VL.png The World-Wide Web Virtual Library
[WWW VL database || WWW VL search]
donations.gif asia-wwwvl.gif

Online Burma/Myanmar Library

Full-Text Search | Database Search | What's New | Alphabetical List of Subjects | Main Library | Reading Room | Burma Press Summary

Home > Main Library > 7-Step Roadmap (Steps leading up to, including and following the 2010 General Elections) > 7-Step Roadmap (Step 5): Holding of free and fair elections for Pyithu Hluttaws (Legislative bodies) according to the new constitution (news and commentary)

Order links by: Reverse Date Title

7-Step Roadmap (Step 5): Holding of free and fair elections for Pyithu Hluttaws (Legislative bodies) according to the new constitution (news and commentary)

Websites/Multiple Documents

Title: UPR of Myanmar: Webcast of the session 9.00-12-00, 27 January 2011 (video)
Date of publication: 27 January 2011
Description/subject: 09:00 - 12:00 - Opening of the session - 8th Plenary Meeting -- 3 hours 3 minutes. This link is to the video record of the complete session.... Subsequent links (following the links to the written documents) are to the individual statements by governments beginning with Myanmar.....The discussion includes many references to the 7 November elections.
Language: English, Arabic, Chinese, French, Russian, Spanish
Source/publisher: Human Rights Council
Format/size: Adobe Flash (3 hours, 3 minutes)
Date of entry/update: 31 January 2011


Title: "Mizzima": Election 2010
Description/subject: "Mizzima's Election 2010 website tracks developments related to the elections both inside and outside the country and provides a comprehensive background to Burma's transition process. Burma's election in 2010 will be the first in 20 years and marks a critical turning point in the country's political transition from a caretaker military government to a democracy. Whether this will bring about real democratic change remains a deep concern, and the direction that Burma will take remains highly unpredictable."
Language: English, Burmese
Source/publisher: Mizzima
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.mizzima.com/election2010.html
Date of entry/update: 27 April 2010


Title: "Burma News International" - Burma Election 2010
Description/subject: Perspectives on the election from the non-Burman groups... * NEWS * WEEKLY ELECTION HIGHLIGHTS * ELECTION BULLETIN * RESOURCES * PHOTOS GALLERY...Interactive Election Map of Burma
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma News International
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 14 September 2010


Title: "Democratic Voice of Burma" - Elections
Description/subject: Various news items, articles, statements etc. on the 2010 Election
Language: English
Source/publisher: Democratic Voice of Burma
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 22 May 2010


Title: "The Myanmar Times" -- Search results for "Election"
Description/subject: 193 results, 31 August 2010
Language: English
Source/publisher: Google'"Myanmar Times"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2010


Title: "The New Light of Myanmar" Search for The 2010 elections
Description/subject: Go to "The New Light of Myanmar" 2009 and "The New Light of Myanmar" 2010 and use your web browser to search for "election" for articles and news items about the 2010 elections which give the SPDC perspectives
Language: English
Source/publisher: News and Periodical Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Format/size: pdf
Date of entry/update: 17 May 2009


Title: 2010 Election Boycott Committee (Japan)
Language: Burmese
Source/publisher: 2010 Election Boycott Committee (Japan)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 September 2010


Title: ALTSEAN-Burma - 2010 Election Watch
Description/subject: The “2010 Election Watch” provides background information and analysis on the events leading up to Burma’s general election as well as up-to-date information on election related issues and activities. We provide our analysis of events in Burma as they happen to monitor whether the electoral process is conducted in a free and fair manner. However, even if the elections are remotely deemed free and fair, the SPDC’s 2008 constitution prevents the establishment of true democracy in Burma. After the election, the constitution will perpetuate military rule, legitimize subjugation of ethnic nationalities, and threaten basic human rights of the Burmese people. Pro-democracy and ethnic nationality groups inside and outside Burma as well as the international community, including ASEAN and the UN, have repeatedly called for the 2010 elections to be free and fair. But the junta has refused to release political prisoners, cease its assault on ethnic nationalities, and engage in genuine dialogue with pro-democracy and ethnic groups. These are necessary conditions for free and fair elections. The “2010 Election Watch” will continue to be updated as more information becomes available. If you have any comments or suggestions, please email us at electionwatch@altsean.org
Language: English
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma
Format/size: html, pdf
Date of entry/update: 10 March 2010


Title: Global Campaign Against Burma's 2010 Military Elections
Description/subject: Initiated by the Ten Alliances of Burma’s democracy and ethnic rights movement: National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB); Democratic Alliance of Burma; National Democratic Front (NDF); National League for Democracy – Liberated Area (NLD-LA); Members of Parliament Union – Burma (MPU); National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB); Forum for Democracy in Burma (FDB); Women’s League of Burma (WLB); Student and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB); Nationalities Youth Forum (NY Forum)..."The Global Campaign Against Burma’s 2010 Military Elections is led by the Ten Alliances of Burma’s democracy and ethnic rights movement, and endorsed by over 160 organizations worldwide. The campaign calls on the international community to stand with the people of Burma, denounce the military's sham elections and call for real democratic change..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Partnership et al
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 22 May 2010


Title: HURFOM - Election 2010: Reports, Information, News and Analysis
Language: English
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 21 April 2010


Title: Maps of constituencies
Description/subject: Maps of: People’s Assembly (Pyithu Hluttaw) - 330 seats...National Assembly (Amyotha Hluttaw) - 168 seats...Division and State Parliaments - 673 seats...Areas where elections are cancelled
Language: English
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 16 October 2010


Title: Myanmar.com - search results for "Election"
Description/subject: 51 results, 31 August 2010
Language: English
Source/publisher: Google - Myanmar.com
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2010


Title: Network Myanmar - 2010 Elections
Description/subject: Substantial collection of documents on the elections -- official texts, commentaries, articles, interviews etc.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Network Myanmar
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 19 January 2010


Individual Documents

Title: Charts of the coverage of political subjects and politicians over the period April-June 2011 by Burmese media in exile and private media subject to censorship restrictions
Date of publication: 24 June 2011
Description/subject: Political subjects and politicians (Time & Tone of the Coverage): Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB TV); "The Irrawaddy", "Mizzima", "Myanmar Times" and "Voice" Journal Charts of Burmese State-sponsored media coverage of political subjects and politicians in the period April-June 2011
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (774K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Charts of the coverage of political subjects and politicians over the period April-June 2011 by Burmese State-sponsored media
Date of publication: 24 June 2011
Description/subject: Political subjects and politicians (Time & Tone of the Coverage) by MYANMAR TV, MYAWADDY TV... (Space & Tone of the Coverage) by KYAYMON (The Mirror), MYANMAR AHLIN (New Light of Myanmar)Charts of Burmese State-sponsored media coverage
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (641K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Monitoring of Burmese media coverage in 2011. Report No. 4 (English)
Date of publication: 24 June 2011
Description/subject: CONCLUSION: "The results of monitoring in 2011 (which was conducted after the appointment of a new civilian government with the aim to assess if there was any change in the state policy revealed the opposite and confirmed the previous trends and patterns observed during the previous monitoring periods. It is thus possible to conclude that the monitored state-controlled media in Burma do not follow any journalistic standards, but serve only as a mouthpiece of the ruling powers. With more than a half a year after the flawed 2010 parliamentary elections, condemned by the United Nations and the whole international community, the main news programs of state-controlled TV channels once again showed only the top state officials and completely ignored any other stakeholders..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (155K)
Date of entry/update: 01 July 2011


Title: Monitoring of Burmese media coverage in 2011: Report No. 4၂၀၁၁ခု ျမန္မာ့မီဒီယာ သတင္းေဖာ္ျပပံုကိုေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာခ်က္ (Burmese)
Date of publication: 24 June 2011
Description/subject: CONCLUSION: "The results of monitoring in 2011 (which was conducted after the appointment of a new civilian government with the aim to assess if there was any change in the state policy revealed the opposite and confirmed the previous trends and patterns observed during the previous monitoring periods. It is thus possible to conclude that the monitored state-controlled media in Burma do not follow any journalistic standards, but serve only as a mouthpiece of the ruling powers. With more than a half a year after the flawed 2010 parliamentary elections, condemned by the United Nations and the whole international community, the main news programs of state-controlled TV channels once again showed only the top state officials and completely ignored any other stakeholders..."
Language: Burmese
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (126K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BURMA'S 2010 ELECTIONS
Date of publication: 08 April 2011
Description/subject: Conclusion: "The 2010 elections were designed as a step along the military regime’s roadmap to “disciplined democracy,” following the referendum on the 2008 constitution. The elections were held not to provide the citizens of Burma with a government of their choice, but to gain international legitimacy for the regime’s extended rule in Burma. The people of Burma as well as the international community expected that the elections results would be a sham and not free and fair. ND-Burma’s fi ndings confi rm expectations showing that actions taken in the pre-elections period were consistent with ongoing violations committed by the military regime, to legitimize and perpetuate its power. The elections in Burma, the fi rst in 20 years, were not free and fair and did not meet even basic international standards. ND-Burma collected hundreds of cases of violations related to the elections. This report includes a number of key selected accounts that illustrate the human rights violations and irregularities that occurred in the lead up to the elections, and the experience of repression and fear lived in Burma. Perpetrators of those violations were authorities and USDP members. The victims of those threats were the people of Burma. Due to the numerous threats people faced diffi culties, disappointment, frustration and fear during the elections process and had to vote against their will. The regime’s proxy party, USDP, employed cunning tactics and intimidation to win the elections. The elections law announced by the UEC breached a number of democratic standards and human rights by putting in place restrictions to party registration, limiting freedom of expression, assembly and association and denying the right to vote to many, through ways of intimidation, threat, fraud, vote buying and vote rigging. The UEC laws set the background for an uneven contest. The extensive use of threats, coercion and intimidation throughout the elections period constitutes one of the main violations committed and reinforced the uneven playfi eld in which the elections took place. Restrictions to freedom of movement, freedom of expression, assembly and association, imposed by the elections laws and unclear laws adopted over the past 30 years, seriously limited opposition candidates’ capacity to campaign freely, fairly and effectively. Restrictions of travel prevented opposition political parties and their supporters from traveling; and curfews were implemented to crack down on public demonstrations against the elections and reduce movement of people. Opposition candidates and representatives, voters and villagers were pressured by authorities, military offi cials and USDP to support the USDP and forced to vote; and, on occasions, were denied the right to vote. On 16 September and 2 November 2010, the UEC announced that voting would not be held in some areas of Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Shan and Mon States. Irregularities with voter lists and the cast of votes without voter consent and/or knowledge violated their right to vote. It is believed that the denial of the right to vote and misuse of voter lists was deliberately used to exclude opponents to the regime from ballots. Many irregularities linked to vote count were registered, which seriously undermines the credibility of the results announced and published in the State media. Advance votes played a key role in determining the outcomes of the elections and irregularities observed are considered to have seriously undermined the credibility of the elections. The restrictions on freedom of expression imposed during the elections period continue to be felt by current members of the parliament. Clashes with armed groups, which broke straight after the elections results were announced, and the building of tensions over the Border Guard force are likely to deteriorate the human rights situation in Burma rather than improve. This report highlights SPDC and the proxy party’s reality. The elections did not bring any positive hopes and changes to Burma. Many high ranking perpetrators from the military regime, who have committed a series of human rights violations, are in the newly formed cabinet. Thus, the new government will consist of old perpetrators of human rights violations. They will take offi ce and will implement what is stated in the 2008 constitution, ensuring the continuation of military rule, the impunity for perpetrators and the mandate to commit more human rights violations. The elections did not represent a signifi cant change in the human rights situation in Burma and impunity remains entrenched. ND-Burma will continue to monitor human rights violations to give a voice to the people of Burma and to expose unjust policies and practices of the military and their proxies."
Language: English
Source/publisher: ND-Burma
Date of entry/update: 08 April 2011


Title: The Situation in Karen State after the Elections
Date of publication: April 2011
Description/subject: "For over sixty years the Karens have been fighting the longest civil war in recent history. The struggle, which has seen demands for an autonomous state changed to equal recognition within a federal union, has been bloody and characterized by a number of splits within the movement. While all splinter groups ostensibly split to further ethnic Karen aspirations; recent decisions by some to join the Burmese government’s Border Guard Force (BGF) is seen as an end to such aspirations. Although a number of Karen political parties were formed to contest the November elections, the likelihood of such parties seriously securing appropriate ethnic representation without regime capitulation is doubtful. While some have argued, perhaps correctly, that the only legitimate option was to contest the elections, the closeness of some Karen representatives to the current regime can only prolong the status quo. This papers examines the problems currently affecting Karen State after the 7 November elections..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Euro-Burma Office (EBO Analysis Paper No. 1/2011)
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://euro-burma.eu/doc/EBO_Analysis_Paper_No_1_2011_-_Karen_State.pdf
Date of entry/update: 21 April 2011


