4 Notions of captured, rentier states mired in corruption and committed to systematic exploitation of Third World populations were commonly encountered. Few other than baleful local effects, generated by unprincipled involvement on the part of foreign corporations, were recorded. Today, criticism of this kind continues to be heard in, for example, responses to the World Bank's Extractive Industries Review, released in December 2003, which itself reached rather equivocal conclusions.5 Under the influence of more recent analyses of economic globalisation and its effects, should such activity now be encouraged? As economies are opened to the forces of global capitalism, is resource extraction to be placed alongside other corporate activity as positive and constructive in its contribution to pro-poor policies? On the other hand, all forms of corporate engagement with regimes that commit gross human rights violations are widely viewed as thoroughly unprincipled. For many years now, the sanctions lobby has trained a moral spotlight on inward investment in countries dominated by violator regimes. While the condemnation, and the resultant corporate pullouts, have always been highly selective, picking up on, say, Myanmar in the Asian context but making little comment on China, they have been no less powerful for that. Indeed, informal sanctions, targeting brands and corporations with a great deal to lose from negative publicity, have often been much more potent than formal government sanctions applied by the US and some of its allies.6 Again, under the influence of the latest writings on economic globalisation, should this activity also now be endorsed? Even in the most unpromising domains, can profits and principles be secured in tandem?7 This article tackles these issues by focusing on one very specific development context: Myanmar, or the country formerly known as Burma. By almost any definition, this is a difficult environment for poverty reduction.8 It is also one of the most unpromising settings for business activity, ranking last out of the 127 countries included in the Fraser Institute's Economic Freedom of the World Index for 2003.9 Furthermore, the kinds of extreme circumstance that generate the greatest development challenges are readily found here. Global corporations are engaged in extractive activities that provoke fierce critiques. Reports published over many years by Amnesty International, EarthRights International, Human Rights Watch and other organisations document gross human rights abuse by government-backed forces in virtually all parts of a country of more than 50 million people. Within this context, the article examines one particularly controversial extractive enterprise: the Yadana gas project, in which Western oil companies have long been prime movers. The debate that encircles this project is of course not unique. It is nestled in a broader discourse about corporate engagement with rights violating regimes all over the world, and reflected in specific ethical controversies thathave flared up in recentyears.11 When companies such as Carlsberg, Heineken, Levi Strauss and Reebok pulled out of Myanmar in the early and mid-1990s, they made public the moral concerns that prompted their decisions.12 Equally, some corporations targeted by campaigners have issued ethical justifications for ongoing engagement.13 Similar divisions are visible in other spheres. While the Global Fund made a high-profile withdrawal from Myanmar in August 2005, citing intolerable official interference in its work to combat AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria, key internal groups such as the National League for Democracy and the Student Generations Since 1988 now call for humanitarian intervention; and international agencies such as Save the Children USA continue to operate inside the country.14 The Yadana project is special because this single case encapsulates Western corporate involvement in resource extraction in a highly repressive context. It also has the virtue of being very well documented. The article addresses two main questions. First, is the involvement of foreignowned corporations in Myanmar's Yadana project to be welcomed? Second, with the experience gained from this involvement, can wider lessons about global corporate citizenship be drawn? To generate answers, the first section of the article provides some brief background material on the Yadana project. The second section then examines the cases made by its backers and critics, and evaluates the project from the perspective of its impact on the people of Myanmar. The third section focuses on wider lessons for corporate engagement that flow from the project, and in particular, the conditions in which inward investment in repressive settings is likely to be most constructive and positive in its effects. Applying these conditions to Myanmar, the fourth section considers ways forward for corporate involvement with the country. The article closes with a brief conclusion. The argument is that it is not possible to reach an overall evaluation of the Yadana project. However, some principles of responsible cross-border corporate engagement can be derived from it..."
Author/creator: Ian Holliday
Language: English
Source/publisher: City University of Hong Kong
Format/size: pdf (1.6MB)
Date of entry/update: 22 April 2016


