USA-Burma relations

expand all
collapse all

Websites/Multiple Documents

Description: About 612,000 results (August 1017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-22
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
more
Description: Laws, rules, regulations and other documents related to the US Burma sanctions
Source/publisher: US Department of the Treasury (Office of Foreign Assets Control - OFAC)
Date of entry/update: 2012-09-12
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English (Spanish also available)
more
Description: About 19,800 results for a search for "Burma Or Myanmar" on the CSIS site, September 2012
Source/publisher: Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)
Date of entry/update: 2012-09-12
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
more
Description: About 16,700,000 results (23 November 2016)
Source/publisher: Google
Date of entry/update: 2016-11-22
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Search for Burma
Source/publisher: United States Dept of State
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
more
Source/publisher: US Department of State
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
more
expand all
collapse all

Individual Documents

Description: "BANGKOK—US State Department Counselor Derek Chollet called Myanmar’s military “a bunch of thugs” suffering “serious losses” in their fight against their own people, who have been resisting military rule in the country. The comment comes as the junta struggles to control the country, which has been gripped by an unwavering popular armed resistance against the regime following the military takeover in February last year. Given the ongoing circumstances in Myanmar, Chollet said the regime was finding itself increasingly isolated, not just internationally but at home. “They’re not winning. They’re losing territory. Their military is taking serious losses,” he told The Irrawaddy in a recent interview. Last week, US State Department Counselor Derek Chollet visited Thailand where he also met with senior Thai officials in Bangkok. He later visited the Thailand-Myanmar border and his delegation visited the Mae La Refugee Camp in Tak Province and then toured the Mae Tao Clinic, which has provided a health lifeline for Myanmar refugees in Mae Sot and surrounding areas for decades. After returning from the border, Chollet told The Irrawaddy that Washington’s message to the regime was simple: End the fighting and return to the path of democracy. He said the regime was trying to create a new reality after its military proxy party lost the 2020 election. “But it’s quite clear that what we’ve seen inside Burma is that the people are not going to accept that,” he said, using Myanmar’s former name. When asked about his impression of the regime’s extrajudicial killings of civilians, arbitrary arrests and torching villages in central Myanmar in response to armed resistance there, Chollet said they were not things a model military does. “They are not acting as a professional military. They are acting like a bunch of thugs,” he said. As of May 26, more than 1 million people had been displaced in Myanmar, with more than half of them losing their homes since the Feb. 1, 2021 military coup, and 12,700 houses, religious buildings and schools had been destroyed, according to the UN. Engaging with the NUG The US recently increased its diplomatic engagement with Myanmar’s opposition and like-minded countries in the region to pressure the regime in Naypyitaw. “We are working [to] give the opposition our best advice” as well as to “address urgent humanitarian needs,” Chollet said, noting that at least tens of thousands of people have been displaced by the regime’s raids and fighting. Last month, Daw Zin Mar Aung, foreign minister of Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), met with Wendy Sherman, US deputy secretary of state, in Washington on the sidelines of the US-ASEAN summit. Myanmar regime leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing was not invited to the summit. Chollet told The Irrawaddy the US will continue to engage with the NUG on capacity building and supporting the Myanmar democratic movement. The shadow government is now trying to establish its administration and education system in some resistance stronghold areas in the country. “It’s a huge challenge where there’s expectations placed upon you from people inside and how you learn about just the basic tasks of administration and keeping the trains running, schools opened and electricity. A lot of that knowledge has left. So, in areas outside of regime control, how can you maintain these services? There is capacity building that we can provide,” he said. Chollet said Myanmar people have shown tremendous resilience, courage, and bravery throughout their fight against the regime, adding that their suffering over the last 18 months has been horrendous. “What’s striking, however, is you still see so much hope and optimism in the fight for their country—whether they’re in Burma, or whether they’ve left and they’re trying to help on the outside,” referring to the determination of the majority of Myanmar people that their cause against the regime must prevail, and their effort to support it by all means. Working with ASEAN, talking to others Since the coup, ASEAN leaders have faced challenges and criticism, as the regional grouping is known to lack political capital in solving the decades-old crisis in Myanmar. There has also been strong criticism of ASEAN’s peace plan for Myanmar. So far regime chief Min Aung Hlaing has failed to honor most of the points in the plan. Myanmar opposition and rights groups have criticized it as a failure but also expressed concern that the US and Western governments are outsourcing the issue to ASEAN and hiding behind the bloc. Chollet countered the criticism, saying that ASEAN is “taking steps that I think few predicted,” referring to the bloc’s exclusion of the junta leadership from its summits due to Min Aung Hlaing’s failure to implement the peace plan. “There was doubt they would agree to the decision to disinvite political representation by the regime in high-level meetings and then stick to that position. It’s not easy to get to that point. It sounds a little self-serving, but I do think the US advocacy with the ASEAN partners to first make the decision to not invite Burma to a high-level meeting and stick to that decision matters. In individual ASEAN states, in Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia—they are quite helpful and active.” He also said that the US is working with ASEAN and had also been very active in talking to the UK, Australia, the EU, Japan and Korea about ways to work together to help people inside Myanmar. “It’s incumbent upon us to do whatever we can to support this,” he said. On China Chollet also commented on Myanmar’s powerful neighbor China, which has been supporting the regime. In April, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told his Myanmar counterpart Wunna Maung Lwin that China will support Myanmar’s military government “no matter how the situation changes” in the country. Chollet said he thought China had been pretty quiet on this front recently, adding that the US interest in Myanmar was not just about China. He said he was not aware that China had worked in any way to try to push back on ASEAN, while admitting that China had a complicated relationship with the junta. “And, you know, I would say we don’t want them [China] to be part of the problem. We hope that they can be part of the solution.”..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-06-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "US Republican Senate leader Mitch McConnell has questioned whether President Biden’s administration is willing to help Myanmar, saying the US’s role supporting the country’s struggle for democracy was “at a serious crossroads”. The senator, who has worked across the aisle to encourage previous administrations to do more to stand with the dissidents and democrats of Myanmar, addressed senior officials from the Biden administration during Wednesday’s briefing to members of the US Senate. Senator’s McConnell’s intervention comes at a time when the Senate is carrying out a process directed by McConnell’s bipartisan amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 to support Myanmar’s democracy movement. It includes provisions such as legitimizing Myanmar’s parallel National Unity Government (NUG), which was formed by lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and its ethnic allies after the NLD government was ousted in a coup last year. The amendment was passed by the Senate in December last year, but still requires White House officials to brief senators on the US’s policy towards Myanmar since the coup. Senator McConnell told the Senate: “My friends (in Myanmar) are enduring a 16th month under the rule of yet another brutal military junta. Thousands of civilians have lost their lives.” The Senator was referring to the regime’s post-coup atrocities against its own people, the majority of whom have rejected junta rule. “But Burma’s [Myanmar] struggle for democracy – and our role in support – is at a serious crossroads. And today, our colleagues expect to hear from the administration’s representatives what more it is prepared to do to help the people of Burma,” he added. Days before the briefing, Senator McConnell met with the NUG’s foreign minister Daw Zin Mar Aung. She requested the US to bolster the legitimacy of the NUG, sanction the regime’s support system and give direct assistance to the people of Myanmar. “I’m hopeful the representatives here today are prepared to discuss how the Biden administration is prioritizing these objectives, and its strategy to achieve each of them,” said Senator McConnell. During the briefing on Wednesday, the Senator asked the US government what steps the administration was prepared to take to engage, support, and formally recognize the NUG and its National Unity Consultative Council, a body formed to bring together forces opposed to the regime, and the NUG’s armed wing, the People’s Defense Forces. He said also that the US needs to ramp up pressure on the military regime because Myanmar dissidents were asking “what additional steps the administration will take” to target the junta’s foreign enablers and corporate affiliates, including the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. The junta-controlled enterprise runs the country’s oil and gas sector. Lastly, the senator urged the US to find a more effective way of partnering with Myanmar’s neighbors India and Thailand to deliver direct aid assistance to the people of Myanmar, as tens of thousands of civilians nationwide have been forced to flee their homes due to junta raids and arson attacks. “How is it [the administration] working to help document the junta’s crimes and provide cross-border humanitarian assistance for its victims?” asked the Senator. Senator McConnell admitted that the challenges facing the Myanmar people are complicated. But he said the proposition for the US government was simple: “Are we willing to help a people committed to democracy finally realize it for themselves?” “I look forward to hearing how the Biden administration plans to answer this call,” he added..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-05-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "Since it seized power in February 2021, Myanmar’s military regime has ignored international calls to end its use of violence, release political prisoners and negotiate with its opponents. Some Western nations have applied sanctions, while powerful neighbors India and China have largely sought to protect their own interests. Regional bloc ASEAN has been split, with some members seeking to engage the junta and others calling for contact with the shadow National Unity Government. The Irrawaddy spoke to Scot Marciel, former United States ambassador to Myanmar (2016-20) and currently a Visiting Scholar at Stanford University’s Walter Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, about the current state of regional and international efforts to tackle the Myanmar crisis. The Irrawaddy: There have been many tragic stories in Myanmar since the coup. It is not enough to just pressure the regime to change its behavior or to make concessions. Can you talk about how the international community and regional groupings such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should assist the Myanmar people? Marciel: I would offer two thoughts. First, I don’t think you can expect ASEAN to solve this problem, certainly not by itself. The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, while it’s done with very good intentions, not only are the points not being implemented, they are actually not appropriate for the situation in Myanmar in my view. So it is a mistake to dwell on the Five-Point Consensus. I don’t really blame ASEAN too much for that because the junta is refusing to be reasonable at all and make any kind of concessions. Second, as Malaysia’s foreign minister has suggested publicly, more engagement with the National Unity Government (NUG) and other figures opposed to the junta is really important. I am pleased to see that [US] Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman met with Zin Mar Aung [the NUG foreign minister, on Aug. 12] in Washington. I think there needs to be more engagement with the NUG and other actors, recognizing that trying to convince the generals to hold talks with those who oppose them is not really a very useful way of going about things. The Irrawaddy: Do you think the NUG is the best option, aside from Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and other stakeholders, in terms of whom the US and ASEAN should be engaging with? Marciel: I know some people have not been fully satisfied with the NUG. I understand that, but it’s certainly one important actor that has a lot more legitimacy than the junta for sure. I think it is useful to engage with the NUG, but also with actors who are seeking to return the country to a democratic and peaceful path. The Irrawaddy: When we talk about ASEAN there are some criticisms, because so far the Five-Point Consensus as you said is going nowhere, but people keep talking about it. We, ourselves, have become the hostages of the consensus. Beyond ASEAN, there has also been some criticism that the US and other Western countries are outsourcing the Myanmar crisis to ASEAN. We know that ASEAN is toothless and powerless, and so far has achieved little on Myanmar. Why has the West outsourced the problem to ASEAN? Marciel: To be fair, at least for the United States, I don’t think the United States is necessarily expecting ASEAN by itself to solve the problem. The truth is I don’t know any outside player that can solve the problem. ASEAN can help. This goes back to, among other things, the Five-Point Consensus. It’s not just that the points aren’t being implemented, they really aren’t appropriate for the situation. A ceasefire… OK If the military stops all violence and allows peaceful protests, that would be useful. But does anyone really think that is going to happen? Second, dialogue, my sense is, again I can’t speak for the Myanmar people, but it seems people aren’t interested in negotiating and compromising with the military junta. They want them out of power. And I think the international community should be supporting those efforts, rather than proposing and calling for some kind of dialogue that is completely unrealistic, at least at this time. The Irrawaddy: In the past, the US has played a major role in promoting democracy, freedom and federal union in Myanmar. You know in 2008-09, we had Kurt Campbell, one of the key architects of the pivot to Asia and of course specific Myanmar policies of principled engagement, and the carrot-and-stick approach, where sanctions were imposed but also with the incentive that if reforms took place, the sanctions would be eased. There was very consistent and intense communication with the then regime and the opposition in Myanmar. Do you think that, in coordination with ASEAN, the US can work on Myanmar issues with the same vigor and energy as it did in the late 2000s? Marciel: It’s a good question. It’s very clear that the US and the Biden administration remain very supportive of efforts to help the country go back to democracy and peace and federal union. But my sense is that it’s hard to figure out what they can actually do to make that happen. There’s not a lot of easy choices, whether it’s the United States or ASEAN, because the generals do not seem interested in doing anything positive, they are just holding onto power. We’ve seen what they are willing to do to their own people for the sake of holding power. And it narrows the space for diplomacy, certainly. I would have a very hard time if I were still in the government saying we should engage with the junta and try to create incentives for them because I think there is no chance, absent them feeling much more pressure, that they are willing to seriously consider changing their approach. The Irrawaddy: Do you think there should be more sanctions, more pressure, including maybe an arms embargo? What about ASEAN and other countries like China, Thailand and India? Marciel: There is no great option right now. I don’t believe there is, at this point at least, any opportunity for dialogue that will return the country to a democratic path or democratic federalism. I don’t think the military can restore stability and govern the country effectively. So the best possible scenario is for the military to face so much pressure, that they then begin to look for a way out. So yes, I think maximum pressure, both internally and externally, on the military whether it’s by sanctions or other means is the best chance of achieving progress, though it won’t be easy. The Irrawaddy: We have a powerful neighbor, China, which shares a long border with Myanmar. We also have our neighbor Thailand, which is absorbing refugees and migrant workers and asylum seekers. Because of the crisis, they are also sharing the burden. Obviously, China is always supportive of those in power, whether it is the regime or a democratic government. If China and Thailand don’t make any moves, don’t apply any external pressure, it is hard to see any policy of maximizing pressure on the regime working. Do you agree? Marciel: I agree that there are limits in terms of external pressure. That’s why there is no easy answer. It seems that China is willing to support the junta even though nearly the entire population of Myanmar opposes that. I don’t think that is likely to change. On Thailand, I hope that the Thai authorities will see that the longer the military is in power, the more problems there are going to be across the border, including refugees and instability. And the Thais, I think, will have an interest in pressing in their own way, pressing the military to look for a way out, because otherwise this crisis is going to continue and Thailand’s going to suffer from some of these cross-border challenges, including very serious humanitarian issues. The Irrawaddy: We have heard that the regime is not happy with the idea of—the wording is quite sensitive—a humanitarian corridor. But Thailand will have to play a key role if cross-border assistance and humanitarian assistance are to reach a large number of Myanmar people. What are your thoughts on that, as the US has made at least four high-ranking official visits to Thailand since the coup? Should the Biden administration engage and cooperate with the Thai government to provide assistance? Scot: There is a lot of discussion between the US and Thai officials on this. I don’t know the substance of those discussions. I am not sure what exactly has been said. But to me the United States and Thailand, even if we may have somewhat different views on the coup and the junta, we should try to find a way to work together at a minimum to address the serious humanitarian need right along the Thai border and just across the border. You know it is not easy for Thailand as a neighbor of Myanmar having to deal with the junta. But I think there are ways that this could be done carefully and I assume that these discussions are happening between the United States and Thailand. I hope that they lead to greater and more successful efforts to get humanitarian assistance to the border and across the border on behalf of Myanmar people.
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-05-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "We remain deeply concerned over the crisis in Myanmar. We highlight Myanmar’s commitment to the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus during the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting on 24 April 2021 and urge the timely and complete implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. We will continue to support ASEAN’s efforts to facilitate a peaceful solution in the interest of the people of Myanmar, including through the work of the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar,in building confidence and trust with full access to all parties concerned, and effective delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar, including those who are the most in need, without discrimination. We reiterate our commitment to peace and stability in the region and continue to call for the immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar and for the release of allpolitical detainees, including foreigners. We will redouble our collective efforts towards a peaceful solution in Myanmar that also reflects a continued commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms, as outlined in the ASEAN Charter. We welcome close coordination between the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar and the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar to ensure synergy in this important endeavor. With regard to Ukraine, as for all nations, we continue to reaffirm our respect for sovereignty, political independence, and territorial integrity. We reiterate our call for compliance with the UN Charter and international law. We underline the importance of an immediate cessation of hostilities and creating an enabling environment for peaceful resolution. We support the efforts of the UN Secretary-General in the search for a peaceful solution. We also call for the facilitation of rapid, safe and unhindered access to humanitarian assistance for those in need in Ukraine, and for the protection of civilians, humanitarian personnel, and persons in vulnerable situations. As we proceed with implementation of this ambitious agenda in the coming months and years, we look forward to reaching a new level of cooperation and partnership and task our Ministers to coordinate the implementation of this Joint Vision Statement..."
Source/publisher: The White House (Washington, D.C.)
2022-05-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: Bloc nations were urged to sideline the junta, while US officials met with the shadow government.