Title: Hobson’s Choice : Burma’s 2010 Elections
Date of publication: 08 March 2011
Description/subject: Executive Summary: The SPDC presented its “Seven-Step Roadmap to Democracy” (the ‘Roadmap Process’) in 2003. The first four steps related to the development of a new constitution, which was drafted with virtually no public participation, then adopted and approved in a referendum orchestrated by the regime. The Burmese government announced that public support for the new constitution was 92.48 percent. The 2010 elections are an integral part of the final steps of the Roadmap Process, and are viewed as important initiatives towards lifting Burma out of its desperate economic and social circumstances. The regime declared its election laws on March 8, 2010. The electoral administration was appointed unilaterally by the regime on March 11, 2010, and soon showed itself to heavily favor the regime and its allies. The Union Election Commission (UEC) lacked independence; the SPDC directly appointed its members with no public input. Political parties had to register with the Union Election Commission and request permission to run. The election laws were developed by the military government and effectively prohibited longstanding opponents of the regime from contesting the elections. One of the laws, on political party registration, resulted in the silencing of many of the most prominent opposition voices. It required all political parties to register or reregister in order to remain in existence and compete in the elections. But parties could do so only if none of their members were currently imprisoned based on a court conviction. This requirement presented parties with a choice of either expelling prominent imprisoned members, or declining to reregister. Many countries demanded the release of Burma’s democratic icon, and Nobel Laureate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and her full participation in the election. However, the National League for Democracy soon announced it would boycott the election rather than banish its leader. The UEC failed to step in to ensure a level political playing field, and the use of government resources for political purposes was common. Eventually, 47 political parties attempted to register. The UEC initially approved 42 to contest the elections. However, the commission then dissolved five of the parties, leaving 37 approved parties and over 80 individual candidates. Nationwide, there were over 35,000 polling stations. The largest party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), grew out of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a regime-created and -run organization that has received substantial government support since 1993. The USDP registration application listed 27 ex-military officers among its members, along with the sitting prime minister and other government ministers. The election laws prohibited civil servants from being members of political parties, but the election administrators declared that ministers were not civil servants, a decision that was clearly meant to favor the USDP. Many political parties met the requirement to submit party membership lists and name their candidates before the deadlines. However, other parties said they were struggling to raise funds and meet the necessary requirements in the short time remaining before the election. By election day, 23 parties remained to participate in the elections. Many ethnic politicians saw this election as a rare opportunity to campaign for ethnic rights and democracy. Therefore, they formed new parties to run in the elections. Some ethnic armed groups agreed to be transformed into members of the junta-controlled Border Guard Force (BGF). The Censorship Board (The Press Scrutiny and Registration Board, or PSRB) issued a directive prohibiting all weekly publications in the country from publishing any commentary or analysis on the electoral laws. Also, the approved political parties needed to apply for permission from the PSRB within 90 days after registering with the UEC for permission to print their own campaign materials. Each party had also to deposit 500,000 Kyats (USD 500) with the PSRB. The UEC announced nine restrictions for campaign speeches, while also limiting each party to 15 minutes of media airtime each. Media organizations and political parties faced numerous obstacles, such as only having 15 minutes of airtime for the entire campaign, restrictions, communications and internet slowdowns, threats of punishment, and cyber-attacks. U Thein Soe, the commission chairman, declared, “The country does not need any foreign journalists or observers.” Only 25 journalists working for the foreign media, along with two Chinese correspondents, were allowed to cover the polls. While these elections clearly fell short of international standards, they marked an important step forward towards a more democratic state. Political parties, candidates, and voters were well aware that the playing field for these elections were not level, but many decided to take advantage of the small window of political space that was opened. It is important to acknowledge that while the campaign environment was highly constrained and many irregularities were observed on election day – and advance voting was especially open to abuse – this does not necessarily fatally undermine all of the results of this election. The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) enjoyed access to state resources and attempted to coerce voters into supporting the party. This had an effect on some voters, particularly those in more rural areas and some state employees who did not feel that they could exercise their vote freely. But the majority of the Burmese people resisted such pressure and voted for the party of their choice. Unilaterally dismissing the results of these elections underestimates the potential that the elections hold. Twenty-three out of 37 approved parties successfully contested the elections. The USDP won 129 out of 168 seats in the National Parliament, 259 out of 325 seats in the People’s Parliament, and 494 out of 661 seats in Regional and State Parliaments. For the final results of Burma’s 2010 elections, the regime-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won approximately 76.48 percent of the seats in the National Parliament (Amyotha Hluttaw) and the People’s Parliament (Pyithu Hluttaw). Following the regime’s Seven-Step Roadmap and the SPDC-written constitution, the new parliaments were convened on January 31, 2011. The USDP took all important positions, including president, vice president, all parliament speakers. All of the earning and spending cabinets are held by former members of the USDP and the military. The Union Parliament (Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) consists of 659 representatives. The number of USDP representatives in the Union Parliament totals 388, with an additional 166 military appointees. Non-USDP parties contribute 105 representatives. There are 435 representatives in the People’s Parliament (Pyithu Hluttaw). The USDP contributes 259 representatives. There are 110 military appointees and 66 representatives from other parties. The National Parliament (Amyotha Hluttaw) has 224 representatives, with 129 belonging to the USDP, and 56 of them military appointees. Opposition parties provide 39 representatives. There are 883 representatives in regional and state parliaments. USDP has 494 representatives, while military appointees total 222. All other parties contribute 167 representatives to these parliaments. During the election period, it became increasingly clear that the use of advance votes obtained through coerced voting or outright fraud was a major problem. These advance votes were often taken before the official advance voting period of November 5–6. This advance voting seems to be part of a systematic operation to give the USDP an insurmountable lead before Election Day. These ballots were generally collected in every manner possible, often relying on proxy voting, ghost voting, or coerced voting using threats and intimidation. Allegations of fraud and counting/advance voting irregularities were common. These should be reported to the UEC, who should be responsive and pro-active in investigating and prosecuting. During the vote-counting period, many of these advanced ballots were added to the count with Election Day’s relatively cleaner ballots to push USDP candidates past the finish line. No accounting was released of the vote totals from each kind of vote, or the number of spoiled, invalid, or unused ballots. The opacity of the vote counting process created, and rightly so, a great deal of distrust and suspicion among election stakeholders. From the international community, only China gave its unqualified support for the election process and the junta’s agenda to solidify its control of the country through implementation of the 2008 constitution. The UN Human Rights Committee has made clear that to conduct genuine elections there should be an independent electoral authority to manage elections fairly and impartially, and independent scrutiny of the election process must be allowed. Neither citizens nor parties had the freedom to debate or scrutinize the elections in Burma as openly as is required. Indeed, the 2010 electoral process in Burma failed to meet even the most basic international standards: • Government based on the will of the people • Basic human rights • Freedom to stand for election • Impartial election administration To conclude, whether the election was free and fair or not, it was a certainty. However, many Burmese voters and world citizens continue to be deprived of accurate information about the process. Therefore, BNI would like to help fill the gap with concrete information and help Burmese citizens, especially those inside Burma, tell the world about their expectations and experiences during the election process and the vote itself.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma News International
Format/size: pdf (1.7 - original; 1.3 - OBL version)
Alternate URLs: http://www.bnionline.net/images/2011/JanMar/HobsonsChoice-Burmas-2010-Elections.pdf
Date of entry/update: 08 March 2011


Title: Myanmar’s Post-Election Landscape
Date of publication: 07 March 2011
Description/subject: I. OVERVIEW: "The November 2010 elections in Myanmar were not free and fair and the country has not escaped authoritarian rule. Predictably, in such a tightly controlled poll, the regime’s own Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won a landslide victory leaving the military elite still in control. Together with the quarter of legislative seats reserved for soldiers, this means there will be little political space for opposition members in parliament. The new government that has been formed, and which will assume power in the coming weeks, also reflects the continued dominance of the old order with the president and one of the two vice presidents drawn from its ranks and a number of cabinet ministers recycled. Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to conclude that nothing has changed. The top two leaders of the former military regime have stepped aside, and a new generation has taken over. A new constitution has come into force, which fundamentally reshapes the political landscape, albeit in a way that ensures the continued influence of the military. A number of technocrats have been brought into the cabinet, and at the local level ethnic groups now have at least some say in the governance of their affairs. These changes are unlikely to translate into dramatic reforms in the short term, but they provide a new governance context, improving the prospects for incremental reform. This moment of relative change in a situation that has been deadlocked for twenty years provides a chance for the international community to encourage the government to move in the direction of greater openness and reform. But this opportunity can only be seized if the West changes its failed policies of sanctions and isolation. These policies are counterproductive: they have a negative impact on the population and on the prospects for dialogue and reconciliation – and by reinforcing the siege mentality of Myanmar’s leadership, they undermine the chances that the new generation of leaders will break with the isolationist and authoritarian direction of the previous regime. Improved policies must start with the recognition that sanctions have had counterproductive effects and caused ordinary people to suffer, and have impeded the country’s development. To redress this, restrictions on development assistance should be immediately lifted and levels of aid increased. Restrictions on technical assistance from international financial institutions should also be removed. These bodies should be encouraged to work on pressing concerns such as poverty alleviation, social and economic policy reform, education, and capacity building. Restrictions that hold back the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and other UN agencies should be lifted. Broadbased economic sanctions such as those imposed by the U.S. on imports and the EU’s denial of trade privileges should also go. A new approach urgently needs to be adopted, one that provides much greater support for Myanmar’s people and for the socio-economic reforms that are essential for improving their lives, while convincing the leadership that a renormalisation of relations with the West is possible if they embark on a process of significant political reform. In its reporting over recent years, Crisis Group has set out some of the elements of such an approach: structured regional and international engagement; a normalisation of aid relations; opportunities to promote reform and greater openness at a key moment of political transition; and giving greater priority to peaceful resolution of the ethnic issue."
Language: English, Burmese
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Briefing N° 118)
Subscribe: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs12/Myanmars_Post-Election_Landscape.pdf-red.pdf
Format/size: pdf (English: 429K - OBL version; 3.28MB - original...Burmese - OBL version, 573K; 3.11MB - orginal)
Alternate URLs: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/burma-myanmar/B118%20Myanmars%20Post-...
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/other-languages/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/burma-myanmar/B118...
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs12/Myanmars_Post-Election_Landscape-MYANMAR(bu)-red.pdf
Date of entry/update: 07 March 2011


Title: Charts of the coverage of political subjects and politicians over the period 7-21 November 2010 by Burmese media in exile and private media subject to censorship restrictions
Date of publication: 22 February 2011
Description/subject: Political subjects, politicians (Space/Time & Tone of the Coverage): "Voice Journal" newspaper (also 1 September-25 October, 2010); Democratic Voice of Burma TV, radio & website; "The Irrawaddy" website, "Mizzima" website;
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (1MB)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Charts of the coverage of political subjects and politicians over the period 7-21 November 2010 by Burmese State-sponsored media
Date of publication: 22 February 2011
Description/subject: Political subjects and politicians (Time & Tone of the Coverage): MYANMAR TV, MYAWADDY TV... Political subjects and politicians (Space & Tone of the Coverage): KYAYMON (The Mirror), MYANMAR AHLIN (New Light of Myanmar)
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (747MB)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Monitoring of the post-Election media coverage of Burmese political actors, 7–21 November 2010: Report No. 3
Date of publication: 22 February 2011
Description/subject: Conclusion: "The previous monitoring reports reflecting the period prior to the elections noted that the statecontrolled media in Burma act as a mouthpiece of the ruling powers and do not follow any professional journalistic standards. This report which covers the the period of two weeks after the e-day showed that the general trends in the state media coverage identified in the previous reports remain unchanged. While the media coverage in state controlled outlets focused on election, its coverage was narrow and lacked any analytical or critical views of the process. Clear bias in favor of state officials and incumbents, compounded by a complete lack of any critical coverage of authorities and a lack of coverage of opposition views characterized the coverage offered by the Burmese state media. The coverage which the release of NLD leader got in state media was extremely limited and insignificant in comparison with the extent of presentation of the authorities. The exile media offered diverse picture of political actors and gave large attention to the NLD leader after she was released from her house arrest; the NLD was a dominant political subject presented in the exile media. In this regards the elections were overshadowed by the sudden presence of the NLD leader in Burmese political life and the NLD, while actively boycotting elections, dominated the post election coverage of exile media"
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (76K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Monitoring of the post-Election media coverage of Burmese political actors: Report No. 3 (7–21 November 2010)ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲလြန္ကာလ ျမန္မာ့နိုင္ငံေရးလွႈပ္ရ� (Burmese)
Date of publication: 22 February 2011
Description/subject: Conclusion: "The previous monitoring reports reflecting the period prior to the elections noted that the statecontrolled media in Burma act as a mouthpiece of the ruling powers and do not follow any professional journalistic standards. This report which covers the the period of two weeks after the e-day showed that the general trends in the state media coverage identified in the previous reports remain unchanged. While the media coverage in state controlled outlets focused on election, its coverage was narrow and lacked any analytical or critical views of the process. Clear bias in favor of state officials and incumbents, compounded by a complete lack of any critical coverage of authorities and a lack of coverage of opposition views characterized the coverage offered by the Burmese state media. The coverage which the release of NLD leader got in state media was extremely limited and insignificant in comparison with the extent of presentation of the authorities. The exile media offered diverse picture of political actors and gave large attention to the NLD leader after she was released from her house arrest; the NLD was a dominant political subject presented in the exile media. In this regards the elections were overshadowed by the sudden presence of the NLD leader in Burmese political life and the NLD, while actively boycotting elections, dominated the post election coverage of exile media"
Language: Burmese
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (60K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Burma’s 2010 Elections: a comprehensive report
Date of publication: 31 January 2011
Description/subject: "...A report released by the Burma Fund UN Office for the opening of Burma’s first Parliament, documents the widespread political repression and human rights abuses marring the electoral process in the country’s first elections in more than 20 years. It shows that none of the fundamental requirements for free and fair elections exist in Burma, and instead of heralding in positive change, the elections brought about a deepening of Burma’s human rights crisis. Through media reports, interviews and documentation from networks operating clandestinely inside the country, a comprehensive analysis of the entire election period is provided. The 46page report details the human rights abuses occurring in the lead up to the elections, on the election day itself, and in the postelection period. At every step of the way, standards for free, fair and credible elections were not met and the predictable result of an overwhelming majority by the military backed Union Solidarity and Development Party was a foregone conclusion...The report documents widespread electoral fraud; interference from the ruling military regime in the campaign and conduct of the elections; vote buying; forced advanced voting; violence, intimidation and arrests; and the disenfranchisement of significant ethnic constituencies..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Fund UN Office
Format/size: pdf (5.5MB)
Alternate URLs: http://burmatoday.net/organizations2005/20110131_Comprehensive%20Report%20on%202010%20Elections_31_...
Date of entry/update: 31 January 2011


Title: THE 2010 GENERALS’ ELECTION
Date of publication: January 2011
Description/subject: CONTENTS: BURMA’S ELECTIONS: MORE THREATS, MORE REPRESSION, LESS DEMOCRACY... ELECTION TIMELINE... ELECTION IN NUMBERS... THE PARLIAMENT: MORE RESTRICTIONS USHER IN NEW REGIME: USDP elects Burma’s President; Impeachment impossible; Constitutional amendments monopolized; Parliamentary procedures controlled; Parliamentarians gagged; Public barred from Parliament... LAWMAKERS’ WHO’S WHO: SOLDIERS, DRUG LORDS, AND CRONIES: The generals’ new clothes; Drug lords and regime cronies elected to office... INSTABILITY INCREASES AFTER POLLS... LEGAL FRAMEWORK: UNFAIR ELECTION LAWS AGAINST INT’L STANDARDS... ELECTION ADMINISTRATION: PARTIES EXCLUDED, VOTERS DISENFRANCHISED: Election Commission ensures SPDC control over elections; Ethnic parties excluded, candidates rejected; Party and candidate registration hindered; Ethnic voters disenfranchised... ELECTION CAMPAIGN: RESTRICTIONS, THREATS, AND INTIMIDATION: Freedom of expression, assembly, and movement heavily restricted; Harassment, coercion, and vote buying; Unfair allocation of state resources... MEDIA: CENSORSHIP, HARASSMENT, AND PROPAGANDA: Private media silenced; Foreign journalists barred, domestic reporters harassed; State-run media: Censorship, threats, and 15 minutes of fame; Propaganda and threats “yes”; information “no”... VOTING AND POST ELECTION: FRAUD, IRREGULARITIES, AND RETALIATION: Fraud, irregularities, threats, and harassment; Political parties slam polls; Post-election retaliation... ELECTION COMPLAINTS: NO REDRESS FOR ELECTION VIOLATIONS... ELECTION RESULTS: A VICTORY FORETOLD FOR THE USDP... INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS: POLLS MET BY WIDESPREAD CONDEMNATION: ASEAN welcomes the election; Manila and Jakarta note concerns; UN: Election not free, fair, or transparent; US: Election “unacceptable”; EU: Election in a “climate of fear” and results “a forgone conclusion”; Japan: SPDC fails to fulfill “expectations”; Rest of the ‘West’ slams the polls; China: Polls a “critical step”.
Language: English
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma (BURMA ISSUES & CONCERNS VOL. 6)
Format/size: pdf (1.113MB)
Date of entry/update: 01 February 2011


Title: The State of Human Rights in Burma in 2010
Date of publication: 09 December 2010
Description/subject: BURMA: Government by confusion & the un-rule of law: "The first elections held in Burma for two decades on 7 November 2010 ended as most people thought they would, with the military party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party, taking a vast majority in the national parliament through rigged balloting. Almost a week later, after days of disgruntlement and debate about the outcome of the elections, the military regime released the leader of the National League for Democracy, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, from house arrest. Although Aung San Suu Kyi’s release was expected, since November 13 was the deadline on the period of imprisonment imposed through a fraudulent criminal case against her in 2009, it perplexed many foreign observers, who asked questions about why the military would acquiesce to her release at a time that it may provoke and create unnecessary problems during the planned transition from full-frontal army dictatorship to authoritarian clique in civilian garb. What most of these persons have not yet understood about the nature of the state in Burma is that government by confusion is an operating principle. For them, as military strategists and planners who think in terms of threats and enemies, the most effective strategies and plans are those where both outside observers and as many people in the domestic population as possible are left uncertain about what has happened and why, what may or may not happen next, and what it all means. This principle of government by confusion underpins the un-rule of law in Burma to which the Asian Human Rights Commission has pointed, described and analyzed through careful study of hundreds of cases and attendant information over the last few years. Whereas the rule of law depends upon a minimum degree of certainty by which citizens can organize their lives, the un-rule of law depends upon uncertainty. Whereas rule of law depends upon consistency in how state institutions and their personnel operate, the un-rule of law depends upon arbitrariness. Whereas rule of law is intimately connected to the protection of human rights, the un-rule of law is associated with the denial of rights, and with the absence of norms upon which rights can even by nominally established. In this annual report, the AHRC points more explicitly to the links between this operating principle and the un-rule of law..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC-SPR-002-2010)
Format/size: pdf (307K)
Date of entry/update: 04 January 2011