Title: Pipeline Politics
Date of publication: October 2007
Description/subject: "The Burmese junta controls huge natural resources but inefficiency and incompetence—and bizarre priorities—keep the rewards from reaching the people While most Burmese struggle daily with high fuel prices, commodity shortages and a lack of electricity, huge quantities of natural gas lie unexploited under the sea off the west coast of Arakan because of the military regime’s indecision or incompetence. A Burmese worker checks the level of gasoline being transported in drums for sale to roadside outlets [Photo: Yuzo/The Irrawaddy] Burma is rich in national energy resources—with gas, oil and hydroelectric power potential—but critics say the military government is too busy planning grandiose projects to make the best use of energy resources for the people’s benefit. Analysts who closely observe the regime say corruption and oftentimes strange priorities that are only apparent to the tight inner circle that controls the country’s decision-making process also account for the underdevelopment of the country’s money-making resources. Energy industry analysts say that the recoverable gas reserves that have been independently verified in just two blocks of the offshore Shwe field in the Bay of Bengal could bring in US $2 billion annually for at least the next 25 years..."
Author/creator: William Boot
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol 15, No. 10
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www2.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=7578
Date of entry/update: 29 April 2008


Title: Energy Myanmar ("The Myanmar Times" Special Feature, August 2007)
Date of publication: August 2007
Description/subject: Daewoo’s massive gas strike puts Rakhine region in spotlight -- “The discovery of gas deposits in the A-1 block was one of factor that attracted international oil companies to this region; in the past gas deposits like this would not have interested oil companies,” said U Chan Mya, general manager of Smart technical services company...Nation set for huge increase in oil and gas investment “Daewoo and PTTEP both have to build platforms and pipelines to transport the gas from the A-1, A-3 and M-9 blocks. This kind of infrastructure investment will certainly boost FDI for the next two or three years at least,” ...The coloured history of the Burmah Oil Company » Asian explorers head for deep water » Why do we need oil and natural gas? » A study of abundance: major onshore and offshore oil and gas fields in Myanmar » Increased gas exports to underpin eco growth » Harnessing energy from the clouds » Energy sector’s ‘nuclear renaissance’ » Overview of major oil field service companies » Government speeds up CNG filling in Yangon » World looks green as local industry battles for life » Reality of US$100 oil not far off » Fuelling the future with Jatropha Curcas » Giving back through socioeconomic programs » Energy outlook grim: study » Negotiations for sale of Daewoo gas continuing » China seeks way around ‘Malacca Dilemma’.
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Myanmar Times"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 08 September 2007


Title: Step on the Gas
Date of publication: July 2007
Description/subject: Asian nations are stumbling over each other in a rush to capture the concession rights to huge gas and oil resources controlled by the Burmese junta... "Despite the efforts of some Western governments to isolate the Burmese regime economically, the stark reality is that more private companies and countries than ever are courting the Burmese generals to obtain a share of the country’s vast oil and gas resources. International energy companies from nine countries are now competing for exploration or production rights for gas and oil both offshore and o­nshore in Burma. A Thai company recently discovered a huge offshore gas field that may harbor as much as two trillion cubic feet of gas..."
Author/creator: William Boot
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 7
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 May 2008


Title: India Woos Burma with Weapons for Gas
Date of publication: January 2007
Description/subject: New Delhi's eagerness to supply Burma with weapons highlights new quid pro quo policies... "Increased contacts between senior military chiefs o­n both sides of the Burma-India border, involving Indian weapons sales, are believed by analysts to have two primary objectives: to help flush out Burma-based Indian insurgents and to counter growing Chinese influence in Naypyidaw. But the sale of arms and related technical equipment is also likely to be linked to New Delhi"Look East" economic policy, including ambitions to buy huge quantities of Burma's offshore gas in the Bay of Bengal. If the gas bid—against rivals China and Thailand—is successful, it will also involve building a costly pipeline through rebel-infested areas of northwest Burma and northeast India..."
Author/creator: Aung Lwin Oo
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 1
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 26 July 2008