Description: "The ongoing upheaval in Myanmar took center stage on the first day of a U.S.-ASEAN Summit in Washington, as fellow bloc member Malaysia slammed the junta for refusing to engage with the country’s shadow government. Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) leaders held a lunch meeting with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other lawmakers at the U.S. Capitol on Thursday to kick off two days of top-level meetings, which President Joe Biden hopes will bolster Washington’s ties with the bloc and increase its influence in the region. Eight of ASEAN’s leaders made the trip to the U.S. for the summit, which marks the first time the White House extended an invitation to the group of nations in more than four decades. The Philippines declined to attend as it wraps up a presidential election this week, while Myanmar’s junta chief, Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, was barred from the summit amid a brutal crackdown on opponents of his military’s Feb. 1, 2021, coup that rights groups say has claimed the lives of at least 1,835 civilians. U.S. State Department officials instead met with the foreign minister of the National Unity Government, Myanmar’s shadow government of deposed leaders and other junta critics working to take back control of the country. The lunch event on Capitol Hill was closed to the press, but the situation in Myanmar was front and center on Thursday, after Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah called out junta officials in a series of tweets for failing to honor their commitment to end violence in the country. Specifically, he referred to the military regime’s refusal to allow the United Nations special envoy to the country, Noeleen Heyzer, to attend an ASEAN meeting last week to coordinate humanitarian aid to Myanmar. “We regret that the [junta] has not allowed the U.N. Secretary General's Special Envoy on Myanmar to participate in the processes,” Saifuddin tweeted. “We should not allow [the junta to be] dictating who to be invited for related meetings.” Saifuddin said he made clear at an informal meeting with ASEAN foreign ministers on Wednesday that Malaysia fully supports Prak Sokhonn, the special envoy of ASEAN Chair Cambodia, “in fulfilling his mandate on [the] 5-Point Consensus” — an agreement formed by the bloc in April 2021 that requires the junta to meet with all of Myanmar’s stakeholders to find a solution to the political crisis. He said he called on the ASEAN envoy to “engage all stakeholders, including [shadow National Unity Government] NUG and [National Unity Consultative Council] NUCC representatives,” both of which are recognized by the junta as “terrorist groups.” Saifuddin’s comments came a day after he told the RFA-affiliated BenarNews agency that he welcomed the idea of engaging informally with the NUG and NUCC via video conference calls and other means if the junta prohibits such meetings in-person. The Malaysian foreign minister said he plans to meet with NUG Foreign Minister Zin Mar Aung in Washington on Saturday to solicit her opinion on how the people of Myanmar can move on. As ASEAN leaders lunched with lawmakers on Thursday, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman held a meeting with Zin Mar Aung and other NUG representatives in Washington during which she underscored the Biden administration’s support for the people of Myanmar during the crackdown and for those working to restore the country to democracy, according to a statement by spokesperson Ned Price. “Noting the many Southeast Asian leaders in Washington for the U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit, the deputy secretary highlighted that the United States would continue to work closely with ASEAN and other partners in pressing for a just and peaceful resolution to the crisis in Burma,” Price said, using the former name of Myanmar. “They also condemned the escalating regime violence that has led to a humanitarian crisis and called for unhindered humanitarian access to assist all those in need in Burma.” Other events Following Thursday’s working lunch, ASEAN leaders met with Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo and U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai, as well as other leaders of the business community, to discuss economic cooperation. In the evening, they joined Biden for dinner at the White House to discuss ASEAN’s future and how the U.S. can play a part, according to media reports, which quoted senior administration officials as saying that each leader would be given time to meet with the president one-on-one. On Friday, leaders will meet with Vice President Kamala Harris and Secretary of State Antony Blinken for a working lunch to discuss issues such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the global climate, and maritime security, before meeting with Biden for a second time. While some ASEAN leaders have been more outspoken in their condemnation of the junta, others —including Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, who is also the bloc’s chair — have done little to hold it to account for the situation in Myanmar. In January, Hun Sen became the first foreign leader to visit Myanmar since the military coup — a trip widely viewed as conferring legitimacy on the junta. Hun Sen is no stranger to global condemnation, however. The Cambodian strongman brooks no criticism at home and has jailed his opponents on what observers say are politically motivated charges in a bid to bar them from mounting a challenge his nearly 40-year rule. This week’s summit marks Hun Sen’s fourth visit to the U.S., following trips to attend his son’s graduation from West Point in 1999, the 2016 U.S.-ASEAN Summit with President Barack Obama at the Sunnylands Retreat in California, and a meeting at the United Nations in New York in 2018. Thursday’s dinner with Biden will be his first visit to the White House. Prior to Thursday’s dinner, during a photo session with leaders on the South Lawn, Biden committed to spending U.S. $150 million on COVID-19 prevention, security, and infrastructure in Southeast Asia as part of a package his administration hopes will contain China’s growing influence in the region. A U.S. Coast Guard ship will also be deployed to the region to patrol waters ASEAN nations say are illegally fished by Chinese vessels. The U.S. commitment is a drop in the bucket compared to Beijing’s spending in the region. China earmarked 10 times as much in development assistance to ASEAN nations in November alone..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2022-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: The junta’s alliance with Russia has been a disaster for Myanmar’s people, fuelling a crisis that has been abetted by the international community, activist Khin Ohmar writes
Description: "Over the past year, more military attacks have been launched against civilians in Myanmar than in Syria, Yemen, Iraq or Afghanistan, according to figures compiled by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, which also designated the country as the world’s deadliest place to be a protester in 2021. The Myanmar military is using helicopter gunships and jets to bomb wide swathes of the country. Schools, hospitals and places of worship have been targets of heavy shelling. The military has torched the homes of villagers, who have taken shelter in the jungle, finding caves in which to hide and spend sleepless nights. Entire villages have been incinerated. Massacres have become a form of collective punishment against a nationwide civilian resistance, unrelenting in the face of the junta’s brutality. Some 578,200 people have fled their homes since the military junta staged an attempted coup in February 2021, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. The vicious reprisals and systematic attacks from the junta, enabled by Russian arms and equipment, are as horrific as those committed by Russian forces in Ukraine in recent months. On Thursday and Friday, President Biden is hosting the leaders of Southeast Asian nations at a special summit in Washington DC, where the US will be looking to garner support from the regional bloc to strengthen the coalition against Moscow. A key component of his strategy should be to convince the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to change course on the Myanmar junta, one of Russia’s staunchest allies. The administration can use the opportunity of the US-ASEAN summit to pressure the bloc to go beyond its impotent response to the junta’s flouting of international law and engage with the legitimate National Unity Government, established by and representing the peoples of Myanmar. But Biden has a chance to go further. The President should call for a global arms embargo against the Myanmar military and direct his UN ambassador to put the matter on the agenda of the UN Security Council, which the US is chairing for the month of May. An embargo would deliver a direct blow to Russian interests. Russia is busy selling jet fighters, armoured vehicles, surface-to-air missiles, and mobile defence systems to the Myanmar military. According to the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, the transfer of arms by Russia “ha[s] occurred with the full knowledge that they would be used to attack civilians, in probable violation of international law.” The Russian regime sees the Myanmar junta as a source of hard currency to sustain its autocratic rule. Since 2018, at least 19 Russian companies have supplied arms and equipment to the Myanmar military—including the US-sanctioned state-owned arms conglomerate Rostec and its multiple subsidiaries. In April 2021, the head of Russia’s truck giant, Kamaz, visited Myanmar to hold talks with the junta about manufacturing trucks in Myanmar. Kamaz produces the vehicle that serves as the platform for the Pantsir-S1 surface-to-air missile system, which the junta ordered from Russia last year. The ties between the junta and Russia appear to be strengthening. An April 25 letter issued by the Central Bank of Myanmar revealed that junta-backed banks are forming an alliance with Russian banks, according to a recent RFA report. This would provide a back channel for the junta to purchase Russian weapons in defiance of sanctions that seek to banish Russia from the global financial system and stop the junta's procurement of arms. The alliance has been a disaster for the Myanmar people. But the crisis has been abetted by the global community—by the ineffectual gestures of ASEAN, by the empty rhetoric of UN statements. The lack of concrete, coordinated international action is allowing Russia to establish a client state in the middle of Asia, destabilising the region while fuelling the junta’s terror. President Biden has a chance to begin the process of severing the links between the Russian Federation and the Myanmar junta. He can take a stand against the Kremlin’s support for the ongoing campaign of mass killing, torture, sexual violence, and abuse committed by Myanmar’s military junta. The time to act is now..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2022-05-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "he following is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price: Deputy Secretary Sherman met today in Washington with NUG representatives, including Zin Mar Aung. The Deputy Secretary underscored robust U.S. support for the people of Burma in the face of the regime’s brutal crackdown and pledged to continue providing support to all those working peacefully toward the restoration of Burma’s path to inclusive democracy. Noting the many Southeast Asian leaders in Washington for the U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit, the Deputy Secretary highlighted that the United States would continue to work closely with ASEAN and other partners in pressing for a just and peaceful resolution to the crisis in Burma. They also condemned the escalating regime violence that has led to a humanitarian crisis and called for unhindered humanitarian access to assist all those in need in Burma. The Deputy Secretary thanked Zin Mar Aung for her courage and dedication to the people of Burma and offered U.S. support for an inclusive, peaceful, and prosperous democracy for all..."
Source/publisher: United States Department of State
2022-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "In hindsight, perhaps ASEAN was too optimistic about the Biden presidency. Who could blame them? After four years of the Trump administration, the region was more than ready to return to deeper engagement with the United States. A survey of regional elites showed that confidence that the United States would increase its engagement jumped from 9.9 per cent in 2020 under Trump to 68.6 per cent under Biden. That optimism has dissipated amid COVID-19, the Myanmar crisis, the Ukraine war, supply chain disruptions, fears of stagflation and increasing food and energy insecurity. This is the context in which eight ASEAN leaders, with the exception of Myanmar’s Min Aung Hlaing and the Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte, will meet President Joe Biden in a US–ASEAN Summit this week. This will only be ASEAN’s second in-person special summit with the United States since 2017 — and a symbolically important one, because its leaders met with Xi Jinping last year in a special 30th commemorative summit of ASEAN–China relations. ASEAN countries’ divergent positions on Ukraine and Russia, Myanmar and the South China Sea (and by extension, China’s behaviour) will make for challenging conversations with their US host. On Ukraine, it will be difficult for the summit to find language that expresses a common understanding of the problem. ASEAN is in a bind, unable to go beyond the two joint statements it issued in March 2022. As if they expected to face pressure during in Washington to disinvite Russia, the current chairs of ASEAN (Cambodia), the G20 (Indonesia) and APEC (Thailand) pre-emptively issued a tripartite statement stating their determination to ‘work with all’ on their shared agendas. Then there’s the Myanmar crisis, where the lack of progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus will be a pain point for ASEAN. The recent consultative meeting on humanitarian assistance to Myanmar (one element in the Consensus deal) will be followed by an impromptu meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers, called by Malaysia for the day before the White House summit. ASEAN Special Envoy Prak Sokhonn’s attempts to advance the other points of the Consensus, including repeated requests to meet detained National League for Democracy leaders, have been rejected by the military junta. On the South China Sea, the spotlight is on sweeping and competing claims made by claimant states, the risks of armed confrontation and progress in the negotiations on a Code of Conduct. These issues are by now a permanent feature in ASEAN meetings, and the usual expressions of support for upholding international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and the pursuit of peaceful resolution of disputes will likely form the key messages emerging from the summit on this issue. Questions about ASEAN’s role in the US Indo-Pacific strategy and whether ASEAN (in part or in whole) will engage in the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework hang over the meeting. The Biden administration’s success in more closely aligning its Indo-Pacific strategy with ASEAN’s Outlook on the Indo-Pacific will be critical to reassuring ASEAN of US respect for its centrality in the regional security architecture. Meanwhile, US withdrawal from the CPTPP and its absence from RCEP has left a vacuum in the region. The hope is that the administration’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework will provide a counterweight to China’s growing economic influence, but the lack of political appetite in the United States to engage economically is certain to disadvantage it strategically. There is only moderate appeal in some pillars of the Framework on creating fair and resilient trade, improving supply chain resilience, driving infrastructure investment, assisting with decarbonisation and addressing tax and anticorruption, not all. ASEAN countries are primarily looking for increased market access for exports — but the Biden administration has on more than one occasion said that its Indo-Pacific Economic Framework will not be designed in such a way that requires Congressional approval. This means that increased market access and commitments are off the table, but ASEAN should still exercise creativity in economic discussions by suggesting inclusive work-arounds in areas like digital trade. With the summit coinciding with the 45th anniversary of ASEAN–US relations, the United States is expected to seek to elevate its current Strategic Partnership with ASEAN to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. Such status was accorded to China and Australia in 2021, but it is unlikely that ASEAN will immediately accede to the upgrade for a number of reasons. First, a process of consultation had to be undertaken with China over two years and with Australia for over a year before that status was granted. The same process must be followed with the United States, at least for reasons of optical parity. Second and more importantly, a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership cannot simply be old wine in new skins. An upgrade is expected to show greater strategic alignment between the two partners and intensified cooperation in new and emerging areas. With complex and divergent positions, both within ASEAN, and between ASEAN and the United States — on China, on Russia, on Myanmar, on trade — such alignment appears elusive for now..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "East Asia Forum" (Australia)
2022-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: President Biden Should Raise Key Issues with Regional Leaders
Description: "(Washington, DC) – The United States-ASEAN Special Summit on May 12, 2022 will embolden autocratic leaders unless it directly confronts the region’s worsening environment for human rights and democracy, Human Rights Watch said today in a letter to the summit’s host, US President Joseph Biden. Leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should also acknowledge the bloc’s failure to achieve progress in addressing the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar since the February 2021 military coup. “The Biden administration will need to convince ASEAN’s autocrats at the summit that the alliance’s ultimate future depends on democratic reform,” said John Sifton, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “The US-ASEAN relationship needs to honestly and directly address the region’s deteriorating human rights situation and democratic backsliding.” The growth of autocratic rule in the ASEAN region is occurring amid increasing Chinese government efforts to undermine human rights protections, Human Rights Watch said. US officials should speak openly, forthrightly, and publicly about specific concerns in bilateral meetings with ASEAN members and in statements to the media about the summit, Human Rights Watch said. The Biden administration can do so most credibly and effectively by focusing on factual situations in each country, while acknowledging the many deficiencies in the US rights record and the US government’s efforts and challenges in taking corrective actions to address them. Human rights abuses have increased in ASEAN countries in recent years, Human Rights Watch said. The Myanmar military has committed mass atrocities against Rohingya Muslims and other ethnic groups, and anti-coup demonstrators. Outgoing Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s “war on drugs” has resulted in thousands of extrajudicial executions. The one-party Vietnamese government has intensified an ongoing crackdown and imprisoned over 150 dissidents. The Cambodian authorities are conducting mass trials, many in absentia, of opposition political figures. The US should press ASEAN members to abandon their failed “five point consensus” approach to Myanmar’s crisis. Like-minded ASEAN members, including Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore, should join a coordinated international effort to steer the junta toward reform, including increasing restrictions on its foreign currency revenues and weapons purchases. The US and these ASEAN countries should develop a clear, time-bound approach to pressure the junta to end its abuses, including signaling support for additional sanctions on oil and gas revenues and a Security Council resolution instituting a global arms embargo. “Discussing regional human rights concerns at the US-ASEAN summit will send the message that human rights and the promotion of democracy are critical in forging a multilateral response to the Chinese government’s assaults on the international human rights system,” Sifton said..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2022-05-10
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: Amid the Ukraine war, Washington is demonstrating its commitment to ASEAN, which seeks to expand economic ties and cooperate on transnational challenges.
Description: "The White House will host this week the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for a U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit. With the Russia-Ukraine war dominating international attention, the Biden administration has said the summit demonstrates its “enduring commitment” to ASEAN and that the Indo-Pacific region is a U.S. national security priority. China’s influence and power projection in Southeast Asia will figure prominently into the summit, but the two-day meeting also offers the opportunity to deepen economic relations with ASEAN, a bloc of 10 countries that combined make up the seventh largest economy in the world. A host of other critical issues — from COVID to climate change to the crisis in Myanmar — will also be on the table. President Biden at a virtual U.S.-ASEAN Summit in 2021. Engagement with the bloc has been hampered by COVID, but this week’s Special Summit demonstrates the U.S. is committed to deepening ties with ASEAN. (Stefani Reynolds/The New York Times) USIP’s Brian Harding explains how ASEAN factors into the Biden administration’s “Indo-Pacific Strategy,” what ASEAN countries want from Washington, and how the war in Ukraine and deteriorating situation in Myanmar will be addressed at the summit. Where does ASEAN sit in the administration’s approach to the Indo-Pacific? The White House’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, released in February, states that the United States seeks to “advance a free and open Indo-Pacific that is more connected, prosperous, secure, and resilient.” The strategy calls an “empowered ASEAN” an important ingredient for success alongside modernized alliances like the Quad (i.e., the United States, Australia, India and Japan), renewed U.S. commitment and resources, and other means. While competition with China is at the heart of the United States’ regional strategy, support for a cohesive and resilient ASEAN is one of the critical means for advancing a free and open Indo-Pacific. An empowered ASEAN will not be easy to achieve, however. ASEAN is an extremely diverse group of 10 countries that operates by consensus, meaning it is rarely nimble nor bold, even on its best day. With one of its members, Myanmar, in crisis, an empowered ASEAN seems more unlikely than ever. Yet, despite their differences, including as it relates to Myanmar, one area of clear agreement among its members is that only ASEAN can be the central building block for Indo-Pacific regionalism. The United States and its allies — and China to some extent — have bought into this vision, recognizing that it is untenable for the great powers to guide the regional architecture of the Indo-Pacific. Therefore, it is strongly in the U.S. interest to invest in its relationship with ASEAN and to do what it can to support ASEAN’s centrality in regional affairs. However, the United States has also been clear that bilateral — and increasingly trilateral and quadrilateral — cooperation with key allies and partners is fundamental to U.S. engagement and strength in the region. The Biden administration’s emphasis on the Quad, in particular, has brought into question the premise of whether ASEAN remains in the driver’s seat of regionalism, a role it had seemed to have consolidated only a few years ago, and what the United States means by its rhetorical support for ASEAN centrality. The Indo-Pacific Strategy recognizes this sensitivity, noting that the United States “will explore opportunities for the Quad to work with ASEAN.” During the Biden administrations’ first year, engagement with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN as a whole proved to be unusually difficult due to COVID-19-related travel restrictions and the rupture within ASEAN caused by Myanmar’s February 2021 coup. This Special Summit seeks to help make up for lost time and clearly demonstrates the United States’ interest in and commitment to deepening ties with ASEAN and its constituent members. What are ASEAN countries looking for from Washington? How can Washington work with the bloc to empower and strengthen ASEAN resilience? ASEAN countries are highly alert to the fact that relations between the United States and China have important implications for themselves. Despite their diversity, ASEAN countries all want an engaged and present United States in Southeast Asia to balance China’s potentially overwhelming influence. They also seek to have Japan, India, Australia and other external powers as engaged as possible to create a balance of power in the region, or, as former Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa has called it more positively, a dynamic equilibrium. What they do not want is to be forced to choose between the United States and China. Southeast Asian countries also seek Washington’s buy-in for ASEAN-based multilateral institutions, such as the East Asia Summit and ASEAN Regional Forum, which the bloc seeks to position at the center of the Indo-Pacific’s regional architecture. Beyond being present, the region wants the United States to be a stronger economic partner and many members are eagerly anticipating the details of the administration’s proposed Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. ASEAN is also looking to partner on transnational challenges ranging from climate change to pandemic preparedness to transnational crime. U.S. support for ASEAN-based multilateralism empowers the bloc and strengthens its resilience, especially in the face of Chinese efforts to divide it, which it has repeatedly done to blunt ASEAN’s ability to push back against Chinese encroachment in the South China Sea. How will the Ukraine war factor into the summit? That President Biden is hosting the ASEAN leaders is a demonstration of its commitment to maintaining focus on the Indo-Pacific region despite the crisis in Ukraine. Nevertheless, Ukraine will be impossible to escape. First, U.S. officials will make the case that Russia’s invasion demonstrates the fragility of the international system and, second, they will highlight China’s tacit support for the invasion to make a contrast with the United States’ principled stance. Southeast Asian countries in general would rather keep their heads down and avoid the issue rather than getting in the middle of a dispute between major powers. Singapore, however, has been an outlier with its vocal criticism and the sanctions it has enacted in coordination with the United States and Europe. While Ukraine will not be a major focus of the summit, the issue will likely come up in the context of Russia’s participation in the G-20 summit, East Asia Summit and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Leaders meeting to be hosted later this year in Indonesia, Cambodia and Thailand, respectively. Do you expect the Biden administration to press the bloc to do more to address the deteriorating situation in Myanmar? While much of the summit agenda will focus on apolitical areas ripe for closer U.S.-ASEAN cooperation, such as clean energy, health security and the digital economy, the deteriorating situation in Myanmar will also be addressed. Biden will find many of his counterparts to be as frustrated with the situation as himself, but he will also find deep divisions in the lengths his ASEAN counterparts are willing to go to isolate or pressure the junta, largely due to longstanding norms within ASEAN to avoid interfering in the affairs of other members. However, Biden will find common cause with leaders from Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, who are increasingly frustrated by the junta’s intransigence and are open to isolating Myanmar’s leaders and engaging the National Unity Government. With Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos and Thailand, he will encounter reluctance. With the likelihood of a diplomatic breakthrough dim, Biden will likely look for incremental progress on enhancing engagement with the National Unity Government and establishing a framework for delivering humanitarian assistance to Myanmar..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: United States Institute of Peace
2022-05-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "Min Aung Hlaing has launched Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) propaganda apps on Apple’s App Store and Alphabet’s Google Play Store, as well as a website, using Google and Apple logos as his backdrop. The MRTV apps were developed by the US company Apps Web Social LLC, which listed them on the App Store and Play Store on behalf of the junta. The apps are claimed to livestream broadcast content via international satellites, and distribute articles. Apps Web Social LLC is registered in Iowa and has an office in Florida. The Myanmar military junta uses MRTV to disseminate propaganda, disinformation and fake news, including regular content representing democratic actors as “terrorists” and publishing photos of torture victims to spread fear. MRTV was also complicit in the 2017 genocide against the Rohingya, denying Rohingya identity, portraying Rohingya as “terrorists” and denying the military’s “clearance operations”. MRTV operates under the junta’s Ministry of Information, led by retired Major General Maung Maung Ohn, who is sanctioned by the EU. Maung Maung Ohn was the former Chief Minister of Rakhine State under the military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party government in the lead up to the Rohingya genocide, and played a prominent role denying persecution against Rohingya. The junta’s State Administrative Council (SAC), which has control over MRTV, is sanctioned in the US, raising questions over whether Apps Web Social has complied with US sanctions. The junta’s former information minister, Chit Naing, was sanctioned by the US on July 2, 2021, shortly before he was replaced by Maung Maung Ohn. The registrar for the junta’s new domain name, mrtvmedia.com, is GoDaddy.com, also a US company. The junta’s apps carry serious privacy risks, enabling the military to track a user’s precise location, record audio and take photos and video, according to its listed Play Store permissions. Apple and Alphabet have long allowed the Myanmar military to use their platforms, and are both listed on the Burma Campaign UK’s Dirty List. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “By continuing to allow the terrorist Myanmar military junta to use their platforms, Alphabet and Apple stand complicit in the junta’s dissemination of disinformation and hate speech. “We call on Alphabet and Apple to immediately and fully ban the Myanmar military, and all entities they control, from their app stores and service offerings. “Alphabet, Apple, GoDaddy.com and App Web Social must take action to stop contributing to human rights violations in Myanmar, according to their responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, and the OECD Guidelines. “We condemn Apps Web Social for supporting and profiting from the junta’s campaign of terror, in which MRTV is a key part of the psychological warfare that the Myanmar military is waging against the people of Myanmar. “Apps Web Social should disclose how they are receiving payments for their work on the MRTV apps, and if they have received a licence from the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control. “We urge the US government to close all remaining loopholes that may allow the Myanmar military junta and its conglomerates to transact with US companies, including through further sanctions designations against MRTV, all other junta-controlled media and Maung Maung Ohn.” ‍ Update (May 5, 2022): Apps Web Social has removed the MRTV app from the Play Store and App Store. Other Myanmar military apps remain on Alphabet and Apple platforms, and we reiterate our call for a ban..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 161.5 KB
more
Sub-title: The Bush Institute welcomes the launch of US-ASEAN Business Council Institute’s Myanmar Scholarship Fund.