Title: A Changing Ethnic Landscape: Analysis of Burma's 2010 Polls
Date of publication: December 2010
Description/subject: "...The elections held in Burma on 7 November 2010 were not free and fair. The manipulation of the vote count was even more blatant than those parties and individuals who decided to participate, despite the unlevel playing field, had expected. This has severely limited the opposition’s representation in the legislatures, and it has seriously damaged the credibility of the new government to be formed in the coming weeks. Nevertheless, the significance of the elections should not be underestimated. This was a point made in advance of the elections by many opposition parties that took part, that they were participating not out of any misguided sense that the polls would be credible, but because of the important structural shifts the elections should bring: a generational transition within the military leadership, an array of new constitutional and political structures, and some space to openly debate political issues. A positive evolution is not inevitable, but those major changes present new opportunities that should be recognized and utilized. The release of Aung San Suu Kyi also presents important opportunities for the country, even if the motives behind it may have been questionable. This paper provides an overview of the final election results, and discusses the implications for the functioning of the legislatures. While the regime-created Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) together with the armed forces have overwhelming control of the national legislatures and the legislatures in the Burman-majority regions, the picture is more complex in the ethnic-state legislatures. The main focus of this paper is on the opportunities that may exist for improving the governance of ethnic areas. In this respect, the relative success of some ethnic parties must be set against the fact that several others were excluded from the elections, and that a dangerous confrontation continues between the government and several ceasefire groups..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute, Burma Centrum Nederland
Format/size: pdf (176K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/bpb4final.pdf
Date of entry/update: 15 December 2010


Title: The Mechanics of Manipulation
Date of publication: December 2010
Description/subject: An international election observer describes some of the workings of the Burmese regime’s vote-rigging machine.... "...If the recent election is anything to go by, then there is very little hope that democracy will unfold in a manner that supporters of Suu Kyi would like to see. Having had the opportunity to see the election from very close quarters, I would say that the biggest worry is the way the military junta played a part in robbing all elements of fairness from the franchise. While most of the attention seems to be on the Election Commission (EC) and the junta-backed political party, the Union Solidarity Development Party (USDP), what is being overlooked is the direct involvement of the junta in the electoral process..."
Author/creator: B.D. Prakash
Language: Englsh
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 12
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 26 December 2010


Title: Those Shadowy Advance Votes
Date of publication: December 2010
Description/subject: "...how did Shadaw achieve a 100 percent turnout, when the percentage of voters who actually bothered to go to the polling stations was in the low single digits? The answer, in two words that have been repeated often since the election, is: advance votes. Throughout the country, advance votes played a key role in determining the outcome of contests that were much closer than those in Shadaw, where the USDP garnered more than 90 percent of the votes. According to research by The Irrawaddy, there were at least 60 confirmed cases of candidates losing overnight after advance votes were added to the total, despite having a clear lead as election day counting neared completion. In almost every case, the final outcome favored the USDP...Shadaw was not so exceptional after all, but rather a fairly typical example of how the USDP managed to sweep Burma’s first election in 20 years, setting the stage for a new, quasi-civilian government backed by the leaders of the current regime. However, with the shadow of a rigged election hanging over it, the USDP will have its work cut out for it to convince the Burmese people and the rest of the world that its “victory” is indeed a step in the right direction for a country that has not known democracy for nearly half a century..."
Author/creator: Htet Aung
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 12
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 26 December 2010


Title: BURMA 2010 ELECTION RECAP
Date of publication: 26 November 2010
Description/subject: Election Day; Reactions; Results; Final results; People’s Assembly results; National Assembly results..... Widespread evidence of electoral fraud, irregularities, threats, harassment, and lack of independent monitoring characterized Election Day and the days leading up to it... The election process was met by widespread condemnation inside and outside Burma, with the significant exception of ASEAN and China... In total, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won 883 (or 76.52%) of the 1,154 seats at stake in the election... The USDP’s overwhelming majority in both houses of Parliament, coupled with the 25% of the seats occupied by the military, means that the USDP/military bloc can unilaterally amend the 2008 constitution (which, for ordinary matters, requires the approval of over 75% of the representatives of both houses of Parliament). In addition, the USDP/military bloc can unilaterally elect Burma’s next President.
Language: English
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma
Format/size: pdf (320K)
Date of entry/update: 25 November 2010


Title: Outcome of the Myanmar elections
Date of publication: 17 November 2010
Description/subject: "Elections for the bicameral national legislature as well as fourteen state and regional legislatures were held on Sunday 7 November. Voting took place in a peaceful and somewhat subdued atmosphere, but it was marred by what appears to be massive manipulation of the vote count. The official results show the regime’s Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) winning a massive majority. Several other parties have condemned the count, and have launched legal challenges (without much expectation of success). Nevertheless, they had always seen these elections as the first step of a long and difficult process, and the consensus of most parties at this point is that they must continue to engage with the process, taking their seats in the legislatures and making the best use of the limited space that has opened. Also, despite the irregularities, a number of ethnic-minority parties have fared reasonably well, particularly in the state/region legislatures. This paper provides an account of the voting process on election day, and a detailed analysis of the official results. It then makes some observations on what may lie ahead for the country in the next few months, in light of the election results as well as the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the ongoing tensions in some ethnic areas..."
Author/creator: Richard Horsey
Language: English
Source/publisher: Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum
Format/size: pdf (265K)
Date of entry/update: 24 November 2010


Title: Elections and Myanmar’s political future
Date of publication: 09 November 2010
Description/subject: There are both challenges and opportunities for the new government which will come to power in Myanmar
Author/creator: K Yhome
Language: English
Source/publisher: Tehelka
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 10 November 2010


Title: Intimidation, imprisonment and repression: The road to military victory in the 2010 Elections
Date of publication: 08 November 2010
Description/subject: 1. Introduction... 2. The lead up to the 2010 Elections... 3. Methodology... 4. Threat of violence, intimidation, or other forms of coercion: The Unlawful Collection of Money, Canvassing with threats, Organizing with incentives, Forced membership in the USDP, Forced Membership in the USDP for Government employees, Threats of arrest if not vote for USDP, Village authorities and chairpersons pressured to get USDP votes, USDP’s use of regional militia units to organize voters, Intimidation to divide the opposition... 5. DENIAL of the Right to FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT: ARBITRARY/ILLEGAL ARRESTS/DETENTION, 5 PEOPLE ARRESTED IN NORTH OKKALAPA TOWNSHIP ON 14 SEPTEMBER, 3 PEOPLE ARRESTED IN RANGOON ON 17 SEPTEMBER, 3 PEOPLE ARRESTED IN RANGOON ON 18 SEPTEMBER24, Arrest of 2 young people who posted “no national unity party” posters... TORTURE... 6. FORCED LABOR... DENYING THE RIGHT TO EXPRESSION, ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION: Lack of education on the elections and people’s electoral rights... 7. PREVENTED FROM PARTICIPATING In the elections: The exclusion of ethnic areas from voting, PREVENTED FROM VOTING, RAKHINE PROGRESSIVE PARTY PREVENTED FROM CAMPAINGING... 8. CONFISCATION AND THE DESTRUCTION OF LAND AND PROPERTY... 9. CONCLUSION
Language: English
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Format/size: pdf (892K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.nd-burma.org/
Date of entry/update: 09 November 2010


Title: PRELIMINARY FINDINGS REPORT
Date of publication: 08 November 2010
Description/subject: Key Findings: • The administration of the poll was generally smooth and most regulations were followed: 71% of observers reported that the voting process was efficiently handled. Infractions were observed in many polling stations, though probably not on a scale that would significantly shift the overall result of the election. • Regulations on the counting process were not strictly adhered to. At 30% of polling stations the counting process was not conducted in front of the public, though to some extent this problem was mitigated by the presence of party agents, who provided some measure of oversight. • Some polling officials carried out their duties competently and neutrally, more so than expected. However, when complaints arose from voters, parties, or candidates, they appeared unwilling or unable to handle such problems. • Concern about the conduct of advance voting is widespread. How it has been carried out varies significantly from place to place. Voters have expressed worry that the secrecy of their advance votes was not guaranteed. • Election-related violence appears to have been very limited, both on election day and during the pre-election period. • In general the pre-election environment was constrained in significant ways: through a restrictive legal framework, by a politicised Union Election Commission (UEC), and within a government controlled media environment. But at the same time, the election represented an opportunity to voice more alternative political views which parties took advantage of, particularly in urban areas. • The abuse of state resources was one of the most widespread problems during the campaign period. 97% of observers reported that the state’s financial and material resources were not equally used by political parties and candidates for campaign activities. This is primarily a reflection of the longstanding close relationship between USDP and the government. The extent to which voters were actually swayed by the USDP’s greater resources is not yet known. • Voter education was severely lacking. The average voter in Myanmar was not at all well informed about parties and candidates, how to vote, what they were voting for, or what their rights as voters are. The UEC’s voter education materials were politically neutral but their campaign was far too short to be effective. This contributed to the disengagement of some voters and also left them more susceptible to coercion.
Language: English
Source/publisher: "an independent and politically neutral local association based in Myanmar." via Network Myanmar
Format/size: pdf (87K)
Date of entry/update: 15 November 2010


Title: Burma’s Fake Election & The Post- Election Structure
Date of publication: 07 November 2010
Description/subject: Focus on Burma’s election has largely been on the Parliament, but is fact this is a largely powerless body which will be dominated by the military. Real power will lie with the President, the Commanderin- Chief and the new National Defense and Security Council....In brief: • Assembly/Parliament with one Upper House and one lower house • 14 regional and state assemblies (Parliaments) • 25% of seats (110) in People Assembly (Lower House) reserved for military • 25% of seats (56) in Upper House reserved for military • 25% of seats in state and regional assemblies reserved for the military • 1,163 seats available by vote (but voting banned in at least 6 seats in ethnic areas) • 37 parties allowed to participate • Dictatorship linked parties only ones which can afford to stand in almost every constituency • 2,203 political prisoners unable to take part • New National Defense and Security Council where real power lies – not Parliament
Language: English
Source/publisher: The Burma Campaign UK
Format/size: pdf (408K)
Date of entry/update: 11 November 2010


Title: Statement by President Obama on Burma’s November 7 Elections
Date of publication: 07 November 2010
Description/subject: "The November 7 elections in Burma were neither free nor fair, and failed to meet any of the internationally accepted standards associated with legitimate elections. The elections were based on a fundamentally flawed process and demonstrated the regime’s continued preference for repression and restriction over inclusion and transparency..."
Author/creator: President Obama
Language: English
Source/publisher: Office of the Press Secretary, The White House
Format/size: pdf (52K)
Date of entry/update: 09 November 2010


Title: Charts of the coverage of political subjects and politicians over the period 1 September-25 October 2010 by Burmese media in exile and private media subject to censorship restrictions
Date of publication: 05 November 2010
Description/subject: Political subjects and politicians (Time & Tone of the Coverage): Democratic Voice of Burma TV, radio, website; "Eleven" newspaper; "Myanmar Times" and "Voice" Journal
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (1MB)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Charts of the coverage of political subjects and politicians over the period 1 September-25 October 2010 by Burmese State-sponsored media
Date of publication: 05 November 2010
Description/subject: Political subjects and politicians (Time & Tone of the Coverage): MYANMAR TV, MYAWADDY TV... Political subjects and politicians (Space & Tone of the Coverage): KYAYMON (The Mirror), MYANMAR AHLIN (New Light of Myanmar)
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (691K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Forget About the Sham Burmese Elections It's the growing risk of ethnic violence the world should worry about.
Date of publication: 05 November 2010
Description/subject: "As the world prepares to label this weekend's elections in Myanmar an undemocratic farce -- which of course they are -- a brewing potential crisis in the country's border regions is being ignored. While cease-fire agreements have tempered the civil wars that have raged for much of Myanmar's 62-year post-independence history, these conflicts have never been fully resolved. Fighting in the northeastern Kokang region in August 2009 forced more than 30,000 refugees to flee across the border to China. Now, the government's aggressive tactics are increasing tensions in a high-stakes game of ethnic politics, one that carries significant potential for violent conflict..."
Author/creator: Stephanie T. Kleine-Ahlbrandt
Language: English, Español, Spanish
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/11/05/forget_about_the_burmese_elections
Date of entry/update: 11 November 2010


Title: Monitoring of the media coverage prior to 7 November elections in Burma. Report No. 2 (1 September–25 October 2010)
Date of publication: 05 November 2010
Description/subject: Conclusion: "The three months of monitoring revealed that monitored state-controlled media in Burma do not follow any professional journalistic standards, but only serve as a mouthpiece of the ruling powers. Plain bias in favor of state officials and incumbents and no reflection of opposing or critical views in state-controlled media was observed during the entire three-month monitoring period. In the period preceding the elections, the main news programs of the state-controlled TV channels were showing only the top state officials and completely ignored any other stakeholders. They offered an exceptionally limited range of diversity of political actors, with any other political subjects having virtually no access to the country’s most important sources of information. It is also of concern that these disturbing trends in the way the Burmese state-controlled media cover political entities are not result of short-term anomalies, but genuine trends in the Burmese media. These negative trends are to some extent meliorated by the exile media which do offer a diverse range of views, with the main opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party National League for Democracy getting the most significant coverage. However, the potential geographical coverage of the exile media, and thus their accessibility to Burmese population is much lower than that of the state-controlled media in Burma. Overall, election contestants were allowed only very restricted access to the media and were prevented from fully enjoying their right of freedom of expression. The complete lack by the media in Burma of any independent and objective reporting limited the voters’ access to a broad range of information which would enable them to make an informed choice at the ballot box."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (104K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Myanmar Elections 2010 – II: Profile of Major Political Parties
Date of publication: 03 November 2010
Author/creator: Medha Chaturvedi
Language: English
Source/publisher: Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (Delhi)
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: "Following on from the 2003 announcement of the “Seven-step Roadmap to Democracy,” Myanmar will hold its first elections in two decades on 7 November 2010. Elections will be held to the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Assembly) made up of the Pyithu Hluttaw (People’s Assembly/lower house) and Amyotha Hluttaw (National Assembly/upper house). These elections will be held in accordance with the 2008 constitution of the country which mandates 25 per cent of seats both at national and regional level, to be allotted to the military. As a result, there are questions raised about the legitimacy of these elections. However, it is also quite possible that they may provide Myanmar with a base for future democratic evolution and prove to be a good thing after all..."
Date of entry/update: 16 November 2010


