Japan-Burma relations
Websites/Multiple Documents
| Title: | | "Japan Times" |
| Description/subject: | | Searchable archive from January 1999. 322 hits for "Myanmar" (May 2003) ... 472 for "Myanmar", 138 for "Burma" (Feb 2005) |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "Japan Times" |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Burma Information Network (BurmaInfo, Japan) |
| Description/subject: | | Documents in Japanese and English:
General Information; Sanctions against Burma;
Health Problems;
Economy;
Forced Labor in Burma;
Ethnicity;
Guns and Drugs;
Gender and Sexualities;
Human Rights and Freedoms. Also, "Burma Today Weekly" (Japanese edition). Very useful site. |
| Language: | | Japanese, English |
| Source/publisher: | | Burmainfo (Japan) |
| Format/size: | | PDF and HTML |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Japan Ministry of Foreign Affairs |
| Description/subject: | | 249 search results for Myanmar, June 2003; 942 results, February 2010 |
| Language: | | English |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Japan's Position Regarding the Situation in Myanmar |
| Description/subject: | | Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1995-1997. Includes "Japan's Position Regarding the Problem of Massachusetts State Government Procurements" |
| Source/publisher: | | MOFA, Japan |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Japan-Myanmar Relations |
| Description/subject: | | Diplomatic Relations, Number of Japanese Nationals residing in Myanmar, Number of Myanmar Nationals residing in Japan,
Trade with Japan (1998) Direct Investment from Japan,
Japan's Economic Cooperation, List of Grant Aid - Exchange of Notes in Fiscal Year 2002, VIP Visits. Statements by Japanese officials, Press Secretary's Press Conference on Myanmar |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
Individual Documents
| Title: | | Japan and the Myanmar Conundrum |
| Date of publication: | | October 2009 |
| Description/subject: | | Executive Summary:
"Myanmar, also known as Burma, is an exception to many of the success stories of countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Throughout the postwar period the country has pursued a foreign policy line that has been obstinately indepen-dent, with a basic stance towards the outside world pervaded by a sense of noli me tangere. Once it was one of the key Asian countries convening the 1955 Bandung Conference at which the non-aligned movement was launched, but policies pursued since have made the country a peripheral member of the international community. One of the country’s key relationships in the postwar period has been with Japan. The beginning of this bilateral relationship goes back to the Second World War period. In December 1941, Japan began a mili-tary campaign into Southeast Asia and a puppet government for Burma under the Burmese nationalist Ba Maw was set up on August 1, 1942, which replaced British colonial rule. In May 1945, the British Army returned to Rangoon and the colonial masters regained power but two years later they agreed to hand over the ruling of the country to the Burmese, and Burma became independent in January 1948. In 1954, an agreement on war reparations was reached be-tween Japan and Burma totalling US$200 million over ten years, which began to be paid out the following year. Not only was aid from Japan forthcoming but it was increasing, from about US$20 million in the 1960s to around US$200 million in the 1970s. The aid amounted to a total of US$2.2 billion during 1962–1988. Japan became the largest aid donor to Burma. For Japan, the agreement with Burma was important in that a window of opportunity opened for Japan’s diplomacy towards Southeast Asian countries that had been at a standstill since the end of the Second World War.
After a military coup in 1988, Japanese ODA to Burma was suspended in principle,‛ and new aid was limited to projects that were of an emergency and humanitarian nature.‛ Nevertheless, Japan was soon again accounting for the lion’s share of aid to the country. General elections took place in Myanmar in May 1990 and resulted in a serious setback for the military junta. The oppo-sition National League for Democracy (NLD) secured a landslide victory. The
outcome did not result in a new government, since the ruling military ignored the election result of the NLD and refused to hand over power.
In 1992 a shift of Japan’s ODA policy was announced with the adoption of Japan’s ODA Charter, which prescribed that decisions on ODA should be tak-en after taking into account the recipients’ record on military spending, de-mocracy, moves towards market economy, and human rights. From this pe-riod a carrot and stick policy as codified in the ODA Charter has been applied to Myanmar which represented a clear break with Japan’s previous hands-off‛ stance. A bifurcated Myanmar policy pursued by the Japanese govern-ment emerged, resulting from its efforts to relate to the two important political forces confronting each other in Myanmar. Nevertheless, there has been a strong bias on part of the Japanese government towards favoring relations with the ruling military.