Description: "More than one year after the unlawful coup in Burma that disregarded the will of the people and overthrew the democratically elected civilian government, we at the George W. Bush Institute remain deeply saddened and concerned by the plight and suffering of the Burmese people. Challenges to freedom in places like Burma remind us that what happens around the world matters to us here at home. Tyrants who trample the rights of their own people will not hesitate to trample those of their neighbors. They will spread violence, chaos, and corruption across sovereign borders and cyberspace. That’s why it’s incumbent upon free societies to stand against the threat posed by authoritarian regimes. Governments, individual citizens, civil society, and businesses all have roles in supporting democracy worldwide. That commitment creates a more peaceful and prosperous world benefiting all of us. Even though the situation in Burma may look dark now, the desire for liberty continues to burn. We must remain committed to supporting the brave Burmese people. At the Bush Institute, we have invested in developing young leaders in Burma, and we’re proud to see others like the US-ASEAN Business Council Institute (USABCI) doing the same. USABCI’s Myanmar Scholarship Fund demonstrates the innovative approach that is needed to support the Burmese people today while also looking toward tomorrow. This program allows a new generation of Burmese youth to get a top tier education and develop the skills needed to lead. It also demonstrates the crucial role of American engagement in uplifting those struggling for freedom. And we remain confident that the fruits of such efforts will ultimately be the restoration of a free and democratic Burma..."
Source/publisher: George W. Bush Presidential Center
2022-04-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "On 6th April the U.S. House of Representatives finally passed the BURMA Act (H.R.5497), which calls for action on justice and accountability, increased aid to IDPs, activists and others, and more sanctions to target revenue to the military. The BURMA Act received bipartisan support. The passing of the BURMA Act came after significant lobbying by members of communities from Burma in the USA, and US and international civil society organisations. Since the attempted military coup on 1st February 2021, the USA has shown a lack of leadership in mobilising international action to promote human rights and democracy in Burma. The pace of implementation of sanctions has been too slow and too limited, and there has been insufficient support for cross-border aid. Despite a recent determination of genocide against the Rohingya, no practical action on accountability has followed. The USA has not used its diplomatic weight internationally to persuade more countries to adopt arms embargoes. The USA has taken no action to stop the flow of gas revenue to the Burmese military, one of the biggest sources of revenue to the military. While the European Union has taken action by sanctioning MOGE, the Biden administration seems more concerned about Chevron’s profits and not inconveniencing Thailand than taking effective action to cut funding to a military which is committing war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. The BURMA Act (S.2937) now faces an uncertain future in the Senate due to the lack of support from key Republicans, in particular Senator Mitch McConnell, and Senator Todd Young. It is not clear why these two Senators are refusing to support the BURMA Act and ensure it is voted on in the Senate. The lack of bipartisan support as a result of their actions is protecting the Burmese military from effective action which could cut the flow of revenue and arms and help saves lives. “In the UN Security Council, Russia and China use their veto power to block action against the Burmese military. Senators McConnell and Young are the Russia and China of the US Senate, protecting the Burmese military against action to cut their supply of money and arms,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “At the present time American companies can’t sell arms to the Burmese military but they can provide the military with revenue which they use to buy arms from Russia. No-one in the Biden administration has explained why they think this policy makes sense.” Burma Campaign UK is calling on its supporters and members of the public worldwide to email the two Senators calling on them to stop blocking the BURMA Act..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2022-04-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "We are overjoyed to hear that H.R. 5497, the ‘Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2022’ has passed the US House of Representatives. Although we were confident that Congress would see the moral right of the Myanmar people's fight against tyranny and oppression, and would take a stand to support us in our time of need, the progress of this bill is a great vindication for our long-suffering nation. A recognition from a major world power that the military's continued human rights abuses and illegal seizure of power is intolerable and must be ended. Furthermore, this bill recognizes the significant power that the international community has in curtailing the military's operations through punitive tools such as sanctions. Foreign sanctions and pressure are sorely needed to limit the junta's access to weapons, munitions, fuel, and other materials which they turn towards the destruction of their country, and extermination of their people. This bill remains the most substantial legislative instrument put forth by any nation in the aid of Myanmar to date. Its passage will turn the tide against the already flagging and strained military, robbing them of the tools of war they so desperately need. Furthermore, the passage of this bill may see a wave of similar legislation from allies across the world, emboldened by America's principled and uncompromising defense of democracy. A tidal wave of support for the cause of peace, democracy, and inclusivity may well be legacy of this legislation. We humble and graciously thank the honorable men and women of the US House of Representatives for standing with Myanmar in this dire time, and we remain confident that their colleagues in the Senate will see the same self-evident truth and justice in this document. For the good of Myanmar, this bill must pass as soon as possible, and we wish the esteemed men and women of the US Senate Godspeed in considering and passing this invaluable act. For the good of Myanmar, this bill must pass as soon as possible, and we wish the esteemed men and women of the US Senate Godspeed in considering and passing this invaluable act..."
Source/publisher: Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2022-04-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 25.22 KB
more
Description: "We welcome today’s news that the United States House of Representatives has passed the BURMA Act of 2021. This bill, first introduced last October, is the result of months of negotiations between Republicans and Democrats in the House. The bill’s provisions bring together the four primary threads of US policy towards Myanmar: targeting military revenues through sanctions, supporting the pro-democracy movement, authorizing humanitarian assistance, and pursuing accountability for the military’s atrocities. “This bill is a big step forward in the US response to the coup in Myanmar,” said Hanna Hindstrom, Senior Myanmar Campaigner Global Witness. “The fact that the House could come together and pass this bill in a bipartisan manner demonstrates that the situation in Myanmar remains firmly on the US agenda.” The BURMA Act’s key elements include authorizing over $450 million in humanitarian aid and support for the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar over five years, expanding sanctions authorisations, and creating a coordinator position to oversee Myanmar policy in the US. The bill also calls for the US to support international justice mechanisms in response to the military’s targeted campaign against the Rohingya people in 2017, which the the U.S. recognized last month as genocide. “The bill provides desperately needed aid to the people of Myanmar while also strengthening the sanctions tools available to the US,” added Hindstrom. “The US should continue to use these tools to place pressure on Myanmar’s military regime, especially by targeting Myanmar’s offshore gas industry, which is the largest source of revenue for the junta.” To this end, the bill calls for a comprehensive report on how sanctions on Myanmar’s state-owned oil and gas company, MOGE, would support US interests and the people of Myanmar. This will place additional pressure on President Biden’s administration to follow the EU’s lead and finally sanction MOGE. The US has so far resisted calls to impose sanctions on Myanmar’s gas industry from the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar, including hundreds of civil society organizations and the Myanmar National Unity Government. Even Total, the largest oil and gas multinational operating in Myanmar, began calling for the industry to be sanctioned in January before announcing that it would begin its withdrawal from the country. The passage of the BURMA Act marks important progress, but additional hurdles remain. The Senate must also pass the BURMA Act - a process currently being held up by Senator Todd Young of Indiana. “We call on the Senate to move quickly to resolve its differences and move this bill forward,” said Hindstrom. “The future of Myanmar is on the line and the time for gamesmanship is over.”..."
Source/publisher: "Global Witness" (London)
2022-04-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) issued the following statement after meeting yesterday with Thomas Vajda, U.S. Ambassador to Burma: “I appreciated the opportunity to meet with Ambassador Vajda and discuss the United States’ support for the people of Burma. Since last year’s military coup, the Tatmadaw has taken increasingly violent measures to suppress dissent. They continue to detain thousands of political prisoners, including my friend Aung San Suu Kyi and the Australian economist Sean Turnell. “I was proud to include language in the most recent National Defense Authorization Act that will help lay the groundwork to push back against the junta’s repression, support democratic actors like the National Unity Government and National Unity Consultative Council, and provide humanitarian support that bypasses the Tatmadaw. The Ambassador and I discussed ways the United States and our partners in the region can build on these efforts moving forward. “The people of Burma deserve our full support in their long struggle toward self-government and democracy. Along with Kentucky’s vibrant communities from Burma, I will continue to fight for that goal.”..."
Source/publisher: Mitch McConnell Republican leader
2022-04-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. is honored to welcome Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore Lee Hsien Loong to Washington, D.C. The U.S.-Singapore strategic partnership is anchored in our shared respect for the rules-based international order, adherence to international law, and the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter – including respect for sovereignty, the peaceful resolution of disputes, cooperation among nations, and fundamental human rights. These principles have underpinned decades of unprecedented peace and stability as well as economic and social development, in the Indo-Pacific region and around the world. The United States and Singapore recognize that threats to the UN Charter and rules-based international order anywhere, including Russia’s unprovoked attack on Ukraine, place peace and prosperity everywhere at risk. The war in Ukraine has a negative impact on the Indo-Pacific region, which already faces many complex challenges. Taken together, the opportunities and challenges of the 21st century demand deeper cooperation between us. The leaders welcome the enduring strength of the bilateral strategic partnership, marked by Singapore’s unique status as a Major Security Cooperation Partner, by the 5,400 U.S. companies that call Singapore home, by the countries’ close people-to-people ties, and by the series of high-level bilateral visits during the first year of the Biden-Harris Administration. The leaders resolve to further expand bilateral cooperation, taking bold new steps to drive broad-based economic growth and innovation, raise infrastructure standards in the region, address the climate crisis, promote health security, increase supply chain resilience, improve cybersecurity, ensure the long-term sustainability of outer space activities, and more. As we strengthen our partnership, we will promote a world in which all nations, large and small, can stand together as equals to tackle the most pressing challenges of our era and deliver for our people. Upholding the Rules-Based International Order President Biden reiterates the sustained and growing commitment of the United States to its allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region, as described in the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States. President Biden and Prime Minister Lee reaffirm their strong support for ASEAN Centrality and the ASEAN-centered regional architecture. Prime Minister Lee welcomes President Biden’s invitation to ASEAN leaders for a historic ASEAN-U.S. Special Summit in Washington, D.C. The leaders highlight the success of the U.S.-Singapore Third Country Training Program, which has received more than 1700 officials from across ASEAN. The United States seeks cooperation with all partners who share our objectives in the Indo-Pacific region, and to that end, we welcome the Quad’s support for ASEAN Centrality, deeper economic integration, addressing of regional challenges, and promotion of an open, inclusive, stable and secure Indo-Pacific region and a rules-based order. We also welcome the enhanced engagement of European and regional partners in Southeast Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific region. The United States and Singapore emphasize our unwavering commitment to the principles of sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, and condemn Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, which clearly violates international law, including the United Nations Charter. The United States and Singapore recognize the need to preserve a world in which borders cannot be changed by force and state-to-state relations are guided by international law. Given the unprovoked attack on Ukraine, many countries across the Atlantic and the Pacific, including the United States and Singapore, have imposed their own financial sanctions and export controls against Russian entities. The United States and Singapore will ensure the effective implementation of their respective measures. The United States and Singapore are deeply concerned about the deteriorating humanitarian crisis in and around Ukraine, and call on all parties to allow safe and unfettered passage of civilians, facilitate unhindered access to humanitarian assistance for those in need in Ukraine, protect civilians, and respect human rights. Amid global security challenges, the United States and Singapore continue to build on our partnership to pursue our shared interests. The leaders reaffirm a shared commitment to the goal of the complete denuclearization and the establishment of a permanent peace on the Korean Peninsula. Both leaders call on the DPRK to engage in serious and sustained diplomacy and emphasize the importance of full implementation of relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions. The leaders underscore the importance of peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region and encourage the peaceful resolution of disputes. President Biden and Prime Minister Lee also reflected on the close counterterrorism partnership shared by the United States and Singapore, and Singapore’s support of the United States relocation efforts related to Afghanistan last year. In the maritime domain, the United States and Singapore reaffirm the right of freedom of navigation and overflight and other lawful uses of the seas accorded by international law, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). We reaffirm the need to pursue peaceful resolution of disputes in accordance with international law, including UNCLOS, which sets out the legal framework within which all activities in the oceans and seas must be carried out. We respect states’ ability to conserve, sustainably develop, and effectively manage their maritime natural resources in accordance with international law, including UNCLOS. We reaffirm that all concerned parties must abide by the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, and reiterate our support for ASEAN-led efforts to develop an effective and substantive Code of Conduct for the South China Sea that upholds the legitimate rights and interests of all parties and is consistent with UNCLOS. We also affirm the importance of acting consistently with the relevant Standards and Recommended Practices of the International Civil Aviation Organization, and the relevant instruments and conventions of the International Maritime Organization. The United States and Singapore share deep concerns about the situation in Myanmar and the challenges it poses to regional stability. We continue to call for an end to violence against civilians in Myanmar, the release of all political detainees, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint and foreign detainees; unhindered humanitarian access; and for Myanmar to return to its path of democratic transition. We appreciate the constructive role played by Singapore and ASEAN in facilitating a peaceful solution in the interest of the people of Myanmar, and we call for the Myanmar military regime to urgently implement the ASEAN Five Point Consensus. We are concerned the crisis has reversed years of economic progress in Myanmar and increased the risk of illicit finance. Driving Inclusive Prosperity and Addressing Emerging Challenges President Biden and Prime Minister Lee underscore their shared commitment to promoting broad-based economic growth in the United States, in Singapore, and throughout the region. They reaffirm the close collaboration between the United States and Singapore on developing an Indo-Pacific economic framework with regional partners that will expand cooperation on trade, supply chains, clean energy, decarbonization, infrastructure, tax, and anti-corruption. They welcome Thailand’s leadership as host of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in 2022, and look forward to the United States hosting APEC in 2023. The leaders reviewed ongoing efforts to facilitate regional trade and increase supply chain resilience and looked forward to the implementation of the U.S.-ASEAN Economic Futures initiative. The leaders also look forward to expanding economic cooperation under the U.S.-Singapore Partnership for Growth and Innovation (PGI), which aims to secure inclusive growth for our economies and regions in new and forward-looking areas: digital economy, energy and environmental technology, advanced manufacturing, and health services. New initiatives announced under the PGI include the development of interoperable ethical Artificial Intelligence governance frameworks, and plans for a U.S. business development mission to Singapore to facilitate new business opportunities and strengthen partnerships in advanced manufacturing. President Biden and Prime Minister Lee commit to deepening cooperation between the United States and Singapore on high quality infrastructure development in the region. To that end, the United States and Singapore renewed and expanded the MOU to deepen cooperation on infrastructure development to cover new collaborations in green and sustainable infrastructure projects in the region that address social and economic needs and promote inclusive, private sector-led growth. The climate crisis poses an existential threat to the world. Recognizing the need to enhance ambition in this decisive decade, the United States has put forward an ambitious target to achieve a 50-52 percent reduction from 2005 levels in economy-wide net greenhouse gas pollution in 2030 and to reach net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by no later than 2050, and Singapore has announced it will raise its climate ambition to achieve net-zero emissions by or around mid-century, and will be making a formal revision to both its Nationally Determined Contribution and Long-Term Low-Emissions Development Strategy (LEDS) later this year after consulting closely with key stakeholders. We commit to strengthening the U.S.-Singapore Climate Partnership, and we look forward to working with other countries to implement the Paris Agreement. President Biden and Prime Minister Lee recognize that decarbonizing the shipping sector is essential to transitioning to a clean energy economy and they commit to working together to advance green shipping, including by establishing alternative bunkering infrastructure for the provision of low- and zero-carbon fuels at our ports. The United States and Singapore highlight their shared commitment to bolstering global health security and building back better from the COVID-19 pandemic, and preparing for further pandemics and other shocks to health systems. We must work with allies and partners to strengthen and finance vaccine readiness and accelerate efforts to control COVID-19 globally, for example by working with global health organizations such as the World Health Organization, GAVI, the Vaccine Alliance, and the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations. The United States and Singapore affirm the importance of ensuring that critical and emerging technologies foster an open, accessible, and secure technology ecosystem, based on mutual trust, confidence, and respect for a rules-based international order. To this end, we commit to increasing resiliency in our technology supply chains, and developing robust approaches to data governance and security, seeking consistency and interoperability where feasible. We also plan to explore R&D and other collaborations, including through the PGI, in order to progress towards affordable, resilient, secure and interoperable advanced high-speed wireless communications (“NextG”) in the Indo-Pacific region. The United States and Singapore maintain a strong and growing partnership on cybersecurity. We seek global adherence to the UN framework of responsible state behavior in cyberspace and pledge to deepen our cooperation on combating cyber threats, promoting resilience, and securing our critical infrastructure, amongst other issues. We welcome the establishment of the United States-Singapore Cyber Dialogue to cement our cross institutional linkages to jointly tackle cybersecurity issues. We will continue to jointly lead critical efforts in the International Counter Ransomware Initiative to tackle the surge in ransomware attacks worldwide. The United States and Singapore believe in the importance of creating a safe, stable, secure, and sustainable space environment that facilitates space exploration, science, and commercial activities that benefit all of humanity. President Biden welcomes Singapore’s commitment to the Artemis Accords. President Biden and Prime Minister Lee also welcome the convening of a United States-Singapore Space Dialogue. Today’s challenges all demand closer cooperation between us. For many decades the United States and Singapore have worked together to overcome the challenges of the day, and we will continue to do so, with determination and resolve. Together, we are deepening our strategic partnership to seize opportunities and address emerging threats. We are defending and strengthening the rules-based international order that has long supported global security and prosperity, and will continue to do so long into the future..."
Source/publisher: The White House (Washington, D.C.)
2022-03-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "Australian Professor Sean Turnell was detained by the Myanmar military one year ago today. Professor Turnell's detention is unjust, and we reject the allegations against him. We once again call for Professor Turnell's immediate release so that he can return to Australia to be with his family and for his rights and welfare to be upheld. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, our Embassy in Yangon and Australian officials around the world take every opportunity to advocate for Professor Turnell. Australia acknowledges the strong international support shown for him. We will continue to work with international partners – and importantly those in our region – to press his case. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade is providing all possible consular assistance to Professor Turnell. This includes ensuring he is able to speak to his family and to the Australian Embassy, and supporting his health and welfare in detention. DFAT is also providing consular assistance to Professor Turnell's family. Consistent with basic standards of justice and transparency, we expect that Professor Turnell should have unimpeded access to his lawyers, and that Australian officials be able to observe his court proceedings. We will continue to advocate strongly for Professor Turnell until he has returned to his family in Australia. We ask that his family's request for privacy continue to be respected..."
Source/publisher: Minister for Foreign Affairs Minister for Women
2022-02-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "THE EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN RANGOON IS TRANSMITTING THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION THROUGH THE AMERICAN LIAISON NETWORK AS A PUBLIC SERVICE TO U.S. CITIZENS IN BURMA. PLEASE DISSEMINATE THIS MESSAGE TO ALL U.S. CITIZENS IN YOUR ORGANIZATION OR NEIGHBORHOOD. The Embassy is aware of potential rallies and a silent strike throughout Burma on February 1st and February 2nd, 2022, to protest the military’s February 2021 coup. The Embassy advises all Americans to avoid travel and outdoor activity on those days. The Embassy advises all Americans that the anniversary of the military coup could result in heightened tensions in Yangon and outlying areas. Recent explosions and attacks in Yangon present a serious threat to American citizens and may increase in frequency and intensity. In addition, a security response of unknown proportions may result. Roadblocks and security operations are a particular concern. The Embassy advises Americans to avoid public gatherings and limit their outside activities. Review your personal security plans and keep a low profile. Anticipate possible communication outages and have a plan in the event telecommunications become limited or unavailable. Advise family and associates of this possibility in advance. Always keep some form of communication with you, keep your electronic devices charged, and monitor local events. Maintain an adequate stock of food and water should you need to shelter in place for several days. Updates from the Embassy may not be readily accessible due to an outage during a crisis. The current Level 4 Travel Advisory is the highest level issued by the Department of State and advises U.S. citizens not to travel to Burma or to leave as soon as it is safe to do so. As a result of these conditions, if you experience an emergency, the U.S. Embassy has a very limited ability to provide assistance..."
Source/publisher: U.S. Embassy in Burma
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-01-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: THE EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN RANGOON IS TRANSMITTING THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION THROUGH THE AMERICAN LIAISON NETWORK AS A PUBLIC SERVICE TO U.S. CITIZENS IN BURMA. PLEASE DISSEMINATE THIS MESSAGE TO ALL U.S. CITIZENS IN YOUR ORGANIZATION OR NEIGHBORHOOD.