Title: Myanmar Elections 2010 – III: ASEAN’s Ambivalence
Date of publication: 03 November 2010
Description/subject: "In the ASEAN discourse, an amalgamated security community is least likely to occur when most of its member states are facing internal political difficulties. The non-interference in one another’s internal affairs policy of ASEAN has undermined any past effort to deal with internal political difficulties. As a result ASEAN has once again failed to offer a firm and regionally-approved approach on the upcoming 7 November elections in Myanmar. This raises concerns as to what extent the military junta will go in addressing ASEAN demands for a fair and transparent election. With contradictory norms, geopolitical interests, and differences in opinion and political identities, how far will ASEAN succeed in bringing a consensus on the Myanmar question?..."
Author/creator: Panchali Saikia
Language: English
Source/publisher: Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (Delhi)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 16 November 2010


Title: Myanmar Elections 2010 – IV: China and the Charade
Date of publication: 03 November 2010
Description/subject: "The 7 November Myanmar elections bring to the fore a long-standing dilemma for the international community of choosing between supporting real and immediate democratic change or accepting incremental moves towards a democratic government far in the future. In the context of the impending political transformation in Myanmar, it is therefore, imperative to ask – why has China not bothered about its neighbouring dictatorship going ‘democratic’? What explains its support for or silence on the current political developments in Myanmar?..."
Author/creator: Bhavna Singh
Language: English
Source/publisher: Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (Delhi)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 16 November 2010


Title: Q&A on Elections in Burma
Date of publication: 03 November 2010
Description/subject: What has been the electoral process to date?... What occurred during Burma's last elections in 1990?... What will be the make-up of the new parliament?... Will the election produce a new government in Burma?... What role will the Burmese military play after the elections?... What will be the role of Burma's current leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe?... Have parties faced any problems campaigning? Has there been any pre-election violence?... What role will Burma's diverse ethnic nationalities play in the elections?... What role will the armed ethnic groups play in the elections?... Will there be voting in all the constituencies in Burma?... Will international monitors be permitted to observe voting on November 7?... Will foreign media be allowed to report on the elections?... Have voters faced any intimidation, threats, or coercion so far?... Has there been pre-election fraud, voting irregularities or phantom voting?... How many people can vote in Burma?... Who is eligible and not eligible to vote?... Who is eligible and ineligible to stand as a candidate?... Have any political prisoners been released in the lead-up to the elections, as called for by the international community?... Will democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi be released from house arrest before or after the election?... What is the response from the international community to the elections?... What should the international community do to promote real change in Burma after the elections?... Who will be Burma's next president?... How much will the elections change the economic and social reality in Burma?... Main parties contesting the election.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 18 November 2010


Title: The 2010 Elections –To Boycott or To Contest
Date of publication: 03 November 2010
Description/subject: "The main debate today is whether to boycott or to contest the upcoming 7 November 2010 elections. Passions are high. The democracy movement is split. Those that have not heeded the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) call for a boycott are being labelled as ‘opportunists’ and traitors who are endorsing the military’s 2008 Constitution. But in reality, whatever course of action is taken, the outcome is already largely predetermined, except for some possible upsets in localized areas – both ethnic and Burman1. All agree that the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)2 and/or the former Ne Win era military-backed National Unity Party (NUP)3 will win most of the seats. Even without vote manipulation, these two parties will win because they are the only parties that can afford to field the full slate of over 1,000 candidates4 at the US$500/head registration fee (GDP per capital in Burma is US$400). The next two largest opposition parties have been able to field only 1635 and 1576 candidates each. It is also clear that the elections are an attempt by the ruling SPDC7 to legitimize its rule and permanently enshrine the role of the military in Burmese politics. Everyone knows that the election process is neither free nor fair, and that the Election Commission is highly biased. Even more dirty tricks are expected before Election Day. Nobody is under the illusion that the elections will usher in democracy and that the military’s control will be eased any time soon. The 2008 constitution provides for military control to continue over all aspects of Burmese life, as it now does. No real change is supposed to take place. More importantly, the new military-controlled ‘civilian’ government may be emboldened by its new found ‘legitimacy’ to use force to try to resolve the ‘ethnic issue’ once and for all. Senior-General Than Shwe was very impressed by the Sri Lankan final operations against the Tamil Tigers in 2009. If this is so, why is there even a debate? Is it not clear that any participation in the elections will only lend credibility to a bankrupt process and strengthen the military’s grip on power?..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Euro-Burma Office
Format/size: pdf (401K)
Date of entry/update: 03 November 2010


Title: ‘The Lady’ Lies in Wait
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: "Burma’s military rulers have taken the necessary steps to ensure that no opposition political party will challenge their proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party, in the Nov. 7 election. But when the polls close, the generals and their cronies who occupy key positions in the new government will once again face a threat in the person of Aung San Suu Kyi, known as “The Lady” in Burmese circles. It remains to be seen, however, just how formidable a threat the 65-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate will be..."
Author/creator: Aung Zaw
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 October 2010


Title: Burma: A Violent Past to a Brutal Future - The Transformation of a Paramilitary Organization into a Political Party
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: Conclusion: "Through the years, the USDA has served the interests of Burma’s military regime. In essence, the mass organization has been used as a tool by military elites to shore up their interests and suppress dissent, ultimately preventing a mass revolution and subsequent regime change. The regime has trained, funded and supported the organization; in return, USDA has attacked the political opposition, engineered mass rallies, reportedly recruited nearly half of Burma’s population, and committed electoral fraud in 2008 and 2010. As the political climate changed, the USDA changed with it, altering both their mandate and their activities. The regime originally needed a body of popular support to superficially combat public discontent. However, as the NLD and other political organizations began to exercise more of their political rights and gained vast public support, they became an increasingly powerful threat to the regime’s hold on power. The USDA thus evolved into a paramilitary organization, ready to attack political, religious, or social opponents of the regime, the deadliest of attacks being the Depayin Massacre and during the Saffron Revolution. While these attacks ensured that the public grew a stronger distrust and hatred for the regime, they also directly contributed to the USDA’s reputation as a nefarious militia lacking moral or religious concerns. For the USDA, this reputation was a double-­‐edged sword; while it may have lost the support of members who resent the USDA’s violent behaviour, the violent reputation ensures the USDA can effectively intimidate and harass the opposition. The composition of the USDA’s panel of patrons and Central Executive Committee illustrates how USDA’s leadership is undeniably intertwined with the current regime and dedicated to preserving its power. This legacy was passed on to the USDP in 2010, as the mass organization positioned itself to serve as the new civilian face of the military regime. The USDP has committed a host of election-­‐related human rights violations in an attempt to secure votes in the 2010 elections. The Union Election Commission has turned a blind eye to these violations and itself lacks impartiality and Burma: A Violent Past to a Brutal Future 53 independence.224 Due to the USDP’s successful, but largely unlawful, campaign methods, the USDP will likely amass the majority of electoral seats in the 2010 elections. The USDP’s pre-­‐election activities are not the actions of a political party committed to bringing democratic change to Burma. Nor are they the actions of a party that will seek to prioritize people’s welfare over military might, curb human rights violations and hold perpetrators accountable, or open up space for greater political freedom. The USDP must be recognized for what it is – a political manifestation of the regime’s paramilitary organization responsible for brutal attacks on the people of Burma, including the Depayin Massacre and Saffron Revolution, as well as a military-­‐backed party possessing all the political and financial capital necessary to win an election. Year after year, the USDA and the USDP has demonstrated that theirallegiances, and thus, theirinterests lie with the military regime, not the people. The SPDC’s history is undeniably intertwined with that of the USDA and the USDP; and in turn, the future of the USDP will be the future of the regime. A USDP-­‐led government composed of current and former military generals will not be a step toward democracy, but rather a continuation of military rule, impunity and political repression."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Network for Democracy and Development
Format/size: pdf (802K)
Date of entry/update: 16 November 2010


Title: Cartoons That Speak a Thousand Words
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: "Cartoons drawn by Harn Lay, The Irrawaddy magazine cartoonist, have been distributed in the run up to the election in the southern part of Rangoon by activists who launched an anti-election campaign, sources in Rangoon said..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 October 2010


Title: Coloring Between the Lines
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: "The chances that Burma’s first election in 20 years will be free and fair are looking increasingly slim, but for ethnic leaders determined to make the most of the polls, the outcry from many in the democratic opposition and the international community is falling on deaf ears. More than half of the parties planning to run in the Nov. 7 election—22 out of 37 parties approved by the junta-appointed Union Election Commission (EC)—are ethnic parties, most based in the predominantly ethnic areas that form Burma’s political periphery. In most cases, however, these parties are led by figures whose ties to the ruling regime are at least as strong as their connections to the people they claim to represent. But not all of the ethnic parties taking a shot at winning seats in November are puppets of the generals. Some see the election as a genuine opportunity to create some much-needed political space for Burma’s long-marginalized ethnic minorities..."
Author/creator: Saw Yan Naing
Language: English (21 other languages available)
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 October 2010


Title: Escaping the Traps of the Past
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: "As Burma’s first election in 20 years approaches, the country’s dictator, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, is busy putting the finishing touches on his plans to renew his regime’s lease on life under a civilian veneer. The Nov. 7 election, part of the junta’s “road map to disciplined democracy,” will take the country a step closer to permanent military domination, both by putting into effect a Constitution that guarantees 25 percent of the seats in parliament to military appointees and by excluding or marginalizing any credible democratic opposition. Most of the work has been done: The Constitution, more than a decade in the making, was approved in a referendum in 2008, as the country’s most populous region was still reeling from the effects of the worst natural disaster in its recorded history. Even as it was struggling to come to terms with the loss of more than 140,000 lives to Cyclone Nargis, 98 percent of the nation supposedly voted—92 percent in favor of the Constitution—despite very little evidence of a significant turnout at polling stations..."
Author/creator: Min Zin
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 October 2010


Title: Expecting the Worst, Hoping for Something
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: "Burma’s controversial election, its first in 20 years, is only days away. Most of the country’s pro-democracy groups say the election is “undemocratic and unnecessary.” The 37 political parties that have chosen to contest the polls say the election is “the only political alternative.” And many Burmese people say they are “not interested because it won’t bring about any real change.” As for The Irrawaddy, we see that the election will be held while pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest, more than 2,100 political prisoners remain in prison and some ethnic parties have been excluded from competing in the polls..."
Author/creator: Kyaw Zwa Moe
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 October 2010


Title: On a (Cyber) War Footing
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: "As Burma’s Nov. 7 election draws near, The Irrawaddy and other Burmese exile media are on something akin to a nonviolent war footing, a position forced upon them by the distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks on their websites on Sept. 27—the third anniversary of the 2007 Saffron Revolution protests. At risk is nothing less than freedom of speech and the right of media to cover important political events such as the Burmese elections. The notion that an election can be “free and fair” without impartial and independent media coverage is, of course, absurd. According to media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF): “It is essential that these [Burmese exile] websites continue to operate in order to provide the Burmese people and the rest of the world with independent news and information about the upcoming election.”..."
Author/creator: Simon Roughneen
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 October 2010


Title: Silencing the Sangha
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: "Burma is an extremely religious country, and its Buddhist monks and other religious leaders have played major roles in elections past. But for the 2010 polls, the military regime has issued strict election laws that prohibit the use of religion for political means, making the role of the country’s monasteries, mosques and churches less clear.,,With respect to the role of religion and religious institutions in the 2010 election, the military regime appears to have closed tight any loopholes that assisted the NLD victory in 1990. And while going to great lengths to ensure that the opposition is severely restricted by the election laws pertaining to religion, it has allowed its proxy party, the USDP, to act illegally without repercussion. This has left the opposition severely hampered in its ability to openly utilize the Sangha and other religious institutions to help it win this year’s election—either by winning seats in parliament or by discrediting the election through a boycott. But history has shown that the Buddhist monks and other religious leaders inside Burma are strong and resilient, and they are already finding ways to circumvent the election laws, such as by quietly supporting a boycott and by encouraging people who are forced to vote to cast their ballots for smaller democratic parties..."
Author/creator: Alex Ellgee
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 October 2010


Title: The Man with the Plan
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: "As Burma’s first election in 20 years approaches, the country’s dictator, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, is busy putting the finishing touches on his plans to renew his regime’s lease on life under a civilian veneer. The Nov. 7 election, part of the junta’s “road map to disciplined democracy,” will take the country a step closer to permanent military domination, both by putting into effect a Constitution that guarantees 25 percent of the seats in parliament to military appointees and by excluding or marginalizing any credible democratic opposition..."
Author/creator: Yeni
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 October 2010


Title: War or Peace?
Date of publication: November 2010
Description/subject: "The Burmese military regime claims that the Nov. 7 election is part of its road map to a peaceful, democratic union that reconciles the country’s disparate ethnic groups. But the junta’s recent purchase of about 50 Mi-24 helicopters and 12 Mi-2 armored transport helicopters from Russia indicates that it is instead preparing for war against armed ethnic cease-fire groups that control territories along Burma’s borders with China and Thailand. Tensions between the regime and the cease-fire groups have risen steadily concurrent with the approach of the election as the regime has attempted to use the impending polls to pressure the armed militias to join its border guard force (BGF). By doing so, the junta appears to have painted itself into a corner, as most of the groups have refused to join the BGF and now the junta must either back down or take action after the polls close..."
Author/creator: Aung Zaw
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 October 2010


Title: Poll a Showdown between Dead Strongman and Living One
Date of publication: 30 October 2010
Description/subject: "BANGKOK —The ghost of military-ruled Burma’s first strongman, Gen Ne Win, has returned to haunt the Southeast Asian nation’s current junta leader, Senior Gen Than Shwe, as the country heads for its first general election in two decades on Nov. 7. In a bizarre twist, the candidates loyal to the late Ne Win, who ruled Burma with an iron fist from a 1962 coup till 1988, are being cast in some quarters as a welcome force for expanding the very restricted political space in place since the early 1990s, when Than Shwe came to power. The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), backed by Than Shwe, has nominated over 1,100 candidates for elections to the national and regional parliaments. The National Unity Party (NUP), supported by Ne Win loyalists who lost political favors and power after Than Shwe became the junta leader, has nominated 999 candidates to contest for seats in the national and regional bodies. These two political behemoths, both with ties with the junta leaders in Burma, have dwarfed the political parties with more credible democratic credentials, such as the National Democratic Force (NDF), the Democratic Party of Myanmar (DPM) and the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP). The NDF has 163 candidates running, while the DPM has 48 and the SNDP 156..."
Author/creator: MARWAAN MACAN-MARKAR
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 22 July 2012


Title: Charts of coverage of political subjects and politicians over the period August 4-31 2010 by broadcasters inside Burma
Date of publication: 15 October 2010
Description/subject: Political subjects and politicians (Time & Tone of the Coverage): Myanmar TV, Myawaddy TV, August 4-31, 2010
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (448K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Charts of the coverage of political subjects and politicians over the period August 5-31 2010 by Burmese media in exile
Date of publication: 15 October 2010
Description/subject: Political subjects and politicians: Coveraqe by the Democratic Voice of Burma (TV, Radio, Website)
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (816K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Charts of the coverage of political subjects and politicians over the period August 5-31 2010 by newspapers inside Burma
Date of publication: 15 October 2010
Description/subject: Political subjects and politicians (Time & Tone of the Coverage) by KYAYMON (The Mirror), MYANMAR AHLIN (New Light of Myanmar)
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (319K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Monitoring of the media coverage prior to 7 November elections in Burma. Report No. 1 (August 2010)
Date of publication: 15 October 2010
Description/subject: Conclusion: "Data from the first month of monitoring reveal that monitored state-controlled media in Burma do not follow any journalistic standards, but only serve as a mouthpiece of the ruling powers. With less than two months before elections, the main news programs of state-controlled TV channels have only shown the three top state officials and completely ignored any other stakeholders. This is an exceptionally limited range of diversity of political actors, with all other political forces having virtually no access to the country’s most important sources of information. It is also of concern that these disturbing trends in the way the Burmese state-controlled media cover political entities are not result of short-term anomalies, but genuine trends in the Burmese media. These negative trends are to some extent meliorated by the exile media which do offer a diverse range of views, with the main opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party National League for Democracy, getting the most significant coverage. However, the potential geographical coverage of the exile media is much less than that of the state-controlled media in Burma. As such, it is highly questionable whether citizens will receive ample information to be able to make a qualified choice at the ballot box."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Memo98
Format/size: pdf (106K)
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2011