Relations between Japan and Myanmar have been receding ever since the military junta took power in 1988 and Japan instituted its policy of carrots and sticks. For Myanmar’s ruling junta, Japan’s carrot and stick policy was unwel-come news when it was first introduced, and has been seen ever since as an attempt by Japan to interfere in what the junta considers Myanmar’s internal affairs. With the junta in Myanmar facing international isolation after its sup-pression of democracy, China’s exchanges with Myanmar increased drastically. Soon after the 1988 coup, China had become the main external supporter of the Myanmar junta.
In order to coming to grips with the situation around Myanmar a proposal has been launched focusing on the formation of an international coalition strong and viable enough to institute change. Due to its strong historical ties and good relations inside and outside Myanmar, Japan is one candidate for playing a key role in such an endeavor. With its strong links with all major forces, Japan occupies a pivotal position with a viable chance of bringing to-gether critical actors into a process of dialogue and reform. Two recent devel-opments increase the possibility that Japan and China would cooperate in such an endeavor. During Prime Minister Abe Shinzō’s visit to China in 2006 after only one week in office, he admitted that China played the key role in the negotiations with North Korea and expressed hope that China would exercise its influence. It was in realization of the fact that, in dealing with North Korea,
Japan’s strong-handed policy of dialogue and pressure‛ had not worked, which made the Japanese government conclude that united international ac-tion was needed if negotiations were to progress, and that chances were great-er to reach results if the Chinese could be persuaded to use their influence to talk the North Koreans out of their provocative policies. The second move that has a bearing on Japan’s Myanmar policy are the events surrounding the cold-blooded killing of the Japanese photographer Nagai Kenji during demonstra-tions in Yangon on September 27, 2007. An important step taken by Japan was the fact that Prime Minister Fukuda Yasuo brought up Myanmar in talks over the phone with Prime Minister Wen Jiabao of China the day after the fatal shooting, and asked that China, given its close ties with Myanmar, exercise its influence and Premier Wen said he will make such efforts.
Abe’s visit to Beijing broke the ice between China and Japan, and a series of top-level meetings have followed. The two countries have clarified that they seem themselves to bear a responsibility for peace, stability, and development of the Asia-Pacific region and have agreed to together promote the realization of peace, prosperity, stability, and openness in Asia. Not only that, the two governments pledged to together forge a bright future for the Asia-Pacific re-gion. If Japan and China see themselves as bearing a responsibility for the peace, stability, and development of the Asia-Pacific region, it is hard to see how they can avoid being annoyed by the existence in their immediate neigh-borhood of a country that is widely treated an international outsider, especial-ly if they want to live up to their declared aim of aligning Japan–China rela-tions with the trends of the international community." |
| Author/creator: | | Bert Edström |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Institute for Security and Development Policy (Sweden) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (1.4MB) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 19 February 2010 |
|
| Title: | | A Charity’s Checkered Past |
| Date of publication: | | December 2007 |
| Description/subject: | | Two Japanese foundations active in Burma have a past linked to World War II far-right war criminals..."From the very beginning, Burma was one of the countries where the Sasakawa Foundation and its sister organization, the Nippon Foundation, were especially active. Apart from being an associate of Kodama, Sasakawa was also close to Nobusuke Kishi, the Japanese prime minister from 1957 to 1960—and, in the late 1940s, also a prisoner in Sugamo. Kishi led the once influential Burma Lobby in Japan, and the Japan-Burma Association counted among its members 11 trading companies allowed to operate in various aid projects in Burma prior to 1988.