Description: "The Embassy is aware of non-specific threats broadcast on social media warning civilians to avoid the Myanmar Plaza shopping mall, located on Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Yangon. Given possible retaliatory action and security force response, and out of an abundance of caution, all Americans are advised to avoid Myanmar Plaza and adjacent areas. The Embassy advises all Americans that recent developments could result in heightened tensions in Yangon and outlying areas. Recent explosions and attacks in Yangon present a serious threat to American citizens and may increase in frequency and intensity. In addition, a military response of unknown proportions may result. Roadblocks and military operations have become more prevalent. The Embassy advises Americans to avoid public gatherings and limit their outside activities. Review your personal security plans and keep a low profile. Always keep some form of communication with you and monitor local events. Maintain an adequate stock of food and water should you need to shelter in place. Please have a plan in the event telecommunications become limited or unavailable. Advise family and associates of this possibility in advance. Updates from the Embassy may not be readily accessible due to an outage during a crisis. The current Level 4 Travel Advisory is the highest level issued by the Department of State and advises U.S. citizens not to travel to Burma or to leave as soon as it is safe to do so due to the greater likelihood of life-threatening risks. As a result of these conditions, if you experience an emergency, the U.S. Embassy has a very limited ability to provide assistance..."
Source/publisher: U.S. Embassy in Burma
2021-11-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "News of former US ambassador to the UN Bill Richardson’s visit to conflict-torn Myanmar has not generated excitement among the public. Reports suggest that Richardson is scheduled to meet the regime’s health and foreign ministers, and that he is likely to meet coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. The Biden administration welcomed former New Mexico governor Richardson’s private mission as a possible way of speeding up the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. “Governor Richardson has extensive experience working on humanitarian issues,” the US State Department said. “While this is not an effort sponsored by, or on behalf of, the United States government, we hope his trip contributes to improved humanitarian access.” “The humanitarian and health needs in Burma are extraordinary,” it said, using Myanmar’s other name. “We continue to call on the military regime to cease its violence, release those unjustly detained, allow unimpeded humanitarian access, and ensure the safety of health and humanitarian workers,” AP quoted it as saying. In a statement announcing his trip, the ex-governor said his nonprofit organization, The Richardson Center, had a long history of involvement in Myanmar, but he did not mention the coup or provide details on whom he planned to meet. UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres was aware of the mission, according to Richardson spokesperson Madeleine Mahony. In a visit to Myanmar in 1994, the former US congressman met with high-ranking junta officials including then Secretary One Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt, who was at the time the country’s feared military intelligence chief. Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt was then in his mid-50s and a protégé of former dictator General Ne Win. During that trip, Richardson was allowed to meet with detained democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at her lakeside residence, becoming the then dissident’s first non-family visitor since 1989. Through Richardson—as well as a correspondent from The New York Times who was allowed in to interview her—the democracy icon was able to get her message out to the world. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who had made repeated calls for dialogue with her captors, told Richardson during their meeting, “I don’t see any problem with sitting down with anybody.” Following the visit, Richardson remarked, “I think the future of Burma will be determined by two people—Khin Nyunt and Aung San Suu Kyi.” In his second visit to Myanmar, Richardson had less success, as the junta refused to allow him to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Then, to the surprise of the world, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was freed in 1995, though she would return to house arrest some five years later. Throughout the turbulent years that followed, Richardson maintained strong ties with both U Khin Nyunt and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and as the country began to open up, Richardson came back to Myanmar. In 2018, he was appointed to an international panel set up by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government to address the Rohingya crisis, but later resigned over what he called a “whitewash” of military atrocities. Richardson said at the time that he did not want to be part of “a cheerleading squad for the government” led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whom he accused of lacking “moral leadership” in her handling of the crisis. Richardson has remained in touch with both the current regime’s advisers and U Khin Nyunt’s former fellow intelligence officers. Khin Nyunt and his entire intelligence apparatus were purged in 2004. After the Myanmar military overthrew Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government and detained her in February this year, Richardson said in a tweet that was widely shared by military regime supporters: “Because of Suu Kyi’s failure to promote Democratic values as Myanmar’s de-facto leader she should step aside & let others take the rein with international backing and support.” Richardson has shown he is capable of cultivating durable friendships with both Myanmar’s military leaders and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, though in the case of the latter it ended on a sour note. This time, should the junta leaders decide to allow him to meet the detained State Counselor, we may be in for a playback of Richardson’s 1994 visit..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-11-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "WE, the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United States of America, met via videoconference, on 26 October 2021, under Brunei Darussalam’s 2021 ASEAN Chairmanship, on the occasion of the 9th ASEAN – U.S. Summit; RECOGNISING the important role that smart digital development can have in creating economies that are resilient to the Coronavirus Disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and other economic shocks, ensuring that economic gains can be accessed by all sectors of the population and potentially enabling a sustainable, inclusive and resilient economic growth, especially during and in the post-pandemic era;...."
Source/publisher: Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Jakarta)
2021-10-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 138.78 KB
more
Description: "National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan met virtually today with Burmese NUG representatives Duwa Lashi La and Zin Mar Aung. Mr. Sullivan underscored continued U.S. support for the pro-democracy movement in Burma and they discussed ongoing efforts to restore Burma’s path to democracy. Mr. Sullivan expressed concern over the Burmese military’s brutal violence and noted that the U.S. will continue to promote accountability for the coup. Mr. Sullivan also expressed concern over the recent arrest of pro-democracy activist Ko Jimmy and noted the U.S. will continue to advocate for his release and the release of all those unjustly detained. They also discussed regional and international engagement, and Mr. Sullivan reiterated U.S. support for ASEAN efforts to hold the Burmese military regime to its obligations under the Five-Point Consensus. Mr. Sullivan and the NUG officials discussed the COVID-19 pandemic in Burma and ongoing U.S. efforts to provide humanitarian assistance directly to the people of Burma. Mr. Sullivan underscored that the U.S. will continue to support the people of Burma in this moment of need..."
Source/publisher: The White House (Washington, D.C.)
2021-10-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "PRESS STATEMENT U.S. AMBASSADOR THOMAS L. VAJDA AUGUST 13, 2021 On behalf of the U.S. Embassy, I extend sincerest condolences for the lives of the Myanmar people who have been lost to the pandemic. The current surge of COVID-19 infections has taken a cruel toll on families and communities who have already suffered so much, including our own Embassy colleagues. The people of Myanmar, and those who seek to help meet their urgent health needs, must be able to live and work in safety. The United States remains steadfastly committed to the people of Myanmar as they strive for a return to the path of democracy and now confront a worsening pandemic. Since the outbreak began in 2020, we have provided more than $20 million in COVID-19-related assistance to Myanmar, which has enabled millions of people to protect themselves from infection and seek the help they need. We have already supported more than 650 non-governmental primary health facilities, including health organizations operated by ethnic minority groups, serving people affected by COVID-19. U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield announced this week more than $50 million in critical humanitarian assistance to the people of Burma, including for those forced to flee violence and persecution in the wake of the military coup. This aid will enable our international and NGO partners to provide emergency food assistance, life-saving protection, shelter, and essential health care to the people of Burma. However more can and must be done. The United States continues to provide significant funding to international partners, including the Global Fund and Gavi, to support the people of Myanmar in overcoming this public health crisis. We are united in our efforts to expand access in Myanmar to COVID-19 testing, clinical care including oxygen, food assistance, and vaccines in a manner that directly supports the people of Myanmar and in accordance with humanitarian principles. As President Biden said on June 10, “We value the inherent dignity of all people. In times of trouble, Americans reach out to offer help and to offer a helping hand. That’s who we are.”..."
Source/publisher: U.S. Embassy in Burma
2021-08-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: " The plan by Myanmar's ruling generals to hold elections in two years shows they are stalling for time and the need for Southeast Asian countries to step up pressure on them, a senior State Department official said on Monday. "It's clear that the Burmese junta is just stalling for time and wants to keep prolonging the calendar to its own advantage," the official told reporters ahead of a ministerial meeting this week between the United States and the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which includes Myanmar. "So, all the more reason why ASEAN has to engage on this and... uphold the terms of the five point consensus that Myanmar also signed up to," he said referring to a plan by ASEAN leaders to tackle the turmoil. The official briefing reporters ahead of a week of virtual meetings involving U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and regional counterparts said Washington had proposed expanding engagement with ASEAN to include five new "multi-ministerial"-level dialogues, which it hoped the bloc would agree to soon. The official said one of the areas was climate, but did not list the others. He said he expected Blinken to provide details to ASEAN ministers of continued U.S support for Southeast Asia in the fight against COVID-19, which has hit the region hard. Blinken would also raise what Washington sees as China's human rights abuses in Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Tibet, he said. Asked about China's warnings that if Washington expected cooperation on issues such as climate, it would need to de-escalate tensions, the official replied: "Look, if we can't force China to cooperate, we can continue to point out the advantages, and hopefully they'll see that this is also in their advantage to work with us on climate issues." Washington is seeking to show through Blinken's participation in five consecutive days of regional meetings that the Biden administration is serious about engaging with allies and partners in its bid to push back against China's growing influence. As well as the U.S.-ASEAN ministerial talks, Blinken will also participate virtually this week in ministerial meetings of the East Asia Summit, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the Mekong-U.S. Partnership and the Friends of the Mekong initiative..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken asked his Southeast Asian counterparts Wednesday to press for an end to violence in Myanmar, its return to democracy and the release of all political prisoners in a video conference attended by the military-led nation’s top diplomat. In the meeting with foreign ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Blinken also underscored the U.S. rejection of China’s “unlawful” territorial claims in the South China Sea and stressed that Washington stands with nations at odds with Beijing in the sea disputes. Blinken’s meeting with the 10-nation bloc also addressed the coronavirus pandemic, State Department spokesman Ned Price said, as surging infections fill hospitals and morgues and further devastate Southeast Asian states’ once-bustling economies. Blinken “called on ASEAN to take joint action to urge the end of violence, the restoration of Burma’s democratic transition and the release of all those unjustly detained,” Price said in a statement, using the former name for Myanmar. The U.S. and European nations have been the most vocal opponents of the military takeover that ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government in February. Suu Kyi was arrested and detained with top members of her National League for Democracy party, including President Win Myint. Last week, U.N. human rights chief Michelle Bachelet said the rights situation in Myanmar has changed from a political crisis to a “multi-dimensional human rights catastrophe,” adding that nearly 900 people have been killed and 200,000 forced to flee their homes because of military raids. The World Food Program has estimated that more than 6 million people are in severe need of food aid, she said. Blinken urged ASEAN to take immediate action “to hold the Burmese regime accountable” to a consensus forged in April by the bloc’s heads of state with Myanmar’s military leader. The five-point document called for an immediate end to violence and the start of a dialogue among contending parties with a special ASEAN envoy mediating in the talks. Philippine Foreign Secretary Teodoro Locsin Jr. pressed for the restoration of the political conditions before the Feb. 1 military takeover, but lamented that “So far, nothing’s happened.” Although highly contentious issues were raised, the two-hour meeting was “very civil,” a Southeast Asian diplomat told The Associated Press. The diplomat was involved in the meeting but spoke on condition of anonymity for lack of authority to publicly discuss what went on. It was not immediately clear if Myanmar’s military-appointed foreign minister responded to Blinken’s concerns or to the previous ASEAN demands. ASEAN member states have recommended to Myanmar officials the names of possible ASEAN envoys from Thailand and Indonesia but there has been no response. Two ASEAN representatives who traveled to Myanmar last month asked to meet Suu Kyi and other detainees but were rebuffed, the Southeast Asian diplomat said. The South China Sea territorial disputes involve four ASEAN states. Ahead of his meeting with ASEAN on Wednesday, Blinken accused China of continuing “to coerce and intimidate Southeast Asian coastal states, threatening freedom of navigation in this critical global throughway,” and upheld a Trump-era rejection of nearly all of China’s maritime claims in the region. China deplored Blinken’s remarks, saying he was sowing discord among Asian countries and stoking disputes. “The U.S. always poses as a defender of international law and keeps making an issue of the South China Sea, but it has not joined the UNCLOS,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian said at a daily briefing, referring to the 1982 U.N. treaty that governs the use of the world’s seas and oceans. An international arbitration tribunal, acting on a complaint filed by the Philippines, in 2016 declared most of China’s sweeping territorial claims invalid. Beijing has refused to recognize the ruling. Blinken’s meeting with his ASEAN counterparts was to have taken place in May but he was unable to secure an online connection as he took a flight for an emergency trip to Israel. The bloc’s foreign ministers, who waited for nearly an hour, decided to cancel the meeting. The State Department later apologized. Founded in 1967 in the Cold War era, ASEAN is a diverse collective of democracies and authoritarian states that has become a battleground for regional influence between the U.S. and China. Its members are Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Associated Press" (New York)
2021-07-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "Within a few days of the Feb. 1 coup, attention focused on pressuring the military coup-makers by blocking the military’s access to hard currency. There was a flurry of news about the US freezing Myanmar’s account at the Federal Reserve and Singapore’s banking authority stating that its checks had found “no significant funds from Myanmar companies and individuals” in Singapore banks. These statements presaged or coincided with US sanctions targeting members of the State Administration Council (SAC), their children, military enterprises and other parties that the US authorities deem responsible for the coup and the ongoing violence. The list of sanctioned individuals and entities continues to expand. Interestingly, the SAC ruling body is now listed separately on the US Treasury’s sanctions list in addition to the individual listing of council members. Unless the US Treasury clarifies that this designation of SAC does not apply to the government ministries and departments that are now acting at its behest, the implication is that the entire government is now sanctioned. As I previously wrote in this publication, US sanctions prohibit not only US individuals and companies from dealing with the sanctioned parties, but also prohibit financial transactions that involve US dollars or transit the US financial system, even if the party dealing with the sanctioned party is not a US individual or entity. The effectiveness of sanctions therefore depends greatly on compliance by international banks. Despite assured statements from Singapore banking authorities, it is almost certain that banks in Singapore, a global financial center and the source of most foreign investment in Myanmar, hold sizable deposits of sanctioned Myanmar citizens and entities. There are also reports that Singaporean banks hold sums of Myanmar’s foreign reserves. Myanmar banks, including military-owned Myawaddy Bank, also have correspondent relationships with Chinese, Korean, Malaysian, Singaporean, Taiwanese and Thai banks. In general, banks are the weak links in the sanctions regime and are some of the worst offenders, as evidenced by recent penalties of over US$15 billion imposed on the likes of BNP Paribas and HSBC. Despite implementing compliance programs and putting “know your customer” internal systems in place to screen transactions, banks may not always have the motivation to do rigorous checks. By now, the measures taken by those wanting to evade sanction controls are well documented. These include falsifying and manipulating financial payment documents and using intermediaries to hide the parties to the transaction. For Myanmar sanctions compliance, banks should also update their compliance programs with “negative news” research of individuals and companies known for dealings with sanctioned parties. Banks should also be vigilant about not aiding the informal remittance networks (hundi) that are widely used to transfer money in and out of Myanmar. Sanctioned individuals and entities are considered threats to the national security and foreign policy of the US, and consequently the US Treasury will aggressively pursue violations. Through its enforcement arm OFAC, the US Treasury has several resources to aid its work. Financial institutions may voluntarily disclose violations, possibly reducing potential penalties. OFAC also relies on information sharing with government agencies including the State Department, FBI, CIA and NSA. Whistleblowing from employees is another asset, and under federal law rewards of up to $1.6 million may be claimed if the bank has a presence in the US. Banks are now on notice that any failure to conduct thorough checks and properly vet sanctioned parties may be tantamount to “trading with the enemy” of the US. After the record penalties totaling $15 billion on BNP Paribas ($8.9 billion), HSBC ($1.9 billion) and UBAF ($4.1 billion), OFAC is once again aggressively taking action against financial institutions. In January 2021 alone, OFAC imposed billion-dollar penalties on Saudi Arabia-based and France-based financial institutions for conducting business in US dollars on behalf of sanctioned parties. Similar actions are expected to increase under the Biden administration. International financial institutions are now under the spotlight and face a clear choice: either fully commit to sanctions compliance or risk crippling penalties and losing access to the US financial system..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-06-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: Washington has choices, from imposing no-fly zones to tightening sanctions.