Title: Unlevel Playing Field: Burma’s Election Landscape
Date of publication: 01 October 2010
Description/subject: Conclusions and Recommendations: "• The elections will be Burma's most defining political moment for a generation. However the electoral process lacks democratic and ethnic inclusion. Without such inclusion, the country's political crises are likely to continue. • The electoral playing field is tilted in favour of the regime’s USDP due to strict regulations on registration, the cost of registering candidates, and the limited time for parties to organize. • Even if the voting is fair, ‘establishment’ parties, together with military appointees, are likely to control a majority of seats in the new legislatures. 37 political parties will participate in the elections. But most have small regional or ethnic support bases. • Despite the restrictions, democratic opposition parties participating in the polls want to make the best use of the limited space available. The elections begin new arrangements and contests in Burmese politics, which will play out over several years. Outcomes remain unpredictable. • Ethnic exclusion and lack of polls in many minority areas mean that the election will not resolve the country's ethnic conflicts. The regime’s promotion of Border Guard Forces rather than political dialogue with armed opposition groups has also increased tensions. To establish peace, there must be equitable participation, bringing rights and benefits to all peoples and regions."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute, Burma Centrum Nederland (Burma Policy Briefing Nr 3 October 2010)
Format/size: pdf (160K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/bpb3.pdf
Date of entry/update: 01 October 2010


Title: A Foregone Conclusion
Date of publication: October 2010
Description/subject: Burma prepares for an election where the winner is already past the finish line... "By Burma’s voters go to the polls in November weighed down by the depressing certainty that, however they cast their ballots, the government of the country will be placed in the hands of legislators committed to the policies followed by the military regime they replace. The regime won’t even have to indulge any further in the kind of vote-rigging it’s clearly been engineering in the campaign so far. The two pro-regime parties will field three times the number of candidates representing all the remaining 35 parties and are assured of large majorities in the national and regional parliaments..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 10
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 22 July 2012


Title: BURMA’S 2010 ELECTIONS: THE STORY SO FAR
Date of publication: October 2010
Description/subject: "This briefer shows that despite the SPDC’s repeated pledges for “free and fair” elections, indicators for election monitoring based on EU, UN, and OSCE guidelines point to the contrary. The SPDC election laws and conduct of the SPDC Election Commission have caused the dissolution of parties that won 84% of seats in the last election, and disenfranchised at least 1.5 million voters. LEGAL FRAMEWORK • The SPDC election laws are not in accordance with international standards and prevent the exercise of fundamental freedoms and political rights. • Election laws bar over 2,000 political prisoners from being members of political parties. The NLD and other parties would have had to expel their imprisoned leaders, such as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to be eligible to participate. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION • The SPDC Election Commission has not acted in an independent, impartial, and transparent manner. • A number of political parties and candidates have been barred by the Election Commission’s discriminatory restrictions. • The Election Commission financial requirements and tight deadlines for candidate registration hindered the political parties’ ability to field candidates. • The Election Commission has canceled the polls in more than 3,400 villages in ethnic areas, disenfranchising around 1.5 million voters. ELECTION CAMPAIGN • The SPDC has limited the ability of political parties, candidates, and their supporters to campaign. Regime authorities have detained those who have spoken out against the polls. • Regime officials have harassed, intimidated, and coerced party candidates and their supporters and engaged in vote buying schemes. • The junta-proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has liberally used state resources and relied on state institutions, civil servants, and SPDC officials for the party’s campaign activities. MEDIA • The SPDC Censorship Board has unjustifiably limited the ability of independent media to report on election issues and developments. • State-owned media has tightly restricted media access of candidates and political parties. • State-run media have failed to provide sufficient information to enable voters to make an informed voting decision."
Language: English, Thai
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma
Format/size: pdf (447K - English; 482K - Thai)
Alternate URLs: http://www.altsean.org/Docs/PDF%20Format/Thematic%20Briefers/Thai/Burma%202010%20elections%20-%20Th...
Date of entry/update: 27 October 2010


Title: Democratic and Peaceful Change in Burma/Myanmar
Date of publication: October 2010
Description/subject: INTRODUCTION: "On November 7, 2010, Burma/Myanmar1 will organize its first parliamentary elections since 1990. The significance of the elections stems from the controversial constitution on which they are based and which involves a complete reconfiguration of the political structure. It establishes a presidential system of government with a bicameral legislature as well as fourteen regional governments and assemblies – the most wide-ranging change in a generation. The purpose of this report, financed by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland from the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI), is to examine the political situation Burma/Myanmar at a time when the country is facing a unique moment. It provides analysis of the pre-election political situation and identifies opportunities for further engagement by the international community in the post-election period with the aim of supporting democratic and peaceful change in the country, including dialogue and reconciliation with the leadership of the Myanmar government. The report starts with an analysis of the current political context in which the November elections will be organized, highlighting the key sources of societal and political conflict. Second, the report looks at the preparations for the election, paying special attention to both the shortcomings of the process during the campaigning period and issues to watch out for on election day. Then the report surveys the positions of both internal and external actors regarding the elections, and how they can influence the process. The final chapter gathers the key findings and provides recommendations on how to constructively support conflict prevention, democracy and the improvement of government policies in Burma/Myanmar. The international community and all political groups in Burma/Myanmar face major challenges in how to respond to the November elections. So far the response has been highly fractured. However, the current situation should not be viewed too pessimistically. Obstacles for change must be recognized. Pessimism fuels apathy; and apathy will result in the missing of opportunities for progress. Despite the very obvious flaws in the election process, the generational transition and the transition within the political system (due to the elections themselves and any possible protests over their fairness) can offer genuine opportunities both in the short run as well as in the longer term. New political landscape will emerge, giving rise to opportunities to push for change, as well as a new set of challenges. Incremental political change is possible; it is also the most likely scenario for Burma/Myanmar. The November elections are a step forward in this process. After a generation without elections this is a crucial learning and training period for the political parties on how to represent citizens‘ interests, how to campaign and act as a part of a political system. Above all, this will prepare ground for more meaningful elections in 2015."
Author/creator: Timo Kivimäki, Kristiina Rintakoski, Sami Lahdensuo and Dene Cairns
Language: English
Source/publisher: Crisis Management Initiative
Format/size: pdf (1.53MB)
Date of entry/update: 03 November 2010


Title: Hope on the Horizon?
Date of publication: October 2010
Author/creator: Alex Ellgee
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 10
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 22 July 2012


Title: Locked In, Locked Out
Date of publication: October 2010
Description/subject: Election holds little hope for Burma’s political prisoners... "Violence, intimidation and arbitrary detention have no place in free, fair and credible elections. Where violence and intimidation are routine or accepted as a fact of life then the ruse of a “free and fair” election must be exposed for what it is. Rather than bettering the lives of Burma’s 50 million people, the November election is increasing the threats that people face, on a daily basis, from the regime..."
Author/creator: Bo Kyi
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 10
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 22 July 2012


Title: Myanmar Elections 2010: Civilianising the Military Government?
Date of publication: 21 September 2010
Description/subject: Synopsis The Myanmar military government has announced the holding of national elections on 7 November 2010. What does this signal for the people in Myanmar? Will these elections matter to them? What are countries in the region saying about this?
Author/creator: Alistair D. B. Cook
Language: English
Source/publisher: S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Singapore
Format/size: pdf (122K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.rsis.edu.sg/publications/Perspective/RSIS1192010.pdf
http://www.academia.edu/2682454/Myanmar_Elections_2010_Civilianising_the_Military_Government
Date of entry/update: 08 October 2010


Title: I am worried
Date of publication: 18 September 2010
Description/subject: "...On the ground of that fact the Union Election Commission issued Notification No. 97/2010 dated 14 September 2010, announcing, “Of the 10 parties stated in Paragraph-1, the following five parties have become null and void according to the law as they did not apply for continued existence as political parties within the prescribed days. As those parties no longer have the right to continued existence as political parties, their registrations have been revoked and they have been dissolved.” Nonetheless, a party that did not apply within the prescribed period to continue to exist is claiming that it has not been null and void; and that the Union Election Commission does not have any authority to announce the dissolution of an old political party. Indeed, the party is turning a blind eye to the provisions of the law and is just attempting to mislead the people into misunderstanding the law..."
Author/creator: A Law Analyst
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The New Light of Myanmar" 18 September 2010
Format/size: pdf (48K)
Date of entry/update: 17 September 2010


Title: Myanmar Elections 2010 – I: It's All About Exclusion
Date of publication: 16 September 2010
Description/subject: "The November 2010 elections in Myanmar do not promise to be fair and inclusive nor do they come with the agenda of complete restoration of democracy in the country. But, one thing these elections promise to be is a step towards a transformation which comes with opportunities for some important political changes in the future..."
Author/creator: Medha Chaturvedi
Language: English
Source/publisher: Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (Delhi)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 16 November 2010


Title: Extracts on the elections from the Report to the UN General Assembly of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
Date of publication: 15 September 2010
Language: English (Full text also available in Arabic, Chinese, French, Russian and Spanish)
Source/publisher: UN General Assembly (A/65/368),
Format/size: pdf (95K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs09/SRM2010-rep-A65-368(en).pdf (full text)
Date of entry/update: 15 November 2010


Title: GA 2010 (65th Session): Report by the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar (English)
Date of publication: 15 September 2010
Description/subject: Summary: "The present report is submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 13/25 and General Assembly resolution 64/238 and covers human rights developments in Myanmar since the Special Rapporteur’s report to the Human Rights Council in March 2010 (A/HRC/13/48). On 13 August 2010, the Government of Myanmar announced the long-awaited date for national elections for 7 November 2010. The present report focuses on human rights in relation to elections, and the issue of justice and accountability. Conditions for genuine elections are limited under the current circumstances, and the potential for these elections to bring meaningful change and improvement to the human rights situation in Myanmar remains uncertain. Regarding the issue of justice and accountability, the Special Rapporteur notes that while it is foremost the responsibility of the Government of Myanmar to address the problem of gross and systematic human rights violations by all parties, that responsibility falls to the international community if the Government fails to assume it. The Special Rapporteur recommends that the Government of Myanmar respect freedom of expression and opinion and freedom of assembly and association in the context of the national elections; release all prisoners of conscience; address justice and accountability; implement the four core human rights elements, as detailed in his previous reports; and facilitate access for humanitarian assistance and continue developing cooperation with the international human rights system."
Language: English (also available in Arabic, Chinese, French, Russian and Spanish)
Source/publisher: United Nations General Assembly (A/65/368)
Format/size: pdf (172K)
Date of entry/update: 21 October 2010


Title: Extracts on the 2010 elections from: Situation of human rights in Myanmar - Report of the Secretary-General to the UN General Assembly
Date of publication: 14 September 2010
Language: English (Full text also available in Arabic, Chinese, French, Russian and Spanish)
Source/publisher: United Nations General Assembly (A/65/367)
Format/size: pdf (83K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs09/SGrep-A-65-367(en).pdf (full text)
Date of entry/update: 15 November 2010


Title: GA 2010 (65th Session): Report of the Secretary-General on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar (English)
Date of publication: 14 September 2010
Description/subject: Summary: "The present report is submitted pursuant to General Assembly resolution 64/238 and covers the period from 26 August 2009 to 25 August 2010. Upon the reassignment of Ibrahim Gambari on 1 January 2010, I designated my Chef de Cabinet, Vijay Nambiar, as Special Adviser to oversee the good offices mandate. Since my last visit to Myanmar in July 2009, there have been some signs of flexibility from the Myanmar authorities in response to my proposals, such as the release, on 17 September 2009, of over 130 political prisoners as part of a broader amnesty. However, the detention of other political prisoners and the continued house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remain of grave concern. It is regrettable that further opportunities to advance meaningful political dialogue among key stakeholders have not been pursued. Throughout the reporting period, continuous efforts were made to engage the Myanmar authorities and key stakeholders, in order to pursue the objectives of the good offices mandate. However, the Government, has not extended an invitation to my Special Adviser to engage further with the authorities and other concerned parties in the country since my last visit. This lack of meaningful engagement is disappointing. It is also a lost opportunity for Myanmar. Member States have an interest and responsibility to actively ensure that Myanmar extends the necessary cooperation. The upcoming elections, the country’s first in 20 years, present a major test of the prospects of peace, democracy and prosperity in the country. Myanmar’s senior leaders have made repeated statements of commitment to free and fair elections. The Government has issued electoral laws, appointed an 18-member Union Electoral Commission and announced an election date of 7 November 2010. As at 25 August, the Commission had approved the registration of 42 out of 47 political parties to contest the elections, including 5 of the 10 parties that had contested the 1990 elections and had re-registered. While this suggests that political space may have opened up by the standards of the past two decades, it is all the more necessary for the authorities to ensure that the elections are conducted in an inclusive, credible, participatory and transparent manner. In this regard, I reiterate my call for the release of all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as the clearest signal of such commitments. During the reporting period, the Special Adviser exerted efforts to engage at the senior level with relevant United Nations offices, such as the interdepartmental working group on Myanmar, where a number of system-wide priorities were identified. The Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) continued a wide-ranging policy dialogue with the Government aimed at addressing the country’s developmental priorities and challenges. The United Nations country team and the Government reached agreement on a two-year joint humanitarian initiative on Northern Rakhine State. Two years after the establishment of the Tripartite Core Group mechanism by the Government, the United Nations and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), its mandate was concluded on 31 July 2010, with recognition and gratitude expressed by the Myanmar authorities. Myanmar must make progress in overcoming its twin legacies of political deadlock and armed conflict. Addressing the parallel challenges of respect for human rights, national reconciliation and democratization is an essential goal that remains to be fulfilled. It is critical to pursue dialogue and cooperation among all stakeholders, as well as greater political, social and economic openness. I am committed to continuing cooperation with the Government and people of Myanmar to enable their efforts to make a successful transition to a credible civilian and democratic Government. Myanmar stands to benefit greatly from the wideranging experiences of the United Nations and its efforts to assist in the humanitarian and socio-economic areas. I reiterate my call for unity of purpose and unity of action among key interested Member States, regional entities, multilateral development actors and international financial institutions, to encourage all domestic stakeholders to contribute to positive change in the national interest of Myanmar."
Language: English (also available in Arabic, Chinese, French, Russian and Spanish)
Source/publisher: United Nations General Assembly (A/65/367)
Format/size: pdf (86 K)
Date of entry/update: 27 October 2010


Title: "Voting: part of building a new nation"
Date of publication: 11 September 2010
Description/subject: "...As soon as the voting process is completed, the polling booth officer or a member of the polling station assigned duties by the polling booth officer has to count the votes and the votes in advance received from the ward or village election sub-commission in front of the members of the polling station, the people and the voters. In that case, the polling booth officer has to record the names of at least ten witnesses including polling station members, people and representatives of the polling station. In addition, he has to make sure that the number of the ballot papers issued with his signature on them is equal to the number of the ballot papers in the ballot box..."
Author/creator: A Legal Scholar
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The New Light of Myanmar" 11 September 2010
Format/size: pdf (20K)
Date of entry/update: 13 September 2010