In more recent years, the Sasakawa and Nippon foundations have supported seminars organized in Rangoon by the Myanmar [Burma] Institute of Strategic and International Studies on “Research on International Economy in Myanmar” as well as various health projects. The Sasakawa Foundation has also in part financed the Myanmar Times, a weekly newspaper established in March 2000, which the Australian monthly The Diplomat in its November-December 2007 issue quoted critics as describing as “little more than a cheerleader for the junta.”..." |
| Author/creator: | | Bertil Lintner |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 12 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 28 April 2008 |
|
| Title: | | Death of a Journalist |
| Date of publication: | | December 2007 |
| Description/subject: | | The shooting of a Japanese cameraman by Burmese security forces shocked the Japanese public and government, but what about official foreign policy? |
| Author/creator: | | Yamamoto Munesuke |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 12 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 28 April 2008 |
|
| Title: | | The Limits of Quiet Dialogue’ |
| Date of publication: | | December 2007 |
| Description/subject: | | Japan's historical influence over Burma has waned since the days it helped Aung San in his independence struggle. Donald M Seekin explains Japan's "frequently ambiguous" foreign policy |
| Author/creator: | | Donald M. Seekins |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 12 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 27 April 2008 |
|
| Title: | | Myanmar and Japan: How Close Friends Become Estranged |
| Date of publication: | | August 2007 |
| Description/subject: | | ABSTRACT:
"Independent Myanmar and Japan had long held the strongest ties among Asian countries, and they were often known as having "special relations" or a "historically friendly relationship."Such relations were guaranteed by the sentiments and experiences of the leaders of both countries. Among others, Ne Win, former strongman throughout the socialist period (1962-1988), was educated and trained by the Japanese army officers of the Minami Kikan, leading to the birth of the Burma Independence Army (BIA). Huge official development assistance provided by the Japanese government also cemented this special relationship. However, the birth of the present military government (SLORC/SPDC) in 1988 drastically changed this favorable relationship between the two countries. When the military seized power in a coup, Japan was believed to be the only country that possessed sufficient meaningful influence on Myanmar to encourage a move toward national reconciliation between the junta and the opposition party led by Aung San Suu Kyi. In reality, Japan failed to exert such an influence due to its sour relations with the military government and reduced influence in the new international and regional political landscape. What is worse, Japan seems to be losing its say on Myanmar issues in the international political arena, as it has been wavering in limbo between the sanctionist forces, such as the United States and the European Union, and engagement forces, such as China and ASEAN."...
Keywords: Myanmar (Burma), Japan, China, ODA, Foreign Relations, Cold War
JEL classification:F14, F35, N45 |
| Author/creator: | | Toshihiro Kudo |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Institute of Developing Economies (IDE Discussion Paper 118) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (233K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 22 April 2008 |
|
| Title: | | Japan's Burma-Watchers |
| Date of publication: | | May 2006 |
| Description/subject: | | "While few Japanese take more than a passing interest in Burma, a dedicated handful try to understand a country in some ways connected to their own..." |
| Author/creator: | | Neil Lawrence |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 14, No. 5 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 28 December 2006 |
|
| Title: | | Is Japan Really Getting Tough on Burma? (Not likely) |
| Date of publication: | | 28 June 2003 |
| Description/subject: | | "There was a flurry of articles last week about how Japan plans to suspend, or in fact suspended, economic aid (ODA: Official Development Assistance, which is comprised mainly of yen loans, grants and technical assistance) to Burma, thereby stepping up the pressure on the military junta to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Most news reports say that the aid that is being frozen is further, or new, ODA. Given that Japan has long pursued an engagement policy with Burma, and is the largest provider of economic aid to Burma (2.1 billion yen of grants-in-aid was provided in fiscal year 2002), a suspension would carry a certain weight with the military regime. ...Japan's engagement policy with Burma has always been based on a gcarrot and stickh approach, which traditionally has involved far more "carrots" than gstick.h Notwithstanding the uncertainties surrounding the suspension of new ODA, Japan's freeze is a rare, and probably short-term, application of a gstick.h The Japanese governmentfs preference has been, and will continue to be, for gcarrots,h a posture that is due in part to apparent concern about China replacing Japan as a likely source of economic assistance to, and political influence on, Burma. In this context, therefore, it is essential that governments and non-governmental groups monitor Japan's Burma policy -- and be wary of overly optimistic or inaccurate news accounts concerning that policy. There is little doubt that, without pressure from other countries (notably the U.S.) and interested citizens, even a decision to suspend new ODA would likely have been much slower in coming. Such pressure must continue." |