Description: "While the U.S. Congress is considering modifications of the Biden administration’s modest sanctions on Myanmar’s military junta, some voices among the protesters have called on the United States and the international community to consider armed intervention. Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations for the pre-coup Union Government, Kyaw Moe Tun, who continues to oppose the junta from abroad, asked the U.N. Security Council to enforce a no-fly zone over the country and impose a global arms embargo. The United States has had a unilateral arms embargo on trade with Myanmar since 1988, and Congress has placed restrictions on U.S. relations with the country’s military since 2011. In addition, there are a range of options on the table for harder interventions, although some are more plausible than others. This article does not advocate or endorse any U.S. military action in Myanmar in response to the Feb. 1 coup; the goal is to provide a brief overview of the options and examine the merits of each option. Given the impending end to two decades of U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan, military options in Myanmar are unlikely to be popular with either the Biden administration or Congress. Yet, as opposition calls for aid grow, it’s worth examining what the scope of U.S. military action could be. The most dramatic—and unlikely—option would be a full-scale invasion of Myanmar, either unilaterally (like the U.S. invasion of Panama in December 1989) or multilaterally (like the 1990 war against Iraq). Such an invasion would probably focus on the nation’s central axis along the Irrawaddy River, including the key cities of Mandalay, Naypyidaw, and Yangon. Because of the presence of anti-junta ethnic armed organizations in the seven ethnic minority states of Myanmar (Chin, Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Mon, Rakhine, and Shan) that have long fought the central government, U.S. forces would probably see limited actions in those parts of Myanmar. Although Myanmar’s military has reportedly purchased some advanced military equipment and supplies from China, Israel, Russia, and Ukraine, advancing U.S. troops would be unlikely to face sustained resistance. Myanmar’s military has sustained serious casualties in the last two years in fighting against ethnic militias—such as the Arakan Army, the Kachin Independence Army, and the Karen National Liberation Army—which do not possess the resources of the U.S. military. Not surprisingly, morale among Myanmar’s security forces is reportedly low, with many soldiers wishing to resign or defect to the anti-junta opposition. While an actual invasion might be relatively simple, an occupation would be much more difficult. The recent unity in Myanmar in opposition to the Feb. 1 coup does not extend to any consensus on what form of government should be established after the removal of the military junta. For example, the proposed National Unity Government announced by the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, a small group of largely National League for Democracy politicians who were supposed to become members of the legislature before the coup overturned the election results, has received lukewarm support from the major ethnic armed groups and the civil society organizations behind the civil disobedience movement. Following an invasion, the Biden administration could find itself responsible for a politically fractious nation—and face a wary reaction from some of the ethnic armed organizations. A U.S. invasion of Myanmar also would likely be condemned by China, Russia, Thailand, and other nations. China would perceive the presence of U.S. forces in a neighboring country as a serious security threat and increase its military forces along the border. Thailand would certainly be concerned, given that its current government is the result of a similar military coup in 2014. Without the support of other nations, the United States could find itself isolated and subject to widespread international criticism. Another military option that has been suggested is for the United States to establish a no-fly zone over Myanmar to prevent the Myanmar military from using its fixed-wing aircraft and attack helicopters against the ethnic militias and the local groups known as civil defense forces that are springing up in various parts of the country. A no-fly zone would rebalance the fighting to the advantage of the civil and ethnic armed groups, possibly leading to the defeat of the Myanmar military. One of the main challenges of this proposal would be establishing and maintaining the logistical support to sustain the no-fly zone. An aircraft carrier off the coast of Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal could be sufficient to provide the air coverage, but some form of land-based supply system would also be necessary, especially if the no-fly zone became a sustained effort. It would be difficult to find a nearby nation willing to allow the United States to set up such a logistical support center. India is not a likely candidate; nor is Thailand. Australia and Japan are probably too far away to be practical alternatives. Also, while the elimination of air support for Myanmar’s troops would alter the situation on the battlefield, Myanmar’s military would still be able to deploy its artillery and other heavy land equipment. As such, it is unclear how significant a change the establishment of a no-fly zone would be in the balance of power in Myanmar’s ongoing and intensifying civil war. The creation of a blockade off of Myanmar’s coast is another military option. Such a blockade could include shutting down Myanmar’s natural gas and oil production, which is a major source of international revenue for the military junta. From a military perspective, the maintenance of a blockade would involve less resources than a no-fly zone. Myanmar does not have a blue-water navy of any size or capability to challenge a U.S. blockade. Yet most of Myanmar’s international trade is conducted by land, not by sea. Myanmar’s major trading partners are China and Thailand, and most of the goods are exchanged by land, thereby evading such a blockade. Both China and Thailand might be willing to assist Myanmar’s military junta by permitting blocked goods to enter Myanmar via their territory. The U.S. military could also conduct a limited number of airstrikes against key Myanmar military installations to undermine its ability to use its air force in the fighting against the ethnic armed groups and civil defense forces. It also could target Myanmar’s weapons and munitions factories. For many years, Myanmar’s military has been producing most of its light weapons and equipment in military-run factories. Airstrikes against Myanmar’s military air bases and/or its weapons factories could seriously compromise the junta’s ability to continue the civil war. An advantage of limited airstrikes over an invasion or the maintenance of a no-fly zone is it would involve a relatively discrete amount of time and resources, but it could seriously weaken the military. Also, U.S. casualties would be minimal, as the number of airstrikes necessary to seriously damage Myanmar’s air force and weapons production is fairly small given Myanmar’s minimal air defense capabilities. There would undoubtably be some international criticism of the airstrikes, most likely from China, Russia, and Thailand. It is unlikely that China would attempt to intercept the U.S. airstrikes, given the risk of direct confrontation. The airstrikes might also provide moral support for Myanmar’s opposition movement, as it would be a clear demonstration of U.S. opposition to the military junta. Yet there are downsides. First, the U.S. military would probably have to return periodically to attack the air bases and weapons factories again, after repairs had been made. Second, the damage caused by the airstrikes might not be sufficient to alter the military balance of power in favor of the opposition armed groups. Limited U.S. airstrikes in other nations, such as Libya and Syria, have not always proved to be as effective as hoped. A less discussed option is providing military assistance and training to the ethnic armed organizations and civil defense force in support of their war against the military junta. This could involve the provision of arms and military equipment to the major ethnic militias and the newly established civil ones, as well as combat training for their officers. Such a program would be a significant change in U.S. policy, which has denied such assistance and training to Myanmar’s military for more than 30 years. It would also clearly place the United States behind the opposition movement, which may not win the war against the Myanmar military. China, in contrast, has been a major provider of military assistance and training for both the Myanmar military and some of the major ethnic armed groups for decades. The provision of U.S. support to the ethnic militias would improve U.S. relations with those groups, but it may antagonize China in the process, unless there is an agreement between the two nations. Another important consideration is the long-term implications of U.S. military support for anti-government opposition forces. Recent U.S. experience with such endeavors has been rather mixed. In some cases, what were at one time allies became enemies, such as in Afghanistan. Given the history of disagreements between Myanmar’s ethnic armed organizations, supplying them with weapons and military training may precipitate an outbreak of these groups fighting each other after the defeat of the Myanmar military. A final option to consider is the further international isolation of Myanmar’s military, especially its commissioned officers. This could involve an international arms embargo, the freezing of military financial assets overseas, a travel embargo on the Myanmar military’s commissioned officers, and/or the instigation of criminal charges against the heads of the junta. Bertil Lintner, a renowned expert on Myanmar, recently wrote an article advocating the extraterritorial prosecution of the junta’s leaders as an alternative to the types of sanctions being implemented by the Biden administration and other governments. Previous efforts in the U.N. Security Council to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar have been blocked by China and Russia. The U.N. General Assembly is supposed to consider a non-binding resolution calling for a global arms embargo on Myanmar; a proposal backed by the Biden administration. But in addition, the Biden administration could apply indirect pressure on nations to join the United States in isolating the Myanmar military. For example, it could make the continued provision of U.S. military assistance and training contingent on severing any ties to the Myanmar military. Alternatively, the U.S. Treasury could ban any American financial institution from providing financial services that involve the transfer of funds to accounts owned or controlled by the Myanmar military or its officers, as well as restrict financial services to foreign financial institutions that provide financial services to the Myanmar military. In its relative simplicity, and in following on from similar measures against Iran, this may be the most appealing option to the Biden administration and Congress—even if it doesn’t match the hopes of the opposition..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy" (USA)
2021-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "Today I would like to express my most sincere thanks to the U.S. Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control for designating 16 individuals and one entity (the 'SAC') with strict sanctions who are supporting the killing of innocent civilians nationwide, most recently in Mindat, Chin State. I would also like to reiterate my sincere thanks to the People and Government of the United States of America for standing in solidarity and being a strong voice for the people of Myanmar. I also want to express my gratitude for the efforts of the U.S. on coordinating targeted sanctions against key tatmadaw personnel, tatmadaw linked companies and enterprises such as MEC, MGE and MEHL. Additionally, I would like to further thank the United States government for taking a strong leadership role in the UN and G7 summits on behalf of the people of Myanmar, and for the recognition of CRPH and NUG as important voices of many in this nation. The official press release is as follows: "WASHINGTON - Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated 16 individuals and one entity connected to Burma’s military regime. Thirteen of the individuals sanctioned today are key members of Burma’s military regime, which is violently repressing the pro-democracy movement in the country and is responsible for the ongoing violent and lethal attacks against the people of Burma, including the killing of children. The other three individuals are adult children of previously designated senior Burmese military officials. The entity is the State Administration Council (SAC), the body created by the military to support its unlawful overthrow of the democratically elected civilian government. These designations today are made pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 14014, “Blocking Property with Respect to the Situation in Burma.” These sanctions are not directed at the people of Burma. In concurrent actions, the U.K. and Canada also sanctioned persons and/or entities in relation to the on-going coup in Burma. “Burma’s military continues to commit human rights abuses and oppress the people of Burma. Today’s action demonstrates the United States' commitment to work with our international partners to press the Burmese military and promote accountability for those responsible for the coup and ongoing violence," said Andrea Gacki, Director of the Office of Foreign Assets Control. As a part of today’s action, the State Administrative Council (SAC) is designated for being a political subdivision, agency, or instrumentality of the Government of Burma. The SAC, which is the official name of the military government in Burma, was formed by Burma’s military on February 2, 2021. It is largely made up of military officials and led by Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, whom Treasury designated on February 11, 2021 pursuant to E.O. 14014. The following four individuals are designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being foreign persons who are or were leaders or officials of the Government of Burma on or after February 2, 2021: Mahn Nyein Maung is a member of the SAC; Thein Nyunt is a member of the SAC; • Sai Lone Saing is a member of the SAC; and Khin Maung Swe is a member of the SAC. The following nine individuals, who are members of the military regime, are designated pursuant to E.0.14014 for being foreign persons who are or were leaders or officials of the Government of Burma on or after February 2, 2021: Ko Ko Hlaing is the Minister of International Cooperation; Tun Aung Myint is the Minister for Ethnic Affairs; • Tun Tun Naung is the Minister of Border Affairs; • Than Nyein is the governor of the Central Bank of Burma; • Pwint San is the Minister of Commerce; Win Shein is the Minister for Planning, Finance, and Industry; Thein Soe is the chairman of the military-appointed Union Election Commission, the regime’s electoral body; Thet Khaing Win is the Minister of Health and Sports; and • Khin Maung Yi is the Minister of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation. In addition to the individuals identified above, the following three individuals are designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being a spouse or adult child of a person whose property and interests in property are blocked. • Hein Htet is the adult child of SAC member General Maung Maung Kyaw, whom Treasury designated on February 22, 2021 pursuant to E.O. 14014; Kaung Htet is also an adult child of General Maung Maung Kyaw; and Yin Min Thu is the adult child of SAC member Admiral Tin Aung San, whom Treasury designated on February 11, 2021 pursuant to E.O. 14014..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2021-05-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 72.93 KB
more
Description: "Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated 16 individuals and one entity connected to Burma’s military regime. Thirteen of the individuals sanctioned today are key members of Burma’s military regime, which is violently repressing the pro-democracy movement in the country and is responsible for the ongoing violent and lethal attacks against the people of Burma, including the killing of children. The other three individuals are adult children of previously designated senior Burmese military officials. The entity is the State Administration Council (SAC), the body created by the military to support its unlawful overthrow of the democratically elected civilian government. These designations today are made pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 14014, “Blocking Property with Respect to the Situation in Burma.” These sanctions are not directed at the people of Burma. In concurrent actions, the U.K. and Canada also sanctioned persons and/or entities in relation to the on-going coup in Burma. “Burma’s military continues to commit human rights abuses and oppress the people of Burma. Today’s action demonstrates the United States’ commitment to work with our international partners to press the Burmese military and promote accountability for those responsible for the coup and ongoing violence,” said Andrea Gacki, Director of the Office of Foreign Assets Control. As a part of today’s action, the State Administrative Council (SAC) is designated for being a political subdivision, agency, or instrumentality of the Government of Burma. The SAC, which is the official name of the military government in Burma, was formed by Burma’s military on February 2, 2021. It is largely made up of military officials and led by Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, whom Treasury designated on February 11, 2021 pursuant to E.O. 14014. The following four individuals are designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being foreign persons who are or were leaders or officials of the Government of Burma on or after February 2, 2021: Mahn Nyein Maung is a member of the SAC; Thein Nyunt is a member of the SAC; Sai Lone Saing is a member of the SAC; and Khin Maung Swe is a member of the SAC. The following nine individuals, who are members of the military regime, are designated pursuant to E.O.14014 for being foreign persons who are or were leaders or officials of the Government of Burma on or after February 2, 2021: Ko Ko Hlaing is the Minister of International Cooperation; Tun Aung Myint is the Minister for Ethnic Affairs; Tun Tun Naung is the Minister of Border Affairs; Than Nyein is the governor of the Central Bank of Burma; Pwint San is the Minister of Commerce; Win Shein is the Minister for Planning, Finance, and Industry; Thein Soe is the chairman of the military-appointed Union Election Commission, the regime’s electoral body; Thet Khaing Win is the Minister of Health and Sports; and Khin Maung Yi is the Minister of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation. In addition to the individuals identified above, the following three individuals are designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being a spouse or adult child of a person whose property and interests in property are blocked. Hein Htet is the adult child of SAC member General Maung Maung Kyaw, whom Treasury designated on February 22, 2021 pursuant to E.O. 14014; Kaung Htet is also an adult child of General Maung Maung Kyaw; and Yin Min Thu is the adult child of SAC member Admiral Tin Aung San, whom Treasury designated on February 11, 2021 pursuant to E.O. 14014. As a result of today’s action, all property and interests in property of the persons named above that are in the United States, or in the possession or control of U.S. persons, are blocked and must be reported to OFAC. In addition, any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, in the aggregate, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked. Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or otherwise exempt, all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons are prohibited. The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person..."
Source/publisher: United States Department of the Treasury (USA)
2021-05-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "I am delighted and grateful to learn today that the USA and UK have once again shown strong global leadership targeting coordinated sanctions on the illegitimate military regime in Myanmar. The military regime has stolen democracy and freedom from our people and then poured out atrocities against innocent civilians. I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the USA and UK, who have taken a stand for the people of Myanmar who have suffered so much and for so long. These sanctions target the source of wealth and income of military Generals who have killed innocent people and committed ethnic cleansing against the Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, Chin and Rohingya. These same Generals are guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. They have repeatedly committed these crimes over many years. Specifically, in 1988 and 1997 when they killed hundreds of innocent unarmed students. In 2007 when they stood against peace-loving Buddhist monks during the Saffron revolution. In 2017 against the Rohingya population and now again in 2021, where they have killed more than 300 on the streets of Myanmar and illegally detained more than 2500 including democratically elected leaders, our State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and our President, U Win Myint. These same military Generals have stolen both our country's wealth and our freedom by their smoking guns. These two holding companies, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) have for many years been the means by which the military Generals have plundered our nation's riches and wealth for their own advantage. They continue to use this wealth to kill, destroy and wipe out the people of Myanmar. We have been calling on the world to take targeted coordinated tougher sanctions, both economically and diplomatically. Without these, the military Generals will never understand what they have done. They have no regard for the sanctity of life, human rights, democracy, justice and international law. They have turned the military into a project to protect themselves rather than the people. They have used the armed forces to keep themselves in power at the expense of the people. They are content to live in a nation where they can murder people on the streets, and as long as they are in power, my people, the people of Myanmar, have no future. The international community must continue to use all the power it has to weaken and stop the Tatmadaw military Generals, whose illegitimate actions cannot be allowed to be repeated again and again in the history of Myanmar. The threat to their personal finances, to the world and to their income, matters more to them than the freedom of our people, peaceful and courageous people of Myanmar Through stronger, tougher, coordinated, targeted sanctions, the military Generals, their families and their supporters will finally start to bear some of the consequences of their crimes. I therefore, urge all heads of governments and states around the world, to please follow the leadership of the USA and the UK, cooperating together and imposing targeted, stronger and tougher sanctions against the illegitimate military regime, the individuals in charge, the military companies and their subsidiaries, including sanctions on their business on financial , insurance services, oil and gas, timber and Jemstone..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
2021-03-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 132.73 KB 39.32 KB
more
Description: "The Union Minister of International Cooperation and Spokesperson of National Unity Government of Myanmar H.E. Dr. Sasa’s address the People and Government of the United States of America- USA..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2021-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.76 MB
more
Description: "H.E. Dr. Sasa, Union Minister of International Cooperation and Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar had the privilege of meeting with the United States Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, H.E. Sung Yong Kim, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, H.E. Atul Keshap, and other senior US Government officials, and had the privilege of making the following address to the people and Government of the United States of America on behalf of the people of Myanmar and the people's elected National Unity Government of Myanmar. II The brave people of Myanmar and the people’s National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly appreciate the People and Government of the United States of America for its strong leadership and action against the illegal military junta since the very first day of the military coup on February 1st, 2021. I am proud to serve as Minister of International Cooperation and spokesperson for the National Unity Government. It is my job to provide you with the information and assistance that you need to support the people of Myanmar. I am here at your service. Thank you again for your continued support of the people of Myanmar. While the fate of our country is in the hands of our people, strong and sustained support from the international community, specially from the United States of America is crucial. We are deeply grateful to all who are standing with us through this horrific ordeal. Now, more than ever, the people of Myanmar need your cooperation, friendship and support. It has been exactly 100 days since the terrorist regime headed by Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen stole the results of our democratic election and authority from the elected government officials of the people of Myanmar. Like many people in Myanmar, I fear for my life, but I have survived unscathed till this day. Sadly, however, many of our brave citizens have not been as fortunate as me. Since that horrible day, the coup instigators and 'SAC' forces have murdered nearly 800 civilian heroes of Myanmar, and illegally detained and imprisoned nearly 5000 of my brave fellow citizens. The duty of a nation’s military is to defend and protect its people. However, under the command of Min Aung Hlaing, the supposed guardians of our nation are doing precisely the opposite of their duty and continue arbitrarily murdering and detaining without cause the brave and innocent civilians of Myanmar on a daily and hourly basis. The people of Myanmar unanimously consider Min Aung Hlaing and those who report to him as terrorists. Without cause, without explanation, and without even a hearing these terrorists are detaining, beating, raping, torturing, shooting, and murdering innocent civilians and civil servants participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement both openly on the streets and secretly in confinement. This should come as no surprise, however, as the terrorist tatmadaw organization has been weaponizing rape and murder in atrocities, crimes against humanity, war crimes, ethnic cleansing against ethnic nationalities such as the Kachin, Karen, Shan, Kayah, Mon, Rakhine, Chin, Rohingya and many, many more..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2021-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 135.27 KB 262.64 KB
more
Description: "Myanmar's ambassador to the United Nations told the U.S. Congress on Tuesday that Washington should target the state-run Myanmar oil and gas company and a state-owned bank with sanctions. Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, a representative of elected lawmakers who oppose Myanmar's military junta, also warned that the crisis triggered by a Feb. 1 coup in the Southeast Asian nation threatened regional security. The Biden administration has denounced the coup and imposed sanctions on the generals who led it as well as some of their family members and businesses that provide them with revenue. The Myanmar ambassador told the House Committee on Foreign Affairs that as well as the military-run Myawaddy and Innwa banks, the United States should slap sanctions on the state-owned Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). MOGE operates offshore gas fields in joint ventures with international firms, including U.S.-based Chevron and France's Total, while MFTB conducts transactions in foreign currencies for Myanmar's government. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) advocacy group says security forces have killed at least 766 civilians since the coup, which sparked nationwide protests. Some pro-democracy activists have traveled to Myanmar's mountainous borderlands to join armed groups fighting for ethnic autonomy, raising fears of a spiraling conflict. “I wish to stress that Myanmar is not just witnessing another major setback to democracy, but also the crisis is threatening the regional peace and security," said Kyaw Moe Tun, who dramatically broke with the military junta in February, but has retained the country's seat at the United Nations..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "The world’s attention must remain on Myanmar, where I’ve been appalled by heartbreaking violence against civilians and inspired by the nationwide movement that represents the voice of the people. The military’s illegitimate and brutal effort to impose its will after a decade of greater freedoms will clearly never be accepted by the people and should not be accepted by the wider world. I support efforts by the Biden Administration and like-minded countries to impose costs on the military and support a return to a democratic path. Myanmar’s neighbors should recognize that a murderous regime rejected by the people will only bring greater instability, humanitarian crisis, and the risk of a failed state. Within Myanmar, those who seek a future rooted in democratic principles should continue to forge solidarity across ethnic and religious groups. These are dark times, but I have been moved by the unity, resilience, and commitment to democratic values demonstrated by so many Burmese, which offers hope for the kind of future Myanmar can have through leaders who respect the will of the people..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Barack Obama
2021-04-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 41.12 KB 13.32 KB 106.74 KB
more
Description: "The Biden administration has formally determined that the military takeover in Myanmar constitutes a coup d'état, a designation that requires the US to cut its foreign assistance to the country. "After careful review of the facts and circumstances, we have assessed that Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Burma's ruling party, and Win Myint, the duly elected head of government, were deposed in a military coup on February 1," a State Department official said Tuesday, using another name for Myanmar. "We continue to call on the Burmese military leadership to release them and all other detained civil society and political leaders immediately and unconditionally." The United States provides "very little" foreign assistance directly to Myanmar's government and "the government of Burma, including the Burmese military, is already subject to a number of foreign assistance restrictions, including statutory restrictions on military assistance, due to its human rights record." The State Department official, speaking on a call with reporters, said the administration "will undertake a broader review of our assistance programs to ensure they align with recent events." That review will begin "immediately" and will "look at any programs that indirectly benefit the military or individual low level officers." "At the same time, we will continue programs that benefit the people of Burma directly, including humanitarian assistance and democracy support programs that benefit civil society. A democratic civilian led government has always been Burma's best opportunity to address the problems the country faces," the official said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
2021-02-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-02-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: Well, Myanmar, we’ve had some good times, but it’s time for me to leave. Hear that, America? I’m finally coming back.
Description: "After four-and-a-half years, I will try to improve my own country with the lessons I have learned, and likewise leave Myanmar with some parting advice. USA: Make America Fun Again with KTV My first group of Yangon friends loved nothing more than to crowd into a private KTV (karaoke) room, get drunk on tequila and belt out Abba and Backstreet Boys louder than Boris Johnson before a Brexit vote. While my current generation of expat friends do not enjoy KTV, they are also pretentious ice queens with sticks up their butts. Myanmar: Ease up on the air con Do your bus companies think passengers spoil if you don’t keep us at meat locker temperatures throughout the ride? Seriously..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar"
2020-02-22
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "People from Myanmar who now live in the American state of Indiana home are feeling the impacts of Washington’s recent travel ban, according to the Indy Channel. They are getting ready to help their community celebrate Myanmar Union Day, marking 73 years since the southeast Asian country became free of British rule. While they plan to celebrate this culturally significant holiday, the recent addition of Myanmar to The White House's Travel Ban will be hanging over them. "This is a great concern to the community," Elaisa Vahnie, Burmese American Community Institute Executive Director, told the channel. He said the travel ban is already impacting people who planned to reunite with their family in the United States..."
Source/publisher: "Mizzima" (Myanmar)
2020-02-08
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: Move could reignite debate over whether policy discriminates against Muslims, although most nations added do not have Muslim majorities...Other countries facing new restrictions are Sudan, Tanzania, Eritrea and Kyrgyzstan.