Title: Burma and Its Neighbours: The Geopolitics of Gas
Date of publication: 24 August 2006
Description/subject: "while countries in the neighbouring regions - particularly India and Thailand, but also Australia and Japan - may have important roles to play, China wields far more leverage. For those who wish to influence Burma in a positive direction, it is therefore essential to consider ways that change could be stimulated with the active participation of China, whether through sanctions, constructive engagement and/or any form of dialogue." The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Nautilus Institute. Readers should note that Nautilus seeks a diversity of views and opinions on contentious topics in order to identify common ground..."
Author/creator: Ã…shild KolÃ¥s & Stein Tønnesson
Language: English
Source/publisher: Austral Policy Forum 06-30A 24 August 2006
Format/size: html, pdf (137K)
Date of entry/update: 09 September 2011


Title: Energy Security in Asia: China, India, Oil and Peace
Date of publication: April 2006
Description/subject: Report to the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs..."India and China are both characterized by a tremendous increase in energy consumption, of which an increasing share derives from imports. Very rapid economic growth always makes it difficult to arrive at a sound balance between demand and supply, and this tends to generate waste, bottlenecks and insecurity. Although both countries are trying hard to provide appropriate energy, increase their energy efficiency, and diversify their sources of supply, they are becoming increasingly dependent on imported oil, and the Persian Gulf is set to remain their predominant source of oil in the coming decades. Instability in the Middle East thus poses a serious challenge to the security of China and India, just as it does for Japan, the US and many European countries. The question of maintaining a stable supply of fossil fuels poses several security challenges. One is to boost one's own production, another to diversify one's sources of import, and a third to secure the transportation of oil and gas on vulnerable sea routes; or over land through pipelines that depend on long-term strategic relationships with the producing countries. In China and India a heightened awareness of the geopolitical implications of energy supply and demand has given energy issues an increasing prominence both in their domestic and foreign policies. However, it is difficult to say if this leads to more tension in their foreign relations or if instead it pushes them towards increased international cooperation. Plans are certainly being made for future possible ‘resource wars', but emphasis is presently being put on economic competition, and on seeking to maximise each country's position on the international energy market. Then again, such increasing resource competition may contribute to raising the stakes of conflict in areas where national jurisdiction has not been resolved (East China Sea, South China Sea), and also in some of the energy exporting countries. Burma is one such country, in which the energy security dynamics of India and China are played out, and this is detailed in an appendix to the report. The report is based on available literature, online energy data, and communication with Indian and Chinese researchers. We have used country reports and statistics provided by the International Energy Agency (IEA), statistics, forecasts and analyses by the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), unpublished academic papers, books and articles by Indian and Chinese researchers, and reports by several European and American analysts. Based on our assessments of the energy security strategies and interests of the major players in the region, the report outlines three scenarios for the future of international relations in Asia. The first, called ' is the most positive and also, in our judgment, the most likely. The second scenario, ', presents a possible embargo against China, and is perhaps the least likely, at least in the near future. The third scenario, ' presents the nightmare scenario of a full scale ' with global impact and serious consequences for India and China. The situation in Iraq, and especially the ongoing developments with relation to Iran's nuclear programme, force us to say that this scenario is not just a fantasy fiction, but a real possibility, even in the short term. The final section of the report offers suggestions as to implications of the outlined scenarios for Norwegian foreign policy formulation. Four areas of cooperation that would improve energy security in China and India, as well as globally, are identified: 1) support for the promotion of energy efficiency, 2) assistance in the development of clean coal and gas technology for electricity production, 3) a campaign for engaging the world's great powers in a major research effort to develop transportation technologies that do not depend on oil, 4) assistance in the nomination and promotion of Indian and Chinese candidature for IEA membership..."
Author/creator: Stein Tønnesson and Åshild KolÃ¥s
Language: English
Source/publisher: International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO)
Format/size: pdf (185K)
Date of entry/update: 29 November 2007