| Author/creator: | | Yuki Akimoto |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Burma Information Network - Japan |
| Format/size: | | html (18K); pdf (16k) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.burmainfo.org/oda/analyseGOJpolicy20030628.pdf (pdf) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 30 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Burma-Japan Up-date Monthly, No.1, (Feb 10th, 2002) |
| Date of publication: | | 10 February 2002 |
| Description/subject: | | Contents: "Human resource development for industrial research in Myanmar", by Sein Zaw Than; "Koizumi met Special Envoy of UN" by Isao Koga (unofficial translation); "Citizen groups in Japan continue action on Suzuki"; "Symposium on Alternatives of Opium in Burma" (unofficial translation); "First Westerner headed for Diet". |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Burmainfo (Japan) |
| Format/size: | | PDF (15K) and HTML |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.jca.apc.org/burmainfo/bjm/200202.pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Development, Environment and Human Rights in Burma/Myanmar ~Examining the Impacts of ODA and Investment~Public Symposium Report, Tokyo, Japan |
| Date of publication: | | 15 December 2001 |
| Description/subject: | | Chapter 1: ODA and Foreign Investment p7;
Chapter 2: Japanese Policy Towards Myanmar p14;
Chapter 3: Baluchaung Hydropower Plant No 2 p19;
Chapter 4: Tasang Dam and Yadana Gas Pipeline p22;
Chapter 5: The UNOCAL Case p26;
Chapter 6: Panel Discussion p30;
Chapter 7: Development in Other Countries 40;
Chapter 8: Reviewing Development p43;
References: p45.
"...One objective of the symposium was to examine how
development has affected people and the environment
in Burma. Another objective was to examine the roles
of the Japanese government, of private companies, and
of individuals in development in Burma. Each speaker
had his or her own ideas about what is best for Burma.
Does Burma need development? If so, what kind of
development does it need? For development, is it
necessary for other countries to give Official
Development Assistance (ODA)? Should ODA be
given under the current military regime? Should
companies invest in Burma now? Do ODA and
investment help the people of Burma? ..." |
| Author/creator: | | (Speakers): Ms. Taeko Takahashi, Mr. Teddy Buri, Ms. Hsao Tai, Ms. Yuki Akimoto, Mr. Nobuhiko Suto, Mr. Shigeru Nakajima |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Mekong Watch, Japan |
| Format/size: | | PDF (640K) 45pg |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | The Relationship Between Japan and Burma |
| Date of publication: | | 31 August 2001 |
| Description/subject: | | A brief history of the relationship from WWII, arguing that Japan should support the Burmese people rather than the generals.
* Tetsuro Usui - Group for Burmese Concerns in Japan.
Claire Debenham - Center for Christian Response of Asian Issues of the National Council of Churches in Japan. |
| Author/creator: | | Tetsuro Usui, Claire Debenham |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "Human Rights Solidarity" (Asian Human Rights Commission) |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Plne fr japanische Hilfe |
| Date of publication: | | January 2001 |
| Description/subject: | | Japan und Myanmar einigten sich, innerhalb von zwei Jahren einen Bericht zur japanischen Untersttzung einer Wirtschaftsstrukturreform in Myanmar auszuarbeiten. Kritik von USA. Reform of economic system with the help of Japan. |
| Author/creator: | | Gnter Siemers |
| Language: | | Deutsch, German |
| Source/publisher: | | Institut fr Asienkunde |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Rewriting History |
| Date of publication: | | October 2000 |
| Description/subject: | | The wife of former dictator Ne Win was in Tokyo recently to conduct research for a project to "rewrite modern Burmese history," according to a report from Radio Free Asia's Burmese-language service. Ni Ni Myint, who is also the director of the Historical Research Center in Rangoon, was accompanied by several other historians on her trip to meet Japanese experts on Burmese history. This was her second visit to Japan in two years. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No. 10 (Intelligence section) |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Silent Treatment |
| Date of publication: | | September 2000 |
| Description/subject: | | Tokyo has sent its strongest signal yet that it is not going to allow opponents of Burma's military regime to obstruct the Japanese Way to Democracy. |
| Author/creator: | | Neil Lawrence |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No. 9 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Mitsubishi to Invest $70 Million in Yetagun |