Description: "The Trump administration said on Friday it will add six new countries to its travel ban, part of an election-year crackdown that could reignite debate over whether the policy discriminates against Muslims. Restrictions on entering the US will now apply to certain travellers and migrants from Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, as well as Sudan, Tanzania, Eritrea, Kyrgyzstan and Myanmar, according to a senior Department of Homeland Security official. The updated policy would not completely ban all citizens of those countries from coming to the US, but instead would limit access to certain kinds of visas. Unlike the initial list, most of the countries just added do not have Muslim-majority populations. Under the plan, immigration visas will be suspended for Kyrgyzstan, Myanmar, Eritrea, and Nigeria. Access to the diversity lottery programme will be limited for Sudan and Tanzania, and the new restrictions will go into place in 21 days..."
Source/publisher: "Bloomberg News" (New York) via "South China Morning Post" (Hong Kong)
2020-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "Myanmar is in breach of a global convention banning chemical weapons and may have a stockpile left over from the 1980s, the United States said on Monday. The Southeast Asian nation may still have weapons at a “historic” facility where mustard gas was produced, a senior State Department official told the annual meeting of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. Myanmar officially joined the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), which bans the production, storage and use of chemical arms, in 2015. “The U.S. has serious concerns that a chemical weapons stockpile may remain at Myanmar’s historical chemical weapons facility,” Thomas DiNanno, deputy assistant secretary of state, told the OPCW in The Hague. Washington had information that Myanmar “had a chemical weapons program in the 1980s that included a sulphur mustard development program and chemical weapons production facility,” he added. “Based on available information, the United States certifies that Myanmar is in noncompliance with the CWC, due to its failure to declare its past chemical weapons program and to destroy its chemical weapons facility.” Myanmar has previously faced accusations of storing and using such weapons. In 2013, a parliamentary report said police had used phosphorus the previous year against protesters at a copper mine in the north of the country, causing severe burns..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Agence France-Presse (AFP) (France) via "Japan Times" (Japan)
2019-11-26
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "Tensions between the United States and China entered a dangerous new phase this week. For the first time in 25 years, US authorities labelled China a currency manipulator after the RMB fell below the 7 yuan-per-dollar level. This opens the door to the United States’ levelling sanctions against China as well even more extreme trade restrictions, as the global trade and technology war morphs into a currency war. The actions of the United States were arbitrary, to say the least, and have rocked global financial markets. The recent ‘ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific’ shows that ASEAN countries are more and more wary of the approach being taken by the United States in the region. They are right to be worried. Labelling China a currency manipulator made little sense, both economically and institutionally. Economically, a weakening RMB is to be expected in the current economic circumstances. The Chinese economy has been slowing while the United States continues its longest economic boom in history. Chinese exports to the United States have been under increasing strain while escalating global risks have seen increased demand for safe haven US financial assets. All of these variables point to a weakening RMB against the US dollar. ‘They are not driving the currency down’ notes Marc Chandler, Chief market strategist at Bannockburn Global Forex, ‘but just accepting market forces’. Within a narrow band the Chinese monetary authorities let the currency settle where the market took it..."
Source/publisher: "East Asia Forum" (Australia)
2019-08-12
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 39.4 KB (3 pages)
more
Description: "The United States will go on supporting Myanmar's democratic transition and economic transformation, said Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, David R. Stilwell. The remarks of David R. Stilwell came from his meeting with Union Minister Kyaw Tin of the Ministry of International Cooperation in Nay Pyi Taw on October 29. In meeting with Union Minister Kyaw Tin, David R. Stilwell emphasized the United States will go on supporting Myanmar's democratic transition and economic transformation. The discussions outlined greater development in the role of Myanmar. Both sides frankly discussed bilateral relations between Myanmar and the U.S, the partnership meeting of Myanmar and the U.S, increased investment in education and trade, latest developments taking place in Rakhine State, economic cooperation of Ayeyawady-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (ACMECS), and continued cooperation with regional organizations including Lower Mekong Initiative (LMI). Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, David R. Stilwell called on State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi before meeting with Union Minister Kyaw Tin, according to the release of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Eleven Media Group" (Myanmar)
2019-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "The United States and Myanmar partners celebrated achievements in Myanmar’s melon, sesame, coffee, ginger, and soybean sectors at the #MarketNext event yesterday, according to a press release. Agriculture is vital to the livelihoods of the majority of people in Myanmar. U.S. Ambassador Scot Marciel answered questions from trade association leaders, farmers and other Myanmar partners during today’s event. He said, “Myanmar has tremendous potential to produce and export a wide range of agricultural products. Our programs are designed to help farmers and others expand quality production and find good markets that allow them to increase their incomes.” The #MarketNext event marks the end of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) Value Chains for Rural Development project. USAID invested $27 million from 2014-2019. This project has helped 40,000 farmers, at least a third of whom are women, and 400 private sector partners. Strong producer and exporter associations such as Myanmar Coffee Association, Myanmar Fruit, Flower and Vegetable Producers and Exporters Association, and the Sesame Farmer Development Association will carry on the work of helping farmers improve their production while also establishing new markets for Myanmar products..."
Source/publisher: "Mizzima" (Myanmar)
2019-10-09
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "The United States said on Thursday (Sep 5) it was deeply concerned about the Myanmar army's filing of a lawsuit against a religious leader who told President Donald Trump the military oppressed Christians in the Buddhist-majority country. The criminal complaint against Reverend Hkalam Samson "seeks to unduly limit his freedom of expression and potentially could disrupt his critical work on behalf of tens of thousands of internally displaced people," US State Department spokeswoman Morgan Ortagus said in a statement. She said the United States was "deeply concerned" by the lawsuit and that any decision to "arrest Reverend Samson on the basis of his protected speech would be deeply troubling." Samson took part in a July meeting at the White House where victims of religious persecution from a number of countries met with Trump and other US officials..."
Source/publisher: "CNA" via Reuters
2019-09-06
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "Myanmar is proving to be a major test of strategic economic cooperation between the United States and Japan one which reveals wider foreign policy differences between the allied nations. Those differences make substantial collaboration towards realising a “free and open Indo-Pacific” (FOIP) in specific countries difficult, despite joint strategic interests and aligned high-level political visions. In Japan’s pursuit of a policy response to China’s infrastructure Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), economic cooperation with partners in third countries to beef up the financing on offer has emerged as a key component. Strategic commercial cooperation is arguably most opportune and necessary in Myanmar because the country is at a fraught stage in its democratisation, set into motion in 2010 when it pivoted to form closer ties with countries like the United States and Japan in order to reduce economic over-dependence on China..."
Source/publisher: "Belt & Road News"
2019-06-21
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: " Myanmar's navy will join maritime drills with the US in Southeast Asia next week, a spokesman said Wednesday (Aug 28), in a rare show of military cooperation despite Washington slapping sanctions on top army brass over the Rohingya crisis. The inclusion in the drills does not violate US travel bans against Myanmar's commander-in-chief and three senior figures for overseeing a bloody campaign that drove 740,000 Rohingya Muslims into Bangladesh two years ago. But there are growing calls to further isolate the military, expand sanctions and prosecute senior leadership for genocide against the stateless minority. The drills come at a time of stepped-up US engagement in the region and tensions between China and several Southeast Asian nations over rival claims in the South China Sea. "We were invited as part of ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) for the exercise," said Zaw Min Tun, a spokesman for the commander-in-chief's office in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "CNA"
2019-08-28
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: Myanmar continues to woo Japan and the US as a source of investments even as the global growth outlook dims considerably with investors preferring to stash their money in safe-haven assets such as US Treasuries and gold.
Description: "State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who gave the keynote speech at the Myanmar-Japan-US Forum on Fostering Responsible Investment held on August 20, held up Myanmar’s strategic location between South Asia, China and the rest of ASEAN, a growing economy as well as reforms that were underway as reasons why US and Japanese investors should look to the country as an investment destination. “Myanmar, positioned at the crossroads of Asia, constitutes a key bridge between East and West; a link between India and China, a doorway to ASEAN. Myanmar seeks to capitalise on this favourable position by connecting these rising geo-economic regions, offering a strategic trade conduit, providing a gateway to the Indian Ocean, and thus benefitting the country and the region broadly,” she said. Her speech comes at a time when foreign direct investment (FDI) commitments, an indication of future FDI flows, has slowed down according to the December 2018 edition of the Myanmar Economic Monitor published by the World Bank. The Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA) expects US$5.8 billion in FDI for the current fiscal year between October 1, 2018 and September 30, 2019, little changed from the $5.7 billion that was received in fiscal 2017/2018, which began on April 1, 2017 and ended on March 30, 2018. DICA data showed that for fiscal 2016/2017, the country received $6.6 billion of investments..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times"
2019-08-21
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "On Wednesday, Trump met with victims of religious persecution from countries including China, Turkey, North Korea, Iran, and Myanmar. In a clip that's circulating online, a Rohingya refugee asked Trump what he planned to do about the genocide in Myanmar. Trump responded: "Where is that?" A man next to Trump said that it's next to Burma, which is incorrect. Myanmar used to be referred to as Burma. Since 2017, more than 730,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled Myanmar, according to the Human Rights Watch. Visit Business Insider's homepage for more stories..."
Source/publisher: "Business Insider (BI)"
2019-07-18
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "The United States announced sanctions on Tuesday against the Myanmar military's Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing and other leaders it said were responsible for extrajudicial killings of Rohingya Muslims, barring them from entry to the United States..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: TRT World
2019-07-17
Date of entry/update: 2019-07-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: Washington ups pressure on Naypyitaw by sanctioning Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and three other top military officers
Description: "The United States on Tuesday banned visits by Myanmar’s army chief and three other top officers due to their role in the “ethnic cleansing” of the Rohingya minority, urging accountability for their brutal campaign. The State Department said it took action against army chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and the others after finding credible evidence they were involved in the violence two years ago that led about 740,000 Rohingya to flee across the border to Bangladesh. “With this announcement, the United States is the first government to publicly take action with respect to the most senior leadership of the Burmese military,” Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said, referring to the country’s previous name. “We remain concerned that the Burmese government has taken no actions to hold accountable those responsible for human rights violations and abuses, and there are continued reports of the Burmese military committing human rights violations and abuses throughout the country,” he said in a statement. The sanctions are the most visible sign of US disappointment with Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, since it launched political reforms in 2011, with the military junta reconciling with Washington and eventually allowing an elected political leadership. Also sanctioned were Deputy Commander-in-Chief Soe Win, Brigadier General Than Oo and Brigadier General Aung Aung as well as the families of all four officers. Buddhist-majority Myanmar refuses to grant the mostly Muslim Rohingya citizenship or basic rights and refers to them as “Bengalis,” inferring that the Rohingya are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. UN investigators say the violence warrants the prosecution of top generals for “genocide” and the International Criminal Court has started a preliminary probe..."
Source/publisher: "Asia Times"
2019-07-17
Date of entry/update: 2019-07-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title: Steps are the strongest the country has taken in response to massacres of minority Rohingya in 2017
Description: "Mike Pompeo, the US secretary of state, has announced sanctions on the Myanmar military’s commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing and other military leaders over extrajudicial killings of Rohingya Muslims, barring them from entry to the United States. The steps, which also covered Min Aung Hlaing’s deputy, Soe Win, and two other senior commanders and their families, are the strongest the United States has taken in response to massacres of minority Rohingya in Myanmar, also known as Burma. “We remain concerned that the Burmese government has taken no actions to hold accountable those responsible for human rights violations and abuses, and there are continued reports of the Burmese military committing human rights violations and abuses throughout the country,” Pompeo said in a statement. He said a recent disclosure that Min Aung Hlaing ordered the release of soldiers convicted of extrajudicial killings at the village of Inn Din during the ethnic cleansing of Rohingya in 2017 was “one egregious example of the continued and severe lack of accountability for the military and its senior leadership.” “The commander-in-chief released these criminals after only months in prison, while the journalists who told the world about the killings in Inn Din were jailed for more than 500 days,” Pompeo said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Guardian"
2019-07-17
Date of entry/update: 2019-07-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "The State Department on Tuesday sanctioned four top Myanmar military officials for human rights abuses against the Rohingya population in the country's northern Rakhine State. In a statement, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the officials were responsible "for gross human rights violations," including extrajudicial killings, during the campaign of violence beginning in August 2017. Under the designations, Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar's Armed Forces Min Aung Hlaing, Deputy Commander-in-Chief Soe Win, Brigadier General Than Oo, Brigadier General Aung Aung and their families will not be permitted to enter the United States. A senior State Department official told reporters Tuesday that they believe the designations "send a message to other Burmese officials that should they commit atrocities or other serious human rights abuses, there will be consequences under US law." However, in a statement, Pompeo noted that the US remains "concerned that the Burmese government has taken no actions to hold accountable those responsible for human rights violations and abuses, and there are continued reports of the Burmese military committing human rights violations and abuses throughout the country." The violence against the Rohingya was "extreme, large-scale, widespread, and seemingly geared toward both terrorizing the population and driving out the Rohingya residents," a US State Department report from September 2018 found. The report suggested that Myanmar's security forces engaged in a "well planned and coordinated" campaign of violence against the Muslim minority that included mass killings, sexual violence and destruction of villages. Information collected by a UN fact-finding mission "suggests that the estimate of up to 10,000 deaths is a conservative one," their extensive report from August 2018 noted. Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees fled into neighboring Bangladesh. As of June, more than 900,000 remain in Cox's Bazar, according to a UN report..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNN"
2019-07-16
Date of entry/update: 2019-07-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description: "As Trump administration focuses on Southeast Asia, concerns over its approach to Burma...From Capitol Hill to Rangoon, the question is whether the Trump administration will continue to support de facto Burmese leader Aung Saan Suu Kyi and her country as the nation transitions to democracy..."
Creator/author: David Nakamura
Source/publisher: "Washington Post"
2017-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2017-05-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "Treading between major powers, Myanmar is likely to continue its diplomatic balancing act... Aung San Suu Kyi was quick to congratulate U.S. president-elect Donald Trump on his recent victory, but there is no doubt that Myanmar?s state counselor, her government and probably most of the country would have preferred to see Hillary Clinton installed in the White House next year. Not only was Clinton a driving force behind President Barack Obama?s successful and farsighted policy of "pragmatic engagement" with Myanmar, but she was familiar with the country and established a personal rapport with Suu Kyi. Under a Clinton administration, Myanmar would have been treated very sympathetically by the U.S., which would have been appreciated by the state counselor and her fledgling National League for Democracy government as they struggle to cope with Myanmar?s modernization and democratization. Naypyitaw has other good reasons to be grateful to the Obama administration, and Clinton in particular. During Suu Kyi?s visit to Washington in September, for example, it was announced that economic sanctions against Myanmar would be lifted, in order to unleash the country?s "enormous potential." Earlier, Obama had notified the U.S. Congress that he would be reinstating preferential tariffs for Myanmar under the Generalized System of Preferences, which provides duty-free access for goods from poor and developing countries. The future of the bilateral relationship under a Trump presidency is more difficult to predict. Specific policies are either unknown, or the subject of inconsistent statements. Some positions taken by the president-elect during his campaign have already been subject to unexpected reversals. A number of key executive appointments have yet to be made. Even so, it is possible to speculate about some Myanmar-related issues that are bound to arise after Trump takes office in January..."
Creator/author: Andrew Selth
Source/publisher: Nikkei Asian Review
2016-12-03
Date of entry/update: 2017-04-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: The Generals and Aung San Suu Kyi...New Government Moves Cautiously on Economic Reform...Building a New Peace Architecture...Rebuilding the Neglected Health Care System...Addressing Communal Conflict in Rakhine...Myanmar and the United States...Next Steps in U.S. Policy toward Myanmar..... "Five months after Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) swept to power in Myanmar in April following their stunning landslide victory in the November 2015 national elections, the new government is still very much in transition. Although the military that ran the country for 50 years did its best not to turn over the top slot to Aung San Suu Kyi, the country?s leading generals appear to be trying to prove they can play ball with the new largely civilian government. It will now be up to Aung San Suu Kyi to push forward the reforms that former president Thein Sein launched in 2011. The Myanmar she is leading today is a better place than it was six years ago when the military freed her from house arrest, launched peace talks with ethnic armed groups, and mounted tentative economic reforms. It is a much freer country that has expanded its foreign ties far beyond its one -time patron China, which the military junta heavily depended on for investment and military equipment. The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) between May 29 and June 4 organized a delegation to Myanmar to evaluate the country?s political and economic transition, the peace process with the country?s ethnic armed groups, the situation of Muslims in Rakhine State, the health care system, and role of the United States in supporting reform and development. CSIS?s Southeast Asia Program and the Global Health Policy Center jointly organized the trip, which included several senior congressional staff. The delegation visited Yangon, Naypyitaw, and Rakhine State, and met with senior Union government officials, parliamentarians, Rakhine State officials, internally displaced persons in camps near Sittwe, U.S. Embassy officials, international organizations, nongovernmental organizations, business representatives, journali sts, and scholars and activists. This report is a summary of the group?s observations and findings. It was obvious to the group that the new government still faces daunting tasks on the road to democracy and its success is by no means assured. One of its biggest challenges is trying to hammer out a peace deal with the country?s roughly two -dozen ethnic armed groups that have fought the central government since the 1950s. Another challenge is achieving harmony between the country?s majority Buddhists and minority Muslims, particularly in Rakhine State, and forging a nation from a patchwork of different ethnic and religious groups that never worked together before. The country?s majority Burman population is highly enthusiastic that Aung San Suu Kyi has assumed power, and most ordinary Burmans seem convinced that she can somehow magically fix the country?s longstanding challenges. Meanwhile, many among the ethnic minorities, who make up roughly a third of the population, are concerned that their grievances and interests will continue to be neglected under the new government. A third task is promoting inclusive economic growth in a country where most of the wealth was long controlled by a small military -backed elite and the infrastructure is woefully dilapidated and overextended. A fourth is reducing the outsized role of the military in controlling the government and the economy. Aung San Suu Kyi and her party are wildly popular, but because they have never run a government before, they are still figuring out how to craft and implement policies. All decisions seem to go to Aung San Suu Kyi, who assumed the newly created position of state counselor because her route to the presidency was blocked by the military -drafted 2008 constitution, which bars individuals with foreign family ties from the highest office. So far the newly minted leader tends to be a bit of a micromanager and not a great consulter, resulting in considerable gridlock across various government agencies. She also acts as her own spokesperson, which means the new government has been slow in effectively communicating and marketing its policies..."
Creator/author: Murray Hiebert, Audrey Jackson, Phuong Nguyen
Source/publisher: CSIS SOUTHEAST ASIA PROGRAM and CSIS GLOBAL HEALTH POLICY CENTER
2016-09-26
Date of entry/update: 2016-09-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "The United States has decided to place Myanmar on its global list of worst offenders in human trafficking, officials said, a move aimed at prodding the country?s new democratically elected government and its still-powerful military to do more to curb the use of child soldiers and forced labour. The reprimand of Myanmar comes despite U.S. efforts to court the strategically important country to help counteract China?s rise in the region and build a Southeast Asian bulwark against Beijing?s territorial assertiveness in the South China Sea. Myanmar?s demotion, part of the State Department?s closely watched annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report due to be released on Thursday, also appears intended to send a message of U.S. concern about continued widespread persecution of the Rohingya Muslim minority in the Buddhist-majority nation. The country?s new leader, democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, has been criticized internationally for neglecting the Rohingya issue since her administration took office this year. Washington has faced a complex balancing act over Myanmar, a former military dictatorship that has emerged from decades of international isolation since launching sweeping political changes in 2011. President Barack Obama?s diplomatic opening to Myanmar is widely seen as a key foreign policy achievement as he enters his final seven months in office, but even as he has eased some sanctions he has kept others in place to maintain leverage for further reforms. At the same time, Washington wants to keep Myanmar from slipping back into China?s orbit at a time when U.S. officials are trying to forge a unified regional front. The U.S. decision to drop Myanmar to ?Tier 3,” the lowest grade, putting it alongside countries like Iran, North Korea and Syria, was confirmed by a U.S. official in Washington and a Bangkok-based official from an international organisation informed of the move. Another person familiar with the matter said: ?I?m not going to turn you away from this conclusion.” All spoke on condition of anonymity..."
Source/publisher: Reuters UK
2016-06-29
Date of entry/update: 2016-06-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Summary: "Is now the time for the U.S. Government to drop all sanctions on Myanmar (also known as Burma)? A network of corporate lobbyists and business associations are seeking to convince the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama to lift all remaining sanctions on the country by letting the existing sanctions authority expire this month. At the core of their argument is the idea that the situation in Myanmar has fundamentally changed for the better and that economic sanctions are no longer necessary or productive. Fortify Rights and United to End Genocide interviewed 43 eyewitnesses and survivors of human rights abuses as well as U.N. officials and others in Yangon Division, Rakhine State, and Kachin State in Myanmar in March and April 2016 to assess whether the U.S. Government should maintain its authority to sanction Myanmar or let it lapse this month. Given the current political landscape in Myanmar and ongoing egregious human rights violations, this report recommends that President Obama renew the sanctions authority on Myanmar for at least another year..."