Title: "Let’s vote to choose reliable representatives"
Date of publication: 10 September 2010
Description/subject: "...If a citizen, despite having the voting right, does not participate in elections, such a person may be deemed to be an irresponsible opportunist. I do not think such persons deserve democracy..."
Author/creator: Maung Motion
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The New Light of Myanmar" 10 September 2010
Format/size: pdf (55K)
Date of entry/update: 13 September 2010


Title: Avoiding Details Like the Devil
Date of publication: September 2010
Description/subject: Whether due to a fear of junta retribution or the universal inability of politicians to commit to detailed platforms, Burma’s new political parties have produced only vague economic policies...
Author/creator: Htet Aung
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 9
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 22 July 2012


Title: Yawn of a New Day
Date of publication: September 2010
Description/subject: Burma is on the threshold of its most important political event in two decades, and the indifference is palpable... "The sidewalks of downtown Rangoon look, as they have for as long as anybody can remember, as if they’ve just been struck by an earthquake. Slabs of concrete, broken into jagged pieces, jut out at all angles, in places exposing holes large enough for a grown man to fall into. But the sad state of Rangoon’s pavement, and of the city as a whole, is more a result of the grinding forces of time and neglect than of an episode of seismic upheaval. Likewise, Burma’s political landscape has been shaped less by eruptions of popular unrest than by a decades-old war of attrition that now appears to be close to achieving its goal of crushing any remaining hope for real change. That, at any rate, is the impression one gets as the country moves towards its first election in 20 years. Grim resignation, rather than great expectations, is the order of the day, as the ruling regime does everything in its power to quash any attempt to turn the election into a meaningful expression of Burma’s long-suppressed democratic aspirations..."
Author/creator: Neil Lawrence
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 9
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 08 September 2010


Title: Democratic Force opens Mandalay branch
Date of publication: 29 August 2010
Description/subject: MANDALAY – "The National Democratic Force (NDF) opened a new office in Mandalay on August 19 to drum up support ahead of the November 7 election. About 100 people attended the inaugural ceremony in the central city, where members of the NDF cut a ribbon and released balloons. The NDF has been formed by former members of the NLD, which was deregistered in early May. Dr Than Nyein said NDF members felt they would be failing in their duties if they did not stand in the country’s first polls in two decades when people are ready to cast their votes..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Myanmar Times" Volume 27, No. 537
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2010


Title: In Bago, democrats find an eager audience
Date of publication: 29 August 2010
Description/subject: By August 23 - 29, 2010 "THE acrid smell of betel nut permeates the atmosphere in the small office, which is crowded with about 150 people. Many of those gathered – mostly male and in their 30s and 40s – are dripping with water, and the monsoon rain hammers down on the gleaming corrugated iron roof. There’s an expectant silence as a sprightly but diminutive older man takes the microphone. U Thu Wai, the 77-year-old chairman of the Democratic Party (Myanmar) begins..."
Author/creator: Thomas Kean
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Myanmar Times" Volume 27, No. 537
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://mmtimes.com/2010/news/537/news01.html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2010


Title: Independent candidates prepare to register for polls
Date of publication: 29 August 2010
Description/subject: "PROMINENT businessmen, politicians and leaders of civil society groups are preparing to file applications to the Union Election Commission to stand as independent candidates in the November 7 election. The deadline for nomination as an independent candidate is August 30, the same as for candidates from registered political parties. U Hla Shaing, vice chairman of Union of Myanmar Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Mon State), said he had been planning to participate in the since 2009..."
Author/creator: Myo Myo
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Myanmar Times" Volume 27, No. 537
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://mmtimes.com/2010/news/537/news03.html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2010


Title: Mon State party targets 50 constituencies
Date of publication: 29 August 2010
Description/subject: "MAWLAMYINE-BASED All Mon Region Democracy Party will contest 50 constituencies in Mon and Kayin states at the November 7 general election, the party’s leader said earlier this month. The party has opened branch offices in Ye, Thaton, Kyaikhtiyo, Balugyun, Thanbyuzayat and Mudon townships and plans to expand into other areas of Mon State before the election, said U Naing Ngwe Thein, the party’s 72-year-old chairman. “We will select candidates who are eager to work for the betterment of their constituency,” he told The Myanmar Times in Mawlamyine. “We consider two other points when selecting candidates: that they are in a township we can win and that they observe the party’s policies.” The majority of the party’s candidates will stand in Mon State, but it will also contest Pyithu Hluttaw, Amyotha Hluttaw and Kayin State Hluttaw constituencies in Hpa-an and Kawkareik townships in Kayin State..."
Author/creator: Myo Myo
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Myanmar Times" Volume 27, No. 537
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://mmtimes.com/2010/news/537/news06.html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2010


Title: Parties set to finalise election candidates
Date of publication: 29 August 2010
Description/subject: "POLITICAL parties are finalising candidate lists for the November 7 election to submit to the Union Election Commission before the August 30 deadline. The commission announced on August 13 that registered parties are required to submit their candidate list – and pay the K500,000 registration fee – from August 16 and 30 and are allowed to withdraw an application until September 3. According to the announcement, the commission will scrutinise the Hluttaw candidate lists from September 6 to 10. National Democratic Force (NDF) official U Htun Aung said the party hoped to submit the list to the commission well ahead of the deadline..."
Author/creator: Shwe Yinn Mar Oo and Maw Maw San
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Myanmar Times" Volume 27, No. 537
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://mmtimes.com/2010/news/537/news02.html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2010


Title: USDP fires first salvo in election race
Date of publication: 29 August 2010
Description/subject: "UNION Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) opened more than 400 party offices across the country simultaneously on August 20, a senior official from the party’s Yangon Division branch said last week. The offices were opened at about 9:30am, the official said, adding that 50 were opened in Yangon Division, including 45 township offices, four district offices and one divisional office. The official said the party would focus campaigning on winning support among the “grassroots” of society, followed by the middle class. The official said the USDP had already selected 149 candidates for Yangon Division – the maximum permitted for a single party – of which 45 were for Pyithu Hluttaw constituencies, 12 for Amyotha Hluttaw constituencies and 90 for the Yangon Regional Hluttaw. An additional two USDP candidates will stand for the Yangon Regional Hluttaw as representatives of the Rakhine and Kayin ethnic groups, which both get to elect a special representative in the regional legislature as they have more than 60,000 residents in Yangon..."
Author/creator: Myo Myo
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Myanmar Times" Volume 27, No. 537
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://mmtimes.com/2010/news/537/news07.html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2010


Title: Countdown to the Myanmar Elections
Date of publication: 25 August 2010
Description/subject: I. The election timetable...II. Designation of constituencies...III. Party registration process...IV. Tensions continue over the Border Guard Force scheme...V. The campaign period...Appendix 1 – Registration/approval of political parties as of 23 August 2010...Appendix 2 – Seats in the national legislatures...Appendix 3 – Seats in the fourteen region/state assemblies.....I. The election timetable: "On 13 August, the Myanmar Election Commission finally announced the timetable for the country’s first elections in two decades; two days earlier, it had designated the constituencies.2 The key dates are as follows: The announcement gave parties little more than two weeks’ notice of the candidate registration deadline – although most parties had already been considering for some time the question of which constituencies they would contest, and identifying possible candidates. The limited time remaining, and the considerable costs associated with contesting a seat (a non-refundable US$500 fee per candidate), mean that a number of parties have to scale-back their ambitions. With 498 seats up for grabs at the national level, and a further 665 in regional legislatures, only highly-organized and well-funded parties can hope to contest a majority of seats. Although parties have already started their canvassing activities, the campaign period proper – when confirmed candidates can formally seek support from the electorate in their constituency – will last only two months..."
Author/creator: Richard Horsey
Source/publisher: Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum
Format/size: pdf (341K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.networkmyanmar.org/images/stories/PDF4/rh2.pdf
Date of entry/update: 27 August 2010


Title: Campagne électorale sous haute surveillance
Date of publication: 19 August 2010
Description/subject: Alors que les autorités viennent de fixer la date du 7 novembre pour les premières élections législatives depuis vingt ans, les partis d’opposition tentent de se mettre en ordre de bataille. Mais sans grandes perspectives.
Source/publisher: Courrier International
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 12 November 2010


Title: Myanmar: Campagne électorale sous haute surveillance
Date of publication: 19 August 2010
Description/subject: "Alors que les autorités viennent de fixer la date du 7 novembre pour les premières élections législatives depuis vingt ans, les partis d’opposition tentent de se mettre en ordre de bataille. Mais sans grandes perspectives..."
Author/creator: Ba Kaung
Language: Francais, French
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" via "Courrier International" (trans)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 10 November 2010


Title: Burma’s 2010 Electoral Framework: Fundamentally Undemocratic
Date of publication: August 2010
Description/subject: A Legal and Human Rights Analysis..."Burma’s military regime, known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), intends to hold national elections sometime this year, the first since 1990. The polls will be the fifth step in the socalled “Seven Step Roadmap to Democracy” (the Roadmap) announced by the SPDC in 2003. The first four steps related to the development of a new constitution, adopted in 2008, which perpetuates military control of the government. It was drafted with virtually no public participation and approved in a referendum orchestrated by the regime. The fifth step offers no prospect of establishing a government based on the will of the Burmese people...The SPDC has presented the Roadmap process and the 2010 elections as important steps to lift Burma out of its desperate economic and social circumstances. But, contrary to the regime’s expressed intention, the process thus far has merely reflected a concerted effort by the military to retain power rather than establish a government based on the will of the people. The constitution and the new election laws, issued on March 8, 2010, do not comply with even the most basic international standards. The true nature of the electoral process has to be viewed in the larger context of the procedure that led to the development of Burma’s constitution and the history of oppression by the military regime. The constitution drafting excluded participation by independent civil society leaders and opposition political figures, and the referendum by which it was approved was deeply flawed. Criticism of the draft constitution was prohibited, massive state resources were used to promote its passage, and there were no checks to ensure that the vote count reflected the votes cast... 5 The new election laws were developed by the military government and effectively prohibit longstanding opponents of the regime – political prisoners and any persons wishing to associate with political prisoners – from competing in the polls. The new National Election Commission lacks independence; the SPDC directly appointed its members with no public input.1 One of the new laws, on political party registration, has resulted in the silencing of many of the most prominent opposition voices. It required political parties to register or reregister in order to remain in existence and compete in the elections. But they could do so only if none of their members were currently imprisoned based on a court conviction. This requirement presented parties with a choice of either expelling prominent imprisoned leaders or declining to reregister. Under those circumstances, leading opposition groups, including the NLD, chose not to reregister and were required to shut down and disband as of May 7. There have been allegations that the state is giving support to a political party with strong military ties – the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). It grew out of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a regime-created organization that has received substantial government support since 1993.2 The USDA also has been associated with political violence and intimidation. The USDP registration application listed 27 ex-military officers among its members along with the sitting prime minister and other government ministers. The election laws prohibit civil servants from being members of political parties, but the election administrators declared that ministers were not civil servants..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: National Democratic Institute
Format/size: pdf (155K)
Date of entry/update: 01 September 2010


Title: Fighting for Scraps
Date of publication: August 2010
Description/subject: While the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party gorges itself on the assets and membership lists of its predecessor, small parties are scrambling for funds and ducking regime surveillance
Author/creator: Ba Kaung
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 8
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2010


Title: Making the Best of a Bad Election
Date of publication: July 2010
Description/subject: Although they recognize the process is deeply flawed, some ethnic minority parties in Burma have decided to contest the election and expect to do well—if votes are counted fairly, that is... "Over the past few months, various cease-fire groups and ethnic civil society leaders have formed political parties in order to contest the forthcoming election. In fact, some two-thirds of the 42 parties which applied for registration by the end of May represent ethnic communities. A good test of the election’s credibility will be whether ethnic nationality parties are able to campaign freely—and above all whether votes are counted fairly on the day..."
Author/creator: Ashley South
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 7
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 August 2010


Title: Stumbling Toward the Election
Date of publication: July 2010
Description/subject: Burma’s protracted electoral process leaves political parties frustrated... "It is well into 2010, but the Burmese military junta has yet to announce a date for this year’s election. Some political parties that have applied for registration are still waiting to hear if their applications have been approved by the Union Election Commission (EC). For the parties whose registrations have been approved, a new process has begun: a 90-day recruitment drive to complete a party membership list. By the time these lists are submitted, it will already be well into September, with still no indication of when campaign can begin..."
Author/creator: Htet Aung
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 7
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 August 2010


Title: Burma in 2010: A Critical Year in Ethnic Politics
Date of publication: June 2010
Description/subject: CONCLUSIONS & RECOMMENDATIONS: * The 2010 general election could mark the most defining moment in a generation, but new divisions in Burmese politics are undermining prospects for democracy and national reconciliation... * Resolution of Burma’s long-standing ethnic crises is integral to the achievement of real peace, democracy and constitutional government... * The UN and international community need to establish a common focus on the election and its political consequences. * Political and ethnic inclusion is essential if Burma’s long history of state failure is to be addressed... * To establish sustainable ethnic peace, there must be conflict resolution, humanitarian progress and equitable participation in the economy, bringing rights and benefits to all the country’s peoples and regions.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Insititute, Burma Centrum Nederland (Burma Policy Briefing Nr 1 June 2010)
Format/size: pdf (402K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/bpb1.pdf
Date of entry/update: 10 June 2010


Title: Burma’s 2010 Elections: Challenges and Opportunities
Date of publication: June 2010
Description/subject: CONCLUSIONS & RECOMMENDATIONS: *The elections will not be free or fair, given the uneven playing field, longstanding denial of basic freedoms, and some draconian provisions of the election laws... * In criticising the process, it is important not to undermine the position of those candidates proposing change. An embryonic opposition voice in authoritarian legislatures should be encouraged rather than marginalised... * These elections must also be judged on how they deliver on demands for equitable political rights and inclusion by ethnic groups, and on the long-standing crisis of conflict and insurgency in the ethnic borderlands... * It would be a massive wasted opportunity if the West failed to engage with the new government, to assess their willingness to take the country in a different direction... * Benchmarks must be tangible, but also realistic. The international community must deliver on its longstanding commitment to support meaningful reforms towards democracy and ethnic peace in Burma.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Insititute, Burma Centrum Nederland (Burma Policy Briefing Nr 2, June 2010)
Format/size: pdf (179k)
Alternate URLs: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/bpb2_0.pdf
Date of entry/update: 10 June 2010


Title: Listening to Voices from Inside: People’s Perspectives on Myanmar’s 2010 Election
Date of publication: June 2010
Description/subject: Conclusion: "What have been presented in this report are the views of members of civil society inside Myanmar, not the perspectives of CPCS. The Centre has chosen not to draw any specific conclusions from this report, allowing the voices of those inside Myanmar to stand on their own. Nevertheless, the Centre believes there are some principles which might guide international engagement with Myanmar’s 2010 election. While it is almost certain that the 2010 election will not meet international standards, it is an opportunity to expand the space and roles for civil society. Statements condemning the election should not be made without meaningful attempts to engage domestic civil society throughout the election process. The international community should not rely solely on the perspectives of outsiders. In this respect the international community should make every effort to visit Myanmar to monitor what is happening on the ground. It is suggested that dialogue with local civil society be maintained as a means of monitoring the process in its entirety—not just vote observation and monitoring. This engagement with civil society should serve as the basis for policy formation. Further, governments and organisations should find creative ways to engage the election process without endorsing it. Examples of engagement include voter conscientisation, technical and financial support to Myanmar civil society groups engaged in non-political election activities and exchange visits between political parties and MPs in other countries to widen the experience of candidates. Importantly, the international community should not allow the election to distract from efforts to address the variety of critical and pressing issues challenging Myanmar today. These include a country-wide humanitarian crisis, ongoing ethnic armed conflict and widespread human rights violations and poverty. The international community should use the election as an opportunity to refocus their energy on these specific areas which desperately need to be addressed."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies
Format/size: pdf (598MB)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/fileadmin/downloads/pdfs/Myanmar_Elections_Report_FINAL.p...
Date of entry/update: 16 June 2010