| Date of publication: | | July 2000 |
| Description/subject: | | Japanese trading company Mitsubishi Corporation has announced that it will provide US $70 million to build a floating storage offloading FSO facility for the Yetagun offshore oil and natural gas project in Burma by the end of July. [Nippon Oil, holder of 20% in Yetagun, merged with Mitsubishi Oil in April 1999 to form Japan's biggest oil company, the Nippon-Mitsubishi Oil Corporation(NMOC) known also as Nisseki Mitsubishi Oil Corp.] |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No. 7 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Gambling on Japan |
| Date of publication: | | April 2000 |
| Description/subject: | | In recent years Japan has attempted to assert itself as a major player on the Asian political stage, only to have its efforts rebuffed by its neighbors and its major strategic partner, the United States. But, writes Neil Lawrence, Asian countries struggling out of a major economic crisis may finally be ready to give Japan the leading role it has long coveted. But doubts remain about Japan's political values. |
| Author/creator: | | Neil Lawrence |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No. 4-5 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | "Greedy" Regime Stuns Japanese |
| Date of publication: | | February 2000 |
| Description/subject: | | Officials in Japan, historically Burma's largest creditor, have been left shaking their heads over the SPDC's latest efforts to tap into the wealth of Asia's richest nation. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No. 2 (Business section) |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | The North Wind and the Sun: Japan's Response To The Political Crisis in Burma, 1988-1998 |
| Date of publication: | | 1999 |
| Description/subject: | | "Japan's response to the political crisis in Burma after the establishment of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) in September 1988 reflected the interests of powerful constituencies within the Japanese political system, especially business interests, to which were added other constituencies such as domestic supporters of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's struggle for democracy and those who wished to pursue 'Sun Diplomacy,' using positive incentives to encourage democratization and economic reform. Policymakers in Tokyo, however, approached the Burma crisis seeking to take minimal risks--a "maximin strategy"--which limited their effectiveness in influencing the junta. This was evident in the February 1989 "normalization" of Tokyo's ties with SLORC. During 1989-1998, Japanese business leaders pushed hard to promote economic engagement, but "Sun Diplomacy" made little progress in the face of the junta's increasing repression of the democratic opposition."
Online publication with kind permission of the author and the Journal of Burma Studies |
| Author/creator: | | Donald M. Seekins |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Journal of Burma Studies, Vol. 4 (1999) |
| Format/size: | | html (237K); pdf (2.17MB) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.grad.niu.edu/burma/publications/jbs/vol4/index.shtml |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | "One Trip to Myanmar and Everyone Would Love the Country" |
| Date of publication: | | December 1998 |
| Description/subject: | | Burma-Japan relations go back to before World War II, and the opinions of Japan's "old Burma hands" are often better informed about internal conditions than those of Western observers, even if one doesn't entirely agree with them. But a new Japanese perspective on Burma has emerged, which could be described as "Aung San Suu Kyi-bashing" or "hitching one's wagon to the star of Asian values." |
| Author/creator: | | Donald Seekins |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "Burma Debate", Vol. V No 1 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | The Word from Rangoon |
| Date of publication: | | December 1998 |
| Description/subject: | | Excerpt of an interview with Kazuo Asaki, Japan's newly-appointed ambassador to Rangoon |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "Burma Debate", Vol. V No 1 |
| Format/size: | | htnl |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
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| Title: | | Panel Set to Examine EC's Complaint Against US Tax Treatment for FSCs |
| Date of publication: | | 29 October 1998 |
| Description/subject: | | The Dispute Settlement Body (DSB), on 21 October, established a panel to examine complaints by the European Communities and Japan that a Massachusetts law had violated provisions of the plurilateral Agreement on Government Procurement..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | WTO NEWS |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 18 August 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Japan Seeks Respect - But from Whom? |
| Date of publication: | | April 1998 |
| Description/subject: | | Japan's resumption of ODA to Burma's junta begs questions about its motives and what its political values really are. |
| Author/creator: | | LJN |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 6. No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
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