Creator/author: Tom Andrews, David Baulk, Matthew Smith, Amy Smith, Daniel Sullivan.
Source/publisher: Fortify Rights, United to End Genocide
2016-05-00
Date of entry/update: 2016-05-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.83 MB
more
Description: "To ensure the success of Myanmar?s historic democratic transition, the United States should revise its outdated and counterproductive sanctions policy, writes Priscilla A. Clapp in a new report from the Council on Foreign Relations? Center for Preventive Action. When the Aung San Suu Kyi?led National League for Democracy assumes power in Myanmar next week, the party will inherit the long-standing problems that developed in the country?s half-century of military dictatorship. U.S. support for a successful transition will help strengthen the newly elected government and prevent a return to martial law. "Continuing to rely on a sanctions regime—designed primarily to inhibit U.S. participation in and assistance to Myanmar?s economy and government—no longer makes sense, particularly when Western allies and others observe no restrictions on their activities in Myanmar," Clapp contends in the Council Special Report, Securing a Democratic Future for Myanmar. "Washington should therefore restructure the remaining financial sanctions and restrictions to carefully target individuals and entities to promote better behavior, rather than punish bad behavior."..."
Creator/author: Priscilla A. Clapp
Source/publisher: [US] Council on Foreign Relations
2016-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2016-04-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: SUMMARY: "When US President Barack Obama first articulated his administration?s goal of a diplomatic rebalance to Asia, he outlined three areas in which the US government would focus its attentions: increased strategic and military ties, better economic integration, and greater attention to promoting democracy and human rights. Obama outlined the last prong of the rebalance in a speech in Australia on November 17, 2011: -Every nation will chart its own course. Yet it is also true that certain rights are universal; amongthem, freedom of speech, freedom ofthe press, freedom of assembly, freedom of religion, and the freedom of citizens to choose their own leaders. -These are not American rights ... or Western rights. These are human rights. They stir in every soul, as we?ve seen in the democracies that have succeeded here in Asia. Other models have been tried and they have failed - fascism and communism, rule by one man or rule by committee. And they failed for the same simple reason: they ignore the ultimate source of power and legitimacy - the will ofthe people. On February 15-16, 2016, President Obama will host 10 government leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) fora summit at the Sunnylands estate in California. For decades, the United States government has viewed ASEAN as an important economic, security, and political partner, and has forged closer ties with ASEAN countries as they have undergone major economic and political changes. In recent years, some countries, such as the Philippines and Indonesia, have made steady though uneven progress toward becoming democratic states with increasing respect for basic human rights. Most recently, in November 2015 the military junta in Burma allowed the opposition to contest elections and accepted the landslide victory of Aung San Suu Kyi?s National League for Democracy— though it still maintains broad constitutional powers and de facto control over security forces and large parts ofthe economy. Many ASEAN countries, however, continue to be plagued by deep-seated political and economic problems. As the chapters below outline, most of ASEAN?s 10 members have extraordinarily poor human rights records. Beyond the lack of basic freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly in many countries, problems across ASEAN include restrictions on civil society, failures on women?s rights, the political use of courts, high-level corruption, lack of protection of refugees and asylum seekers, human trafficking, and abuses against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people. For President Obama, the February 2016 US-ASEAN summit represents another chapter in the continuing efforts to rebalance attention to the Asia region. For many of ASEAN?s leaders—in particular those who have not come to power through free and fair elections— the summit represents an unearned diplomatic reward: a robust US reaffirmation of their sought-for legitimacy as leaders ofthe 615 million people who live in ASEAN. One particularly egregious example is the invitation to the summit for Thai Prime Minister Gen. Prayut Chan-ocha, who took power in a 2014 military coup, dismantled democratic institutions, and has led a relentless crackdown on critics and dissidents. Prayut has consistently delayed the date for a return to democratic rule, making it clear that he expects the army to manage the country?s affairs even after a vote for a new parliament is held. Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung of Vietnam and President Choummaly Sayasone of Laos preside over one-party authoritarian states that deny basic freedoms and use censorship, detention, and torture to maintain their party?s hold on power. The communist party of each country has been in power since 1975 and have shown no interest in moving towards pluralism or genuine elections. The sultan of Brunei, Hassal Bolkiah, is one ofthe world?s few remaining hereditary government leaders and has imposed a near complete ban on freedoms of expression, association, and assembly. He plans to increase the imposition of Islamic law punishments, including whipping and stoning, foradultery, sex between unmarried persons, and homosexual activity. The prime minister of Malaysia, Najib Razak, retained power in 2014 after a deeply flawed electoral process in which his party, which has been in power since 1967, lost the popular vote. Implicated in a major corruption scandal, he has engaged in a broad crackdown on Malaysia?s political opposition, civil society organizations, and media..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch
2016-02-16
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 5.6 MB 14.8 MB
more
Description: Abstract: "This article provides an overview both of the considerable makeover that relations between the United States and Myanmar have undergone since Naypyidaw ushered in a programme of wide-ranging reforms, and of the main policy areas in relation to which Washington remains keen to induce further change. The article also aims to explain why, notwithstanding the significant improvement in bilateral relations and the Obama administration?s interest in also pursuing military engagement, progress in this field has remained rather limited. Focusing on the politics of US policymaking on Burma, the article argues that while the Obama administration was able to take the initiative on recalibrating US Burma policy, congressional resistance in particular, amid wider concerns shared by non-governmental organisations, has so far constrained the administration vis-à-vis US?Myanmar military-to-military relations."..... Keywords: US?Myanmar relations, US Burma policy, military engagement, congressional foreign policy entrepreneurship
Creator/author: Jürgen Haacke
Source/publisher: Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs , 34, 2
2015-09-04
Date of entry/update: 2015-10-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 249.88 KB
more
Description: "This letter was sent to US President Barack Obama ahead of his November 2014 visit to Myanmar. The letter explains the negative effects of ongoing militarisation on villagers in Southeast Myanmar and asks President Obama to intervene with the Myanmar Government to persuade them to remove their troops from civilian areas and to hold soldiers who have committed human rights abuses responsible for their actions."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
2014-11-06
Date of entry/update: 2015-03-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 113 KB
more
Description: "The main purpose of Obama?s trip, the official said, is for Obama to attend the East Asia Summit in Naypyitaw, where he will also attend the U.S.-ASEAN summit. However, while there he will also meet with Myanmar President Thein Sein, and will meet with Suu Kyi in Yangon November 14."
Creator/author: Steve Hirsch
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat"
Date of entry/update: 2015-01-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "A gathering of youth leaders from all ten ASEAN countries applauded as U.S. President Barack Obama opened his address with the Burmese greeting, ?Myanmar, mingalaba!"...In his opening remarks, the president cited the various reasons for his administration?s consistent focus on Southeast Asian affairs, including the years he spent as a child in Indonesia and the fact that one tenth of the world population lives in Southeast Asia, two thirds of whom are under 35 years old..."
Creator/author: Jacob Goldberg
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat"
2014-11-15
Date of entry/update: 2015-01-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "United States President Barack Obama will be in Myanmar this week for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit. Unlike his state visit in November 2012, Obama is said to be acutely aware that the upcoming stopover cannot be used as a platform to congratulate himself as "Myanmar as a success story" for his foreign policy. This is because Obama?s Myanmar policy honeymoon has already turned into what New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof calls "a global nightmare". Uncharacteristically, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has recently told the international media that the US government is "overly optimistic" about reforms in her country and challenges anyone to prove her wrong."
Creator/author: Maung Zarni
Source/publisher: Asia Times Online
2014-11-14
Date of entry/update: 2015-01-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "Is Myanmar?s reform effort going into reverse? Not even close. Yet if international support for its political transition seriously weakens in the face of recent setbacks, the prophecies of Myanmar?s critics may be fulfilled. The international community needs to show staying power and accept that the road to reform is long. Myanmar is four years into a transition from 50 years of authoritarian rule and chronic, grinding civil conflicts. That change was never going to be easy. We should not be surprised that certain areas remain problematic or new difficulties arise...The West has a choice: Whether to stand on the sidelines and withholding support until there is a perfect outcome in Myanmar, or to engage in the messy but vital business of working with Myanmar as it changes from a closed authoritarian country to a more open, democratic and prosperous society... When Obama offered a hand to Myanmar in 2011, it was the beginning of a long journey. It is one the United States and the international community would be best advised to continue."
Creator/author: Jean-Marie Guéhenno, Richard Horsey, Reuters
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group
2014-11-19
Date of entry/update: 2014-11-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "...The burning question in Washington about Myanmar?s transition is: are things regressing, stalled, or moving forward? The short answer is all of the above. The Union of Myanmar is in the third year of a historic transition. Like other comparable transitions of countries emerging from decades of misrule and repression, the process is exceedingly complex and cannot be reduced to simple, categorical, or fixed characterizations. Change is fluid and nonlinear, spread across the multiple, interlocking sectors: health and development, human rights, constitutional change, electoral preparations, the search for peace, and economic reform and revitalization. A transition scorecard paints a mixed picture that is simultaneously positive, bewildering, and downright frustrating. Myanmar elicits a full range of emotions and interpretations. The current process unfolding calls for humility, patience, realism, and the long view. A rush to snap judgments is ill-advised. For better or worse, Myanmar is presently beset with turbulence and uncertainty...What follows is a summary of CSIS?s observations and thoughts on strengthening U.S. support for Myanmar?s transition. It attempts to synthesize, succinctly and fairly, what was learned through rich conversations with a multitude of individuals representing diverse interests and perspectives..."
Creator/author: J. Stephen Morrison, Murray Hiebert RADM Thomas Cullison (USN Ret.), Todd Summers, Sahil Angelo
Source/publisher: Center for Strategic & International Studies
2014-10-00
Date of entry/update: 2014-11-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.23 MB
more
Description: "...For President Obama the journey to Myanmar is a deeply symbolic one too. The fact that he received Myanmar government support to address an audience at the University of Yangon is key. After decades as a locus for political strife, the campus is still largely off-limits: a dented shell, rotting, tragic. In the old days I recall being gently shooed away from its vicinity, and I am yet, I must confess, to step foot on its contested ground. Elsewhere in the country I have spent time at a number of Universities, Colleges and the like. They are almost all in various states of decrepitude: hollowed out by dictatorial assessments of the uniquely destabilising potential of youth. My guess is that at the University today President Obama will use the podium to offer his special support to those who want to re-build Myanmar?s education system. Naturally he will also endorse those who seek to reform other facets of national life. He will then probably sound a note of warning about the need to build real peace with ethnic minorities, including the Rohingya. But his big message, if his speech writers have got the tone right, will be addressed to Myanmar?s rising generations. If Myanmar is to be a happier, wealthier and more inclusive society then the old generals will need to continue to surrender power and control. Who will replace them? With the results of the April 2012 by-election still reverberating, the Myanmar people seem convinced that the next government should be headed by Aung San Suu Kyi. But then who? In the excitement, we should not forget that it will be the young people in the audience and on the streets who will ultimately determine the country?s destiny. Will their elders give them the chances they so clearly deserve?"
Creator/author: Nicholas Farrelly
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2012-11-19
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "President Obama just concluded visit to Southeast Asia, which has sparked considerable media comment and criticism from human rights activists. Some of them claimed that the visit sent the wrong signal to repressive governments in Myanmar and Cambodia. In Myanmar, the visit was designed to highlight progress toward democratic reform made by the new nominally civilian government headed by Thein Sein since it replaced the military junta that had governed the country since 1972. Actions by the Myanmar government have included the release from house arrest of opposition activist and 1991 Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, the freeing many (but not all) political prisoners, relaxation of strict controls on the media and the holding of a largely free and fair by election to fill some 40 parliamentary seats rendered vacant when the incumbents were appointed to senior government positions. Most notably Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed to participate in these elections, winning a parliamentary seat and thus becoming the leader of the opposition. These dramatic developments have won widespread praise from the international community and the US government, which has responded by relaxing economic sanctions against the military regime and sending an Ambassador to Myanmar for the first time in over twenty years. More rewards are promised if the new government continues on its current reformist course, including the release of all remaining political prisoners and opening of the country to outside investment. Obama?s visit was intended as part of this gradual tit for tat process toward democracy and openness to the outside world..."
Creator/author: Don Jameson
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2012-11-21
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "New legislation signals growing concern over the Obama administration?s Myanmar policy...Recent legislation introduced to U.S. Congress to put conditions on U.S. cooperation with Myanmar?s military may be one of the first signs of emerging dissatisfaction with President Barack Obama?s rapprochement policy with the post-junta government. The bill was sponsored in the House of Representatives April 2 by Republican Steve Chabot, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, and Democrat Joseph Crowley. It grows out of concerns that the Obama administration, having begun limited cooperation with Myanmar?s military, is moving too quickly without demanding reforms from Myanmar first. The bill is a modification of similar, earlier bipartisan House and Senate legislation and follows enactment of language in a funding law limiting spending for assistance to Myanmar..."
Creator/author: Steve Hirsch
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat"
2014-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "After a period of broad bipartisan support, US President Barack Obama?s cautious opening towards Myanmar?s reformist quasi-civilian government is starting to meet resistance in Congress. Concerns center on Obama?s budding engagement with Myanmar?s rights-abusing military and his administration?s reluctance to place preconditions on expanding strategic ties..."
Creator/author: Steve Hirsch
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2014-07-02
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "Myanmar has made important progress toward democratic reform since President Thein Sein?s civilian government came to power in early 2011. Significant challenges, however, remain and could scuttle efforts at change. Key among these are the peace process between the government and armed ethnic groups in the border regions; communal tensions in Rakhine state bordering Bangladesh and in central Myanmar; and the free and fair conduct of the 2015 general elections, which could also impact the peace process and communal relations. This report explores the United States? interests in peace in Myanmar and offers recommendations for how Washington can best promote it..."
Creator/author: Lynn Kuok
Source/publisher: Center for Strategic International Studies (CSIS)
2014-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2014-06-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.69 MB
more
Description: U.S. Relations With Burma: The United States supports a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Burma that respects the human rights of all its peoples. Elections in November 2010 led to a peaceful transition from sixty years of military rule to a quasi-civilian government headed by President Thein Sein. Under President Thein Sein, the Government of Burma has initiated a series of political and economic reforms which have resulted in a substantial opening of the long-isolated country. These reforms include the release of many political prisoners, ceasefire agreements with 12 of 13 major non-state armed groups, greater freedom of the press, and parliamentary by-elections in 2012 in which pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her opposition party won 43 of the 44 seats they contested (out of 45) gaining approximately 11% representation in parliament. The Obama Administration has employed a calibrated engagement strategy to recognize the positive steps undertaken to date and to incentivize further reform. The guiding principles of this approach have been to support Burma?s political and economic reforms; promote national reconciliation; build government transparency, and accountability and institutions; empower local communities and civil society; and promote responsible international engagement and human rights. As part of our calibrated approach to support further reform, the United States has restored full diplomatic relations, re-established a U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) Mission in country, supported assessment missions and technical assistance by international financial institutions, and eased financial and investment sanctions against Burma. President Obama?s trip to Burma in November 2012, the first visit of a sitting U.S. President, demonstrated the United States? continuing support to Burma in its political and economic reform efforts...More information about Burma is available from the Department of State and other sources, some of which are listed here: Department of State Burma Country Page Doing Business in Burma page Department of State Key Officers List CIA World Factbook Burma Page USAID Burma Page Human Rights Reports International Religious Freedom Reports Trafficking in Persons Reports Narcotics Control Reports Office of Foreign Assets Control Sanctions Page"
Source/publisher: US Department of State, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
2013-08-13
Date of entry/update: 2014-06-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "If a press statement from the US Department of Defense is to be believed, President Barack Obama is quite pleased with the reform process underway in Myanmar, especially recent progress ??that?s been made on human rights??. The message was conveyed by US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel in late August when he met with his counterparts from the 10 member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Brunei, including Lieutenant-General Wai Lwin, the current defense minister of Myanmar, a former pariah state turned darling of the West. But there was an important caveat in Hagel?s statement that indicated Washington?s main concern in Myanmar is not democracy and human rights. Rather, he stressed ??it?s important that Myanmar sever ties with North Korea??. Evidently Myanmar has not rolled back relations with Pyongyang despite persistent pressure from Washington, including during then secretary of state Hillary Clinton?s historic visit to Myanmar in December 2011, and believed behind-the-scenes prodding from Japan and South Korea..."
Creator/author: Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2013-09-05
Date of entry/update: 2014-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "In September 2009, Barack Obama?s administration announced a new U.S. policy direction for relations with Burma/Myanmar. Over the past year, this new course has moved the United States away from previous efforts to isolate Burma?s ruling generals, balancing economic sanctions with ?pragmatic engagement? and initiating efforts to expand channels of communication with the military leadership at higher levels of authority. Against this backdrop, the Asia Society established a Task Force on U.S. Policy toward Burma/Myanmar in the fall of 2009 to assess the shift in American policy and provide concrete recommendations for how the United States could best approach this new path of engagement. The Task Force?s report, Current Realities and Future Possibilities in Burma: Options for U.S. Policy, was released in March 2010.1 With elections set to be held on November 7, the first in Burma in 20 years, this update provides an overview of key developments in Burma since the Task Force?s report was published. For reasons outlined here, it is clear that the upcoming elections will not be inclusive or fair. In short, Burma?s military leaders have willfully ignored calls from the international community to allow the full participation of opposition leaders and ethnic minorities in the elections..."
Source/publisher: Asia Society
2010-10-26
Date of entry/update: 2013-07-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Executive Summary: "In January 2012, an Asia Society delegation visited Burma/Myanmar to engage in a Track II dialogue with the Myanmar Development Resources Institute (MDRI), a newly created, independent think tank based in Yangon. The MDRI participants in the dialogue include advisors with a mandate to provide policy advice in the areas of political, economic, and legal affairs to President Thein Sein and his government. The goal of this informal dialogue is to establish an ongoing channel of communication between experts from both countries and to explore opportunities to advance U.S.–Myanmar relations during a particularly fluid and fragile period of transition in Myanmar. The Asia Society group includes specialists in the areas of political affairs, rule of law, democracy building, economic development, and environmental sustainability. In addition to the Track II meetings with presidential advisors, our group held in-depth discussions with senior officials in the following ministries: Foreign Affairs, Culture, Commerce, Environmental Conservation and Forestry, Health, Science and Technology, Education, and Information. Our group also met with business leaders; members of civil society; representatives from the National League for Democracy (NLD), including Aung San Suu Kyi; and a wide array of community activists, including minority nationalities. This effort builds on the work carried out by Asia Society?s Task Force on U.S. Policy toward Burma/Myanmar, as well as seminal meetings convened by Asia Society in New York in September 2011 that brought together for the first time policy makers from Myanmar, the United States, and the broader international community to informally discuss prospects for reform in Myanmar. This report provides our assessment of the nature of the changes that are under way in Myanmar and the challenges and vulnerabilities that the country faces. We conclude by recommending measures that the United States can undertake at this critical moment to encourage, support, and advance the institutionalization of sustainable democracy in Myanmar."
Creator/author: PRISCILLA CLAPP, Suzanne DiMaggio
Source/publisher: Asia Society
2012-02-16
Date of entry/update: 2013-07-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 261.72 KB
more
Description: "...Transitions are never smooth, and it is likely that the situation on the ground in Myanmar will get messier before it gets better, especially as we start to see winners and losers in the process. Economic development will be uneven, investment will not be broad based, disputes over land rights will not do all that it can to be a reliable partner to Myanmar as the country works to ensure that current positive trends continue to 2015 and beyond..."
Creator/author: PRISCILLA CLAPP, Suzanne DiMaggio
Source/publisher: Asia Society
2013-06-24
Date of entry/update: 2013-07-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 321.3 KB
more
Description: "Key Conclusions: Three interconnected and difficult issues need attention for the country to move forward—citizenship for the Rohingya; building capacity in the police to prevent violence against Muslims; and re-envisioning the country as one that is multi-ethnic, multilingual, and multi-religious. The transition from authoritarian rule to democracy could take decades. Key waypoints are the 2015 elections, implementing constitutional reforms, and the achievement of true civilian leadership. The US should engage on a broad range of issues and stop using sanctions as a diplomatic tool. An enduring partnership would involve sustained support for the transition across the spectrum of political interests, and transitional development assistance would expand to include programs for education, health, and the media..."