Title: The Snake Sheds Its Skin
Date of publication: June 2010
Description/subject: Junta top brass recently stripped off their military uniforms and donned civilian clothes under the pretext of forming a civilian political party... "With the formation of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) by Burma’s Prime Minister Thein Sein and a group of current government ministers, one of the last and most important pieces of the junta’s jigsaw puzzle is now in place. As a result, a clear picture is emerging of how the regime plans to maintain its grip on both military and political power after the election..."
Author/creator: Htet Aung
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 6
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 29 August 2010


Title: The Myanmar Elections
Date of publication: 27 May 2010
Description/subject: OVERVIEW: "Myanmar will shortly hold its first elections in twenty years. Given the restrictive provisions of the 2010 Political Parties Registration Law that bar anyone serving a prison term from membership in a political party, many imprisoned dissidents will be excluded from the process, unless they are released in the near future. Aung San Suu Kyi – whose suspended sentence and house arrest possibly exclude her also – has condemned the legislation, and her National League for Democracy (NLD) has decided not to participate and has, therefore, lost its status as a legally-registered party. There has rightly been much international criticism of the new constitution and of the fact that the elections will not be inclusive, but the political and generational shift that they will bring about may represent the best opportunity in a generation to influence the future direction of the country. The balloting will take place in the framework of the new constitution, adopted under highly questionable circumstances in 2008. That document, which will come into force following the elections, will entrench the military’s power. It gives the institution significant autonomy, as well as considerable political influence, by reserving a quarter of the seats in national and regional legislatures for it and creating a powerful new national defence and security council controlled by the commander-in-chief, who also receives control of key security ministries and other extraordinary powers. It seems very likely that the vote will go ahead without any moves by the regime to address concerns. At the same time, the problematic nature of the process should not lead observers to underestimate its significance. The elections and the constitution they will bring into force will define the political landscape for years to come and will influence what opportunities there are to push for long-overdue social, economic and political reforms in Myanmar. An understanding of the political dynamics they will create is, therefore, vital. It is clear that the top leaders, Generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye, will step aside after the elections, making way for a younger generation of military officers. Although the old guard may continue to wield significant influence behind the scenes, the reins of power will be in new hands, and the new political structures make it unlikely that any single individual will be able to dominate decision-making in the way that Than Shwe has in recent years. Myanmar has been under military rule for half a century. The attempts by the regime to introduce a more civilian and plural character to governance, however tentative and flawed they may be, should be critiqued but not dismissed. These were the messages of Crisis Group’s August 2009 report, Myanmar: Towards the Elections, and they continue to be valid. This briefing updates recent developments, including an analysis of the electoral legislation issued in March. It provides a timeline for the implementation of the new constitutional structures after election day, including the formation and initial functioning of the new legislatures. It also examines the critical question of the impact on the ethnic conflict and concludes that renewed fighting in areas where ceasefires currently hold should be of concern but remains on balance unlikely. A brief assessment of the recent mass sell-off of public assets, which was driven in part by the uncertainty of post-election rent-seeking opportunities, suggests that this could have greater impact on the political economy than the elections themselves, by providing significant off-budget resources that will help the army take advantage of the considerable autonomy and political influence written into the constitution for it. The electoral legislation is in most respects almost identical to the laws governing the 1990 poll, including provisions that led to a broadly fair count. The most significant departures are highly restrictive provisions in the Political Parties Registration Law. This suggests strongly that, as in 1990, the elections will be characterised by a campaigning period that is highly controlled and far from free, but that the voting on election day may well be relatively fair. Such a scenario presents important challenges, as well as opportunities, to domestic stakeholders and to the international community."
Language: English
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Briefing N°105)
Format/size: pdf (1MB)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs09/ICG-The_Myanmar_Elections.pdf
Date of entry/update: 27 May 2010


Title: European Parliament resolution of 20 May 2010 on the situation in Burma/Myanmar
Date of publication: 20 May 2010
Description/subject: Severe criticism of the Burma Election of 2010, including "...2. Condemns the holding of elections under completely undemocratic conditions and on the basis of rules which exclude the main democratic opposition party and deprive hundreds of thousands of Burmese citizens of their right to vote and stand for election, in a clear attempt to exclude the country's entire opposition from the ballot; 3. Deplores the fact that, under the new constitution, the military will be guaranteed at least 25% of the seats in parliament and will have the power to suspend civil liberties and legislative authority whenever it deems that to be necessary in the interests of national security; 4. Strongly urges the Government of Burma/Myanmar to take without delay the steps needed to ensure a free, fair and transparent electoral process, including the participation of all voters, all political parties and all other relevant stakeholders in the electoral process, and agree to the presence of international observers; calls for the electoral laws published in March 2010, which make the holding of free and transparent elections impossible, to be repealed..."...Click on the boxes top right of the page for versions in the different EU languages
Language: English and the other EU languages
Source/publisher: European Parliament
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/2010/05/20/european-parliament-resolution-on-the-situation-i...
Date of entry/update: 22 May 2010


Title: NLD and the Politics of Boycott
Date of publication: May 2010
Description/subject: How will the decision by Burma’s main opposition party to sit out the election affect the political process?
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 5
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 29 August 2010


Title: Burma’s 2010 Elections: Implications of the New Constitution and Election Laws
Date of publication: 29 April 2010
Description/subject: Summary: "On an undisclosed date in 2010, Burma plans to hold its first parliamentary elections in 20 years. The elections are to be held under a new constitution, supposedly approved in a national referendum held in 2008 in the immediate aftermath of the widespread destruction caused by Cyclone Nargis. The official results of the constitutional referendum are widely seen as fraudulent, but despite significant domestic and international opposition, Burma’s ruling military junta—the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)—has insisted on conducting the polls as part of what it calls a path to “disciplined democracy.” On March 9, 2010, the SPDC released five new laws for the pending parliamentary elections. Three of the laws are about the three main types of parliaments stipulated in the constitution—the two houses of the national parliament (Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) and the Regional or State parliaments. The fourth law—the Political Parties Registration Law—sets conditions for the registration and operation of political parties in Burma; the fifth law establishes a Union Election Commission to supervise the parliamentary elections and political parties. The new laws were quickly subjected to sharp criticism, both domestically and overseas. In particular, the law on political parties was widely denounced for placing unreasonable restrictions on the participation of many opposition political leaders and Burma’s Buddhist monks and nuns. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Philip J. Crowley said the Political Parties Registration Law “makes a mockery of the democratic process and ensures that the upcoming elections will be devoid of creditability.” There have also been objections to the terms of the Union Election Commission Law and the 17 people subsequently appointed to the commission by the SPDC. In late September 2009, the Obama Administration adopted a new policy on Burma. The policy keeps most of the elements of the Burma policies of the last two administrations in place, but adds a willingness to engage in direct dialogue with the SPDC on how to promote democracy and human rights in Burma, and greater cooperation on international security issues, such as counternarcotics efforts and nuclear nonproliferation. The Obama Administration accepts that little progress has been made during the seven months that the new policy has been in effect, but has indicated that it will remain in place for now. There are signs of concern among Members of Congress about the dearth of progress in Burma towards democracy and greater respect for human rights. Nine Senators sent a letter to President Obama on March 26, 2010, urging the imposition of additional economic sanctions on the SPDC in light of “a set of profoundly troubling election laws.” However, another Senator perceives “several substantive gestures” on the part of the SPDC, and suggests it is time to increase engagement with the Burmese government. The 111th Congress has already taken action with respect to Burma, such as renewing the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003. If it were to determine that additional actions should be taken, there are several alternatives available. Among those alternatives are holding hearings or seminars on the political situation in Burma, pushing the Obama Administration to implement existing sanctions on Burma more vigorously, and adding or removing existing sanctions. This report will be updated as circumstances warrant."
Author/creator: Michael F. Martin
Language: English
Source/publisher: Congressional Research Service
Format/size: pdf (245K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/CRS_Burmas2010Elections_ImplicationsoftheNewConstitut...
Date of entry/update: 02 June 2010


Title: Myanmar ministers 'quit military'
Date of publication: 28 April 2010
Description/subject: "...More than 20 senior officials in Myanmar's military government have reportedly given up their uniforms in an apparent move to run as civilians in national elections expected to be held later this year. The officials, including Thein Sein, Myanmar's prime minister, are all expected to retain their cabinet posts in the lead up to the vote...."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Aljazeera
Format/size: pdf (3.5MB); html
Date of entry/update: 29 April 2010


Title: SPDC ELECTION LAWS SET THE STAGE FOR SHAM ELECTIONS
Date of publication: 26 April 2010
Description/subject: "The following paper gives a concrete update since the last report ALTSEAN published on the electoral process in Burma [See ALTSEAN - Burma report on 2010 Elections : a recipe for continued conflict on: www.altsean.org/Reports/2010Electionsbis. php. ] It also explains how the regime is preparing itself for the day after the elections which are organized with only one aim: to ensure that the country will remain still hostage of the military for many more years to come.... Highlights: • The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) issues five repressive election laws that will ensure that the polls held in Burma later this year will be neither free nor fair. • Some of the repressive provisions include: – Giving the Election Commission the authority to deny or delay elections in ethnic nationality areas for “security reasons”. – Excluding those who convicted of a crime and serving a jail term from being a member of a political party. – Forbidding those associated with armed opposition groups - and potentially including those associated with ceasefire groups that reject the SPDC’s Border Guard Force (BGR) ultimatum - from taking part in the elections. • The SPDC continues to place severe restrictions on freedom and expression and assembly. • In response to the unfair and undemocratic election laws, the National League for Democracy (NLD) announces that it will boycott the SPDC’s elections. • In the meantime, the SPDC prepares to transfer its authority to junta-backed political parties and sell state assets to its loyal cronies. • On the border, ethnic tensions escalate as ceasefire groups refuse to accept the SPDC’s ultimatum that their militaries become BGFs. • In early 2010, SPDC military offensives in Eastern Burma displace more than 4,100 villagers. • UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma recommends the UN consider establishing a Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the SPDC. 4 / • Regardless of how the elections are conducted, the SPDC’s constitution will perpetuate military rule, because it stipulates that: – The military occupies 25% of the seats in Parliament and controls 3 key Ministries; – The military has effective veto power over constitutional amendments; – The National Defense and Security Council further entrenches the military; – Basic human rights are still threatened..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma, International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
Format/size: pdf (718K)
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2010


Title: BURMA: Elections without speech
Date of publication: 23 April 2010
Description/subject: "When the military government of Burma passed five new laws and four bylaws during March in preparation for planned elections later this year, it attracted a lot of interest, discussion and analysis in the global media. The only place where the media did not pick up the story was in Burma, or Myanmar, itself. Aside from official announcements in the turgid state mouthpieces and some articles in news journals iterating the facts, there was no analysis, commentary or debate. The absence of debate was not because the persons writing and publishing these periodicals did not want discussion, or even try to have some. According to various reports, journalists have interviewed experts and obtained views that they had thought would be printable. But instead, journals have so far been prohibited from covering anything significant about the laws at all, or the parties now registering for the upcoming ballot. The absurd situation exists of an election having been announced and the process of party registration begun without anything other than formal acknowledgement of these facts in the local media..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Asian Human Rights Commission
Format/size: html; pdf (3.5MB) (553 pages)
Date of entry/update: 23 April 2010


Title: BURMA: Elections without rights
Date of publication: 15 April 2010
Description/subject: "The government of Burma has set down conditions for the forming of political parties that would have people associate in order to participate in anticipated elections, but nowhere is the right to associate guaranteed. While parties are required to have at least a thousand members to enlist for the national election--500 for regional assemblies--a host of extant security laws circumscribe how, when and in what numbers persons can associate..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Asian Human Rights Commission
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 23 April 2010


Title: BURMA: Elections without a judiciary
Date of publication: 09 April 2010
Description/subject: "One of the basic prerequisites of a fair election is that agencies exist which are responsible for settling disputes that arise before, during and afterwards. These disputes take many forms, and are a normal part of electoral politics. It is essential that well-prepared institutions can address these disputes within rules that are clearly set down and understood in advance, and can resolve disputes over the rules themselves..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Asian Human Rights Commission
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 23 April 2010


Title: ‘The upcoming elections will be devoid of credibility’
Date of publication: April 2010
Description/subject: The Irrawaddy editor Aung Zaw interviewed US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell prior to Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD's decision not to register for the election. In November, Kurt Campbell met opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and military junta Prime Minister Thein Sein when he led the US’s first high-level delegation to Burma in 14 years. US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell takes a question during a press conference at the US embassy in Tokyo in September ... He spoke to The Irrawaddy about the regime’s recent election law, US sanctions, Asean and the political unrest in Thailand.
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 4
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 19 April 2010


Title: ‘This is no free election. It is a charade.’
Date of publication: April 2010
Description/subject: In this interview with The Irrawaddy, South African Archbishop Emeritus and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Desmond Tutu, a long-time supporter of Burma’s democracy movement, offers encouragement to the country’s imprisoned activists and oppressed citizens—and an unsparing assessment of this year’s planned election.
Author/creator: Desmond Tutu (interview)
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 4
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 19 April 2010


Title: Preliminary Analysis of Myanmar’s 2010 Electoral Laws
Date of publication: 31 March 2010
Description/subject: "This briefing paper is intended to give a concise overview of the main provisions of the electoral laws and bylaws issued by the Myanmar authorities in March 2010, and to discuss some of the implications of the most important provisions. These laws establish the detailed framework for the first elections in Myanmar for 20 years, which will take place later this year on a date yet to be announced. These elections, while they will not be free and fair, nevertheless represent the most important political shift in a generation. A new political space will be created – however constrained it may be – along with a set of new State institutions. The ageing military leadership will also hand over the reins of power to a new generation. It is therefore vital to have a clear understanding of this legislation and its likely consequences; however, much of the debate so far has been based on a hasty and often erroneous reading of the laws..."
Author/creator: Richard Horsey
Language: English
Source/publisher: Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum
Format/size: pdf (149K)
Date of entry/update: 03 April 2010


Title: NLD Special announcement 2/03/10
Date of publication: 23 March 2010
Description/subject: (unofficial translation)... "On 8 March 2010, the State Peace and Development Council announced the Union Election Commission Law, Political Parties Registration Law, Pyithu Hluttaw (Lower House)) Election Law, the Amyotha Hluttaw ((Upper House)) Election Law, and the Region or State Hluttaw Election Law. If these laws are studied, it becomes clearly evident that they are against democratic practices and there is nothing fair, free, about them. Some key examples to cite here are:..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: National League for Democracy (NLD)
Format/size: pdf (67K)
Date of entry/update: 26 March 2010


Title: Commentary on the Political Parties Registration Law
Date of publication: 09 March 2010
Language: English
Source/publisher: Mizzima
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.mizzima.com/news/election-2010/3635-burma-bans-imprisoned-dissidents-from-up-coming-elec...
Date of entry/update: 18 March 2010