Creator/author: Jim Della-Giacoma
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (ICG)
2013-05-21
Date of entry/update: 2013-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "President Obama made history today by becoming the first sitting U.S. president to visit Burma. During his six-hour visit, Obama met with President Thein Sein and visited the home of the opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, where she was confined under house arrest for most of two decades before her release two years ago. Obama?s new openness toward Burma has drawn concern from human rights activists who say such overtures of friendship are "premature" due to continuing political violence plaguing large swathes of the country. We?re joined by Jennifer Quigley of the U.S. Campaign for Burma and journalist Peter Popham, author of "The Lady and The Peacock: The Life of Aung San Suu Kyi."
Source/publisher: "Democracy Now"
2012-11-19
Date of entry/update: 2012-11-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "...?The US president?s trip means the United States has begun to focus more on Burma. It also means they have the political will to engage with Burma. It?s a good sign for anyone here who wants the democratic transition to succeed,? said author and Burmese historian Thant Myint-U, speaking to The Irrawaddy shortly after Obama?s speech..."
Creator/author: Kyaw Phyo Tha
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
2012-11-20
Date of entry/update: 2012-11-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: President Obama gave a speech to a crowded Convocation Hall at Rangoon University. He lauded the country?s ongoing reform process, addressed the recent unrest in Arakan state and ceasefires with ethnic groups.
Source/publisher: Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) via Youtube
2012-11-19
Date of entry/update: 2012-11-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "...The present danger in Myanmar is that the US and other Western nations have focused solely on the figures of Thein Sein and Suu Kyi, both of whom dominated the limelight during recent trips to the US. By contrast, ethnic minority groups, including the Chin, Kachin, Karen, Mon, and Shan, have received comparatively scarce attention and have generally been relegated to the margins of US and European engagement initiatives. Minority ethnic groups, most of which have been disempowered, oppressed and impoverished by a succession of repressive military regimes for the past six decades, now find themselves at a significant disadvantage in bringing critical facts to the fore... Washington would be well advised to take a more balanced approach to engagement and development in Myanmar and one more inclusive of ethnics, or risk a repeat of the interventions in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan. "
Creator/author: Tim Heinemann
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2012-10-10
Date of entry/update: 2012-10-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Let me begin by stipulating my answers to several questions that have preoccupied us all over the last several years. We have debated whether any change could take place in Burma. Subsequently we debated whether any real change had transpired. Now we are debating whether enough change has taken place to satisfy us, on the assumption that we will decide the future of Burma. What nine separate trips in a little over two years have taught me are: 1) significant changes have already taken place, 2) reforms are real, and although there are certain to be setbacks, the reform trend seems likely to continue and 3) absent further changes the United States will be playing an increasingly marginal role in a fast-paced drama in which almost all other nations have dropped or suspended sanctions to take advantage of growing opportunities: ... U.S. National Interests... The questions with which we should be concerned now are: 1. Why should the US be interested in Myanmar? What long term U.S. national interests are involved in Myanmar? 2. What can the United States do now to encourage the emergence of a new, more peaceful, friendly, and democratic Myanmar?... In real estate three things determine value: location, location, and location. The same can be said of Myanmar. It is strategically situated below China, between the emerging mega-nations of Asia --- India and China. Myanmar has become increasingly reliant on China for weapons, official development assistance, and foreign direct investment. If Myanmar were to become a full-fledged client state of China, this would change the regional strategic balance. To avoid overdependence on any one nation, Myanmar officials over the past year have articulated a more omni-directional foreign policy that is equally friendly toward ASEAN, China, India, Japan, and the United States. Beneath the surface, even when the relationship with China seemed most intimate, Burmese nationalism and antipathy toward the growing number of Chinese nationals working inside Myanmar motivated the Myanmar elite (including most especially the military elite) to look outward, first to ASEAN and now to the entire outside world (including the United States). ... The United States could safely ignore more than fifty-five million people, living in a resource rich country the size of Texas, located just above the vital Strait of Malacca, as long as Myanmar was consumed by its own internal conflicts and led by a military elite that largely ignored, and was ignored by most of the outside world. As long as the outside world remained more or less uniformly willing to ignore Myanmar, the United States could afford to overlook Myanmar?s strategic and economic potential while concentrating almost exclusively on the odious qualities of the Burmese government. The world has changed. China has risen. The United States has pivoted back to Southeast Asia. Myanmar is now simply more accessible in political and economic terms than it has been for the last 50 years. Will the United States take advantage of the new opportunities or will it miss the boat?
Source/publisher: Subcommittee on East Asia and Pacific Affairs Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
2012-04-26
Date of entry/update: 2012-10-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: SUMMARY: "In August 2012, a group of senior CSIS Asia specialists visited Myanmar to explore the political, economic, and social reforms launched by the new civilian government and develop policy recommendations for the U.S. government. The trip is part of a Myanmar Project launched by CSIS and funded in part by the C.V. Starr Foundation. The CSIS delegation was led by Ernest Bower, director and senior adviser, Southeast Asia Program, and included Michael Green, senior vice president and Japan Chair, Christopher Johnson, senior adviser and Freeman Chair in China Studies, and Murray Hiebert, deputy director and senior fellow, Southeast Asia Program. Eileen Pennington, deputy director of the Women?s Empowerment Program at the Asia Foundation, accompanied the group as an observer. Myanmar is in the early stages of moving toward transformational change in nearly all respects, including political and economic reform, the opening of space for civil society, empowerment of women, defining foreign policy and national security priorities, and finding a path to reconciliation with its diverse ethnic groups. However, there was evidence that significant challenges remain with respect to governance and reconciliation with ethnic minorities and that rights abuses continue in some areas, despite the overall positive direction from the leadership of the new government. Real change appears to be under way, but it is not irreversible. Myanmar?s government, opposition leaders, civil society groups, and business leaders all emphasized that there is an urgency and immediacy around the process of change in their country. The United States should be aware that there are important, perhaps even historic, opportunities to promote and support reform. It needs also to be aware of substantial threats to reform and transparency. Developing a policy to navigate through these opportunities and challenges will require thoughtful consideration and intense focus. Actions the United States takes in Myanmar are intrinsically linked to the U.S. relationship with ASEAN and its broader Asia Pacific regional strategy. This report provides an executive summary of the CSIS team?s perspectives, shares its findings, and makes near-term recommendations for U.S. policy relating to Myanmar."
Creator/author: Ernest Bower, Michael Green, Christopher Johnson, Murray Hiebert
Source/publisher: Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)
2012-09-10
Date of entry/update: 2012-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "The United States should engage with Burma?s armed forces, collaborate with China and further roll back sanctions to enhance reforms, urges a leading think-tank. The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) visited Burma in August to explore the current political, economic and social transformation enacted by President Thein Sein?s quasi-civilian government and reported that greater regional engagement was needed including joint military exercises. ?If the military continues to support the transition to civilian rule and observes ceasefires in ethnic minority areas, the United States should begin to consider joint military exercises with the Myanmar armed forces and provide selected Myanmar officers access to US International Military Education and Training opportunities in US defense academies,? read a CSIS report on the trip released on Wednesday..."
Creator/author: Charlie Campbell
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
2012-09-12
Date of entry/update: 2012-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "WASHINGTON—The United States Senate on Friday confirmed the nomination of Derek Mitchell as the first US Ambassador to Burma in two decades. He is soon expected to travel to the country to head the mission in the country. Mitchell, currently the special US representative and policy coordinator for Burma, has been a key player in implementing the Burma policy of the Obama administration. ?I congratulate Derek Mitchell on his confirmation as our ambassador to Burma,? said Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell. ?He has done an excellent job in his current role as Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma. His experience will serve us well in the region as he builds on the strong foundation established by Michael Thurston and our embassy team in Rangoon,? McConnell said..."
Creator/author: Lalit K. Jha
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
2012-07-02
Date of entry/update: 2012-07-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: SUMMARY: "Existing U.S. sanctions on Burma are based on various U.S. laws and presidential executive orders. This report provides a brief history of U.S. policy towards Burma and the development of U.S. sanctions, a topical summary of those sanctions, and an examination of additional sanctions that have been considered, but not enacted, by Congress, or that could be imposed under existing law or executive orders. The report concludes with a discussion of options for Congress. The current U.S. sanctions on Burma were enacted, for the most part, due to what the U.S. government saw as a general disregard by Burma?s ruling military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), for the human rights and civil liberties of the people of Burma. The actions of the new quasi-civilian government in Burma have initiated a discussion on when and how to possibly remove some of the existing sanctions. The Obama Administration recently announced it would for the first time in 21 years nominate a candidate to serve as U.S. ambassador to Burma and would welcome a Burmese ambassador to the United States. Burma-specific sanctions began following the Tatmadaw?s violent suppression of popular protests in 1988, and have continued through several subsequent periods in which Congress perceived major human rights violations in Burma. The result is a web of overlapping sanctions with differing restrictions, waiver provisions, expiration conditions, and reporting requirements. The United States currently imposes sanctions specifically on Burma via five laws and four presidential documents. These sanctions can be generally divided into several broad categories, such as visa bans, restrictions on financial services, prohibitions of Burmese imported goods, a ban on new investments in Burma, and constraints on U.S. assistance to Burma. Past Congresses have considered a variety of additional, stricter sanctions on Burma. In addition to the targeted sanctions, Burma is currently subject to certain sanctions specified in U.S. laws based on various functional issues. In many cases, the type of assistance or relations restricted or prohibited by these provisions is also addressed under Burma-specific sanction laws. The functional issues include the use of child soldiers, drug trafficking, human trafficking, money laundering, failure to protect religious freedoms, violations of workers? rights, and threats to world peace and the security of the United States. On March 30, 2011, SPDC formally dissolved itself and transferred power to the new Union Government, headed by President Thein Sein, ex-general and prime minister for the SPDC. On four separate occasions since his appointment, President Thein Sein has ordered the release of prisoners, including a number of political prisoners. The Union Government has also initiated ceasefire talks with various ethnic-based militias, and altered laws to allow opposition parties to participate in parliamentary elections. However, the continuation of serious human rights abuses has raised questions about the extent to which there has been significant political change in Burma. Consideration is being given by the Obama Administration to the selective removal or alteration of sanctions as part of an effort to foster more reform in Burma. The 112th Congress may consider either the imposition of additional sanctions or the removal of some of the existing sanctions, depending on the conduct of Burma?s new Union Government and other developments in Burma. This report will be updated as conditions warrant."
Creator/author: Michael F. Martin
Source/publisher: Congressional Research Service
2012-02-07
Date of entry/update: 2012-04-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton?s symbolic visit to Myanmar can be chalked up as a "win" for President Thein Sein by achieving what military regimes were unable to do - garner a semblance of respect. That is tempered by the belief that concessions were as much about countering the regime?s ties to China and North Korea as promoting democracy. As the sincerity of reform is far from certain, the US is taking a gamble..."
Creator/author: Brian McCarten
Source/publisher: Asia Times Online
2011-12-04
Date of entry/update: 2011-12-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Special Briefing Senior State Department Official En Route Busan, South Korea November 29, 2011
Source/publisher: US Department of State
2011-11-29
Date of entry/update: 2011-12-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "Over the past year, Myanmar, ruled for five decades by the military, has undergone its most dramatic reforms in decades. A new civilian government has begun opening the economy, freeing political prisoners, relaxing censorship, and allowing the opposition to reenter politics. The reforms offer the best chance for change in Myanmar in fifty years and a rare window that American policymakers should not miss. To respond, the United States should launch a new conditional normalization that is far more comprehensive than the White House?s current policy. Working with other industrialized democracies, the United States should be prepared to provide a large new aid package, upgrade relations, push for Myanmar?s reentry into global organizations, and potentially end sanctions—if, in return, Myanmar continues to move toward holding free elections, ending its insurgencies, and demonstrating real transparency about its weapons programs. Through this policy shift, the United States could prevent instability that could spread to Thailand, India, and other partners; stop Myanmar?s development of nuclear programs; and help promote democratization in one of the world?s most repressive countries..."
Creator/author: Joshua Kurlantzick
Source/publisher: [US] Council on Foreign Relations (POLICY INNOVATION MEMORANDUM N O . 1 1)
2011-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2011-12-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 57.43 KB
more
Description: "...Department views the ?good offices” mission of the UN Secretary General?s Special Representative (SRSG) to Burma as an important vehicle for encouraging democratic progress in Burma. Consequently, Department has viewed with growing concern the lack of progress on core political steps that the UNSC called on Burma to take such as the immediate release of political prisoners and the opening of a meaningful, time-bound political dialogue with democratic and ethnic minority leaders, in particular, with Aung San Suu Kyi (ASSK), over the course of SRSG Gambari?s four missions to Rangoon. Indeed, it appears that Gambari?s access to regime officials and ability to secure results has only contracted over the course of these missions. His access to democratic leaders has been constrained by both the regime and more recently a loss of confidence in Gambari among leaders of the democracy movement. ¶3. (C) Gambari appears unrealistically upbeat, pursuing and reporting progress on peripheral matters (e.g., a possible economic forum, the possible placement of a UN staff member in Rangoon) that are a distraction from what the Security Council has articulated as critical goals and identified as Gambari?s mandate..."
Source/publisher: US Secretary of State via Wikileaks
2008-10-07
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: A call for the US adminstration to help the casue of Burmese democracy. Note: Translator added additional information for Japanese readers.
Creator/author: (Japanese translation by Yuki Akimoto)
Source/publisher: Washington Post via Burma Info
2002-12-27
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Japanese
more
Description: (Memorandum of April 12, 2001.)
Source/publisher: The White House
2001-04-12
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: (Memorandum of April 12, 2001.)
Source/publisher: The White House
2001-04-12
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Summary: "During a one-hour meeting with Prime Minister Thein Sein on August 14, Senator Webb requested a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi (ASSK) and urged her release from house arrest, noting the positive impact it would have on bilateral relations and Burma?s standing in the world. The Senator also sought the release and deportation of detained American John Yettaw. Using classic regime rhetoric, the PM criticized sanctions as harming the economy and hindering democracy, and explained the regime?s roadmap, promising free, fair and inclusive elections. That said, the Prime Minister made clear that Burma wants better relations with the U.S. as well as the ability to communicate directly with Washington; the regime has tapped Science and Technology Minister and former Ambassador to the U.S. U Thaung as a direct line to the GOB. The tone of the meeting was positive and cordial, with both Senator Webb and the Prime Minister citing the benefits that improved bilateral relations could offer if certain issues are resolved." End summary.
Source/publisher: US Embassy, Rangoon, via Wikileaks
2009-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Summary: "Burma?s senior generals used Senator Webb?s visit to deliver an unequivocal message: the GOB wants better relations with the United States. They want direct communication with Washington and have identified an envoy -- regime insider and former Ambassador to the United States U Thaung. It is certain Than Shwe believes he has unclenched its fist -- granting a first-ever meeting with a U.S. official, arranging a session for Senator Webb with Aung San Suu Kyi, and deporting an American prisoner as a sign of "friendship." The generals will look for a response. We should allow Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win to visit the Embassy in Washington following UNGA. We should undertake immediate discourse with U Thaung, including soon at the Washington level, to sketch out mutual expectations. Meanwhile, we should renew efforts publicly and privately to encourage dialogue between the regime and a "pragmatic" National League for Democracy, while seeking to consult with ASSK throughout the process." End summary.
Source/publisher: US Embassy, Rangoon, via Wikileaks
2009-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Summary: " As the review of U.S. policy regarding Burma continues amid signs that the military regime wants to engage with Washington, we offer some thoughts about the senior generals, what motivates them, what they might want from engagement, and what the U.S. might place on the table. Burma?s military machine is top-down, xenophobic and utterly focused on preserving national unity. At the same time, senior generals are embarrassed by their international pariah status and crave respect. Some are concerned with Burma?s ever-growing dependence on China and its geostrategic location amidst historical foes. Others, having seen a glimpse of the international community?s benevolence following Nargis, no doubt wish for a lifting of sanctions and economic assistance. No matter the motivations, a dialogue with Burma?s senior military leaders will be slow, frustrating, and, within the U.S., politically charged. While dialogue is unlikely to yield major, near-term political outcomes such as changes to the constitution, it might sow seeds for future change by illustrating to the next line of leaders what an improved relationship with the U.S. could look like. Above all, a dialogue could lead to tangible benefits for Burma?s long-suffering people, a worthwhile goal in itself." End summary.
Source/publisher: US Embassy, Rangoon, via Wikileaks
2009-04-02
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "...Embassy Rangoon pol/econ chief departs Post this week after ending a two-year tour that saw the largest political uprising in Burma in twenty years, the arrest and imprisonment of the pro-democracy opposition?s most talented leaders, and the worst natural disaster in Burma?s recorded history. We asked her to share her candid observations on the current political situation, and her recommendations on how best to advance our democratic goals..."
Source/publisher: US Embassy, Rangoon, via Wikileaks
2008-07-14
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Summary: "If the United States wants to make a difference on Burma, it should engage directly with General Than Shwe, Assistant Foreign Minister Cui Tiankai told EAP DAS Eric John on March 5. In a separate meeting, MFA Director General for Asian Affairs Hu Zhengyue stressed that State Councilor Tang "really worked on" the Burmese during his recent visit to Burma, delivering the message that Burma needs to respond to the concerns of the international community. DAS John underlined that the United States is worried that Burma is headed at high speed in the wrong direction. If it adopts a constitution excluding certain parties from the political process, the United States and China could be locked into a cycle of confrontation over Burma at the United Nations. DAS John and AFM Cui also discussed the United States? and China?s overlapping interests in Southeast Asia. With DG Hu, DAS John emphasized the importance of Indonesia and discussed instability in East Timor, positive progress in the Philippines and the situation in post-coup Thailand. EAP DAS Thomas Christensen joined DAS John at the meetings." End Summary.
Source/publisher: US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
2007-03-05
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: Abstract: No living foreigner has shaped contemporary U.S. attitudes toward a single country more than Aung San Suu Kyi. As the seemingly vulnerable international avatar of democracy, she has effectively determined the parameters of possible U.S. policy choices. Although her Burma/Myanmar specific goals and those of the U.S. overlap, they are not contiguous. That country is a ?boutique? issue in U.S. politics – important but not of the highest priority. The U.S. will face difficult policy decisions toward Burma/ Myanmar following the formation of the new Burmese administration after the elections of November 7, 2010.  Manuscript received 9 July 2010; accepted 5 August 2010 Keywords: Burma/Myanmar, United States, policy, house, senate
Creator/author: Steinberg, David
Source/publisher: Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 29, 3, 35-59
2010-08-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
more
Description: "The Obama administration?s initiative to review U.S. policy in six countries, of which Burma/Myanmar1 was one, was taken as a welcome sign among most observers of the Burma/Myanmar scene with the exception of those deeply committed to endorsing even more stringent measures against Naypyidaw.2 They were unrealistically fearful that the Obama administration would completely reverse the policies of the previous Republican and Democratic regimes. This was politically impossible in the United States at that time. Welcome and obvious, but modest, signals, however, had been sent by both the Americans and the Burmese that increased contacts were desirable. The Burmese foreign minister had an unprecedented meeting with a mid-level State Department official in March 2009, and the United States indicated it would consider signing (and later did) the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, which it had not done in large part because of Myanmar?s ASEAN membership, which the U.S. adamantly opposed, in 1997. The beginnings of such contacts moved the possibility of progress forward. The constraints of the domestic U.S. political scene resulted in a modified policy from isolation and regime change under both the Clinton and the Bush administrations to ?pragmatic engagement,? essentially meaning the continuation of the sanctions regimen together with dialogue at a relatively high diplomatic level aimed at the amelioration of human rights violations and governance excesses associated with the junta. In a quiet shift, ?regime change? and the honoring of the May 1990 elections swept by the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) were discarded...Now, as this essay is written in June 2010, a sense of frustration over the lack of progress seems evident in both the American and Burmese camps. In Washington, there is increasing talk of even further sanctions beyond those instituted in 1988 (cutting off military sales and support, as well as the U.S. economic assistance and anti-narcotics programs), 1997 (prohibiting new investment), 2003 (denying imports and the U.S. banking system to the Burmese state), and 2008 (focusing on jade and ruby import restrictions)..."
Creator/author: David I. Steinberg
Source/publisher: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C.
2010-11-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 172.92 KB
more

Pages