Title: Myanmar unveils new election laws
Date of publication: 09 March 2010
Description/subject: The military junta of Myanmar, which is also known as Burma, unveiled the first details of new election laws on Tuesday. According to the state-run newspapers, the regime enacted five laws on Monday to pave the way for the polls that are planned for later this year. However, only information about the law concerning the new election commission has been publicly disclosed. The new rules stipulate that the upcoming elections in Myanmar will be overseen by a five-member election commission. All of the commission members must be at least 50 years old, they say. They must all be "eminent people with a good reputation" and cannot be members of a political party. The new law states that the election commission will have the power to cancel elections in places where voting is hampered by a natural disaster or by the local security situation. The election commission's decisions will be final, says the junta.
Language: English
Source/publisher: DW-World DE
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 12 November 2010


Title: Clinging to ‘Dwifungsi’
Date of publication: March 2010
Description/subject: The new Constitution seeks to justify a military role in politics, but unless things improve after the election, it will be at best a temporary extension of a failed political experiment... "In a vibrant region that has achieved significant economic development in recent decades, Burma could have done better, at least economically. It has not. After two military coups and three constitutions—the latest of which has yet to be implemented—since achieving independence in 1948, Burma remains poor and underdeveloped, despite being rich in natural resources. Peace and prosperity have eluded the country, and it remains isolated from the mainstream of the international community. Since 1962, successive military governments have experimented with socialism and a semi-market economy. But they have yet to find a polity that will provide them with the system they seek—a semblance of civilian rule, a dose of democracy, a robust market economy and military dominance. Now, however, the military believes that it has found its Holy Grail in the 2008 Constitution. Almost all Burmese political groups, both inside the country and in exile, oppose the Constitution and the way it was conceived, developed and ratified. The people are also skeptical—few expect the Constitution or the coming election to improve their lives. But at the same time, many still nurture some hope of change for the better. However much opposition groups decry the entire process as a sham, some people will try to take advantage of any opening the new polity may offer, if only because they think it is the only game in town..."
Author/creator: Aung Naing Oo
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 3
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www2.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17931
Date of entry/update: 13 March 2010


Title: The Myanmar 2010 Elections: A European Perspective
Date of publication: March 2010
Description/subject: Executive Summary: :Myanmar is a closely watched, but puzzling country for the European Union. This means that the EU often encounter difficulties when responding to the autocratic nature of the military regime, the human rights abuses and the general lack of democratic norms. If the EU is viewed as an integrated region, its policy towards Myanmar seems to be divided. However, when the member states that make it up are observed individually, policy towards Myanmar becomes slightly clearer. Some member states have a moral argument as their base, others have a more pragmatic stance, and others have a combination of both. Most member states claim that their individual policies are aligned with the EU as a whole, but at other times these polices are changed, often in an ad hoc manner, to meet the demands of the particular setting. The EU does not have the same difficulty when it comes to the generals and their repressive regime. That is to say, there are similarly minded criticisms on the content of the 2008 constitution, its drafting, the circumstances surrounding the referendum and the up-coming 2010 election. These similarities become less unified, when attention is focused on the expectations the EU has of Myanmar’s generals, and becomes even less unified when the EU has to decide how to react to them. Accordingly, this paper deals with the perception that Europe has of Myanmar from the view point of politicians and also the media; the expectations that Europe has of Myanmar from the perspective of politicians and also the general public; and the reactions of Europe with regard to the issues of sanctions, the internment of Aung San Suu Kyi, and the ongoing human rights abuses. Many of these views are divided and decisions are quite often made for reasons of a moral nature, rather than from a pragmatic stance, and are often decided upon prematurely, before understanding the situation fully. Due to these observations, this report outlines some recommendations which may be useful to keep in mind when contemplating policy towards Myanmar. The recommendations aim to cover a broad area and include, but are not limited to: • The need for the EU to engage in pan-European dialogue to break the “Myanmar position” stalemate that is occurring. • The need for the EU to revise their view of the sanctions and to understand how ineffective they are at accomplishing change. • The need to improve dialogue between the regime and the EU through the use of both direct and indirect channels, which automatically assumes the loosening of visa restrictions • The need to learn from and follow the lead of Obama’s engaging attitude with his administration’s use of “the smart policy.” It must be noted that this would only be the starting point; the finish line is indiscernible. • The need to be aware of the deficiencies in development aid and the continuing need to improve it. • The need to be aware of the opportunity for change in a country that is experiencing change on many different fronts, whether the generals like it or not.
Author/creator: Christopher O’ Hara
Language: English
Source/publisher: Institute for Security and Development Policy (Asia Paper)
Format/size: pdf (865K)
Date of entry/update: 27 November 2010


Title: The repression of ethnic minority activists in Myanmar
Date of publication: 16 February 2010
Description/subject: "...Planning this year to hold its first national and local elections since 1990, the Myanmar government has prepared itself in many ways, including, as Amnesty International’s findings indicate, by repressing ethnic minority political opponents and activists. While these human rights violations certainly preceded the February 2008 announcement that elections would be held—as the late 2007 crackdown on the Saffron Revolution showed—the coming elections have given the government new resolve in repressing political dissent in all of Myanmar’s seven ethnic minority states and among its ethnic minority peoples. This repression has included arbitrary arrests and detention; torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment; unfair trials; rape; extrajudicial killings; forced labour; violations of freedom of expression, assembly, association, and religion; intimidation and harassment; and discrimination. This repression of political opponents and activists has also run completely contrary to the Myanmar government’s repeated claims since 2004, to be embarking and continuing on a ‘Roadmap to Democracy’ and increasing the level of political participation in the country. With almost no exception, authorities and officials have enjoyed impunity for their violations. The repression of political opponents and activists has resulted in the violation of ethnic minorities’ human rights, and the violation of international human rights and humanitarian law: Myanmar is bound by its legal obligations under the Conventions on the Rights of the Child and on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women; the 1949 Geneva Conventions; and customary international law. It is also obliged, as a member of the United Nations and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to uphold the provisions of both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the ASEAN Charter..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Amnesty International
Format/size: pdf (758K), html (258K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA16/001/2010/en/0c727278-2993-4816-90bc-e86c658d05ce/asa1...
Date of entry/update: 16 February 2010


Title: Burma: Aung San Suu Kyi Calls Upcoming Elections Illegitimate
Date of publication: 11 February 2010
Description/subject: "Burma’s opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has stated that Burma’s severe restrictions on free expression and access to information will compromise any attempt to hold free and fair elections later this year. Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest in Rangoon, was speaking this week through her lawyer, Nyan Win. She said that she was unwilling to engage in the election process because the rights to freedom of expression, freedom of information and freedom of association are consistently denied to Burmese citizens. According to Nyan Win: “‘If there is no freedom of information and freedom of expression, there will be no free and fair election’, Aung San Suu Kyi said. ‘The basic requirements like freedom of press, speech and campaigning, and also free and fair election[s] will be needed if she has to decide whether or not to contest in election.’”..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Article 19
Format/size: pdf (119K)
Alternate URLs: OBL http://www.burmalibrary.org/admin/'>http://www.burmalibrary.org/admin/ http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs08/'>http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs08/ http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs07/'>http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs07/ http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs6/'>http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs6/ https://stats.ibiblio.org/session.cgi'>https://stats.ibiblio.org/session.cgi https://stats.ibiblio.org/ http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs4/'>http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs4/ http://ww
Date of entry/update: 17 February 2010


Title: Going to the Polls: Opportunity or Setback for Myanmar
Date of publication: February 2010
Description/subject: "General Than Shwe, the leader of Myanmar's military junta, recently confirmed that parliamentary elections will be held this year (2010). While no date has been set it seems likely that voting will take place in late spring or early summer.1 Although elections are generally a cause for optimism, voting in Myanmar poses many dangers. Two thirds of Myanmar's population consists of ethnic Burmese with the other third consisting of 6 major ethnic groups and 135 ethnic subgroups. As a result of this ethnic diversity the country has been embroiled in ethnic conflict since the 1960s. Myanmar has numerous ceasefire groups, ethnic groups which signed ceasefire agreements with the junta in the 1980s and 90s, the majority of which have not been engaged in armed combat for several decades. Their goals have ranged from greater autonomy to independence. With the possibility of regime change looming, there is a chance, that these groups will renege on ceasefire agreements and take up arms in the hope of gaining influence and power should the military junta be defeated. More real is the danger that the junta will engage the groups militarily in order to quell any potential opposition in the forthcoming elections. This paper argues that while the elections present many dangers for the ceasefire groups, the extent of the peril very much depends on their size and strength. The dangers posed by the elections are likely to be the greatest for the larger ceasefire groups but these groups also have the greatest bargaining power and thus the possibility to achieve the greatest gains..."
Author/creator: Anna Louise Strachan
Language: English
Source/publisher: Centre for Security Analysis
Format/size: pdf (94K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.csa-chennai.org/Files/MsAnnaLouiseStrachan%27sPaper.pdf
Date of entry/update: 06 March 2010


Title: The Myanmar imbroglio and ASEAN: heading towards the 2010 elections
Date of publication: January 2010
Description/subject: "...three particular questions are addressed here: 1 How strong is ASEAN’s record when it comes to influencing the SPDC in relation to matters of national reconciliation and political transition? 2 What factors explain ASEAN’s role vis-à-vis Myanmar? 3 What prospect, if any, is there that ASEAN will play a significant part in trying to influence the regime to make political concessions before the 2010 elections to ensure their credibility? The article argues that, as a grouping, ASEAN has as yet not moved beyond collective criticism to induce Naypyidaw to respond positively to the main demands of its international detractors. ASEAN’s norms, different political identities, geopolitical interests and the SPDC’s prickliness have all limited ASEAN’s consensus on Myanmar. Naypyidaw’s relations with Washington, rather than ASEAN’s ‘enhanced interactions’ with the military government, and—especially—the domestic political dynamics in Myanmar, are likely to be the crucial determinants of further developments in the context of the 2010 elections..."
Author/creator: Jürgen Haacke
Language: English
Source/publisher: "International Affairs" 86: 1, 2010
Format/size: pdf (238K)
Alternate URLs: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2010.00873.x/abstract
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2010.00873.x/pdf
Date of entry/update: 28 October 2010


Title: Summary of "Analysis of the forthcoming 2010 election in Burma from the perspective of human rights"
Date of publication: December 2009
Description/subject: "...For the past fifty years, military dictators have ruled Burma destroying the economy, abolishing the rule of law, and perpetuating thousands of human rights violations against its own population. The military regime known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) regularly enlists child soldiers, uses sexual violence against the civilian population, has forcibly displaced and destroyed over 3,000 ethnic villages, and carries out executions with impunity.1 The state currently holds over 2,000 political prisoners, including Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and has refused repeated calls for release or trials. The international community’s efforts to both isolate and engage the military junta have failed to produce results. The regime has announced that elections will assuredly be held in 2010 to implement its military-dominated Constitution, which was forcefully approved in May 2008. The Burma Lawyers’ Council (BLC) has created a comprehensive analysis of the forthcoming 2010 election, scrutinizing the political will of the regime, the history of elections in Burma, international election standards, the flaws of the 2008 Constitution, and the relevance of international laws. The BLC’s paper also proposes concrete steps for peaceful democratization of Burma on the rule of law and human rights. The following is excerpts from the longer BLC analysis paper, which will be published soon..."...This summary is taken from "LawKa PaLa - Legal Journal on Burma" - No. 34 (December 2009) published by BLC (see the Alternate URL)
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Lawyers' Council (BLC)
Format/size: pdf (116K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs08/LIOB_34.pdf
Date of entry/update: 29 April 2010


Title: Ethnic Conflict and the 2010 Elections in Burma
Date of publication: 23 November 2009
Description/subject: Summary: "Ethnic conflict in Burma pre-dates independence. With preparations for the 2010 elections underway, there is a need for a renewed focus on the complex political and ethnic divisions within the country. Whilst many do not believe that the election will be a true reflection of the people’s wishes, there are areas in which the junta have made political and peaceful gains. Critics of the regime, however, believe that the election will only further the government’s hardline stance towards dissenting groups. · Despite on-going conflicts, 18 armed ceasefires have been agreed. The ceasefires have allowed for improvements but have created new problems in Burma’s border areas. However, these agreements serve as potential models for wider peace agreements and reconciliation. · In the autumn of 2009 some of the ceasefires broke down and there was renewed instability on the Burma China border as clashes broke out between the Kokang and the Tatmadaw (Burmese armed forces) resulting in refugees fleeing to China. · The Tatmadaw (the Burmese military) is trying to force ethnic minority militias to become a border guard force prior to the 2010 elections. This is being resisted by a number of ethnic militia groups such as the Kachin and the Wa. However any further break down of these ceasefire agreements will bring renewed instability to Burma. · Involvement and pressure from Burma’s allies and critics have had little noticeable effect on conflict resolution as the drivers of the ethnic conflict are ultimately internal."
Author/creator: Dr Marie Lall
Language: English
Source/publisher: Chatham House
Format/size: pdf (137K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/files/15380_1109pp_lall.pdf
Date of entry/update: 29 August 2010


Title: Above the Law
Date of publication: November 2009
Description/subject: Burma’s rulers will continue to lean heavily on the judiciary to impose their vision of a “discipline-flourishing democracy”... "After decades of military rule, many Burmese are no longer aware that their country had one of the most progressive judicial systems in the region after independence in 1948. Judges had secure salaries and could only be removed for misbehavior or incapacity. The courts were not afraid to challenge the executive, and the Supreme Court proclaimed that the 1947 Constitution should be interpreted in a “liberal and comprehensive spirit.” Even at the height of insurgencies against Rangoon in the late 1940s, the Supreme Court ordered police to release men who had been detained illegally. ILLUSTRATION: HARN LAY/THE IRRAWADDY The slide from a judiciary with integrity to its present role as defender of the military began when the late Gen Ne Win seized power and imprisoned Chief Justice Myint Thein for six years—longer than he imprisoned former Prime Minister U Nu. When Ne Win drafted the 1974 Constitution, he removed any remaining separation between the judiciary and the government. He packed the Council of People’s Justice, which replaced the Supreme Court, with members of the Burma Socialist Programme Party. The Constitution required the court to “protect the socialist system” rather than the rights of Burmese citizens. Although the military revived the Supreme Court in 1988, Human Rights Watch maintains that judges still “serve at the whim of the SPDC and must follow the directives of the military.”..."
Author/creator: Arnold Corso
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 17, No. 8
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 28 February 2010


Title: Free and Fair?
Date of publication: November 2009
Description/subject: The legitimacy of the 2010 election rests on more than just the release of political prisoners and allowing the opposition to participate... "Burma’s ruling junta has recently been under pressure by a skeptical international community to verify its claims that it has put into place “free and fair” conditions for next year’s election. The baseline indicators of a credible electoral process, observers say, are: the release of all political prisoners, including the pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi; and allowing all stakeholders to participate in the election. Residents of Mandalay cast their votes in the constitutional referendum on May 10, 2008. At the UN General Assembly in New York in September, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon made clear to Burma’s Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein that the onus was on the Burmese government to create the necessary conditions for credible and inclusive elections and to initiate a dialogue with the opposition. While the urgency of the country’s political reconciliation has long been a first priority, few Burma watchers have to date raised concerns on a number of critical issues related to the election process that can directly affect the environment of a free and fair election. For example, in a meeting with Thailand’s Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva on the sidelines of the Asean summit earlier this year, Thein Sein said that the regime will allow UN officials and developing countries to observe the general election. But to ensure a free and fair election, the existence of independent foreign election monitors must be in place across the country at the outset of the election campaign period. Because the borderline between campaigning and manipulating is often murky in elections, and bearing in mind the natural partisanship, it is essential to introduce a checklist of criteria that are key to bringing about a free and fair election..."
Author/creator: Htet Aung
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 17, No. 8
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 28 February 2010


Title: Here Today, Gone Tomorrow
Date of publication: November 2009
Description/subject: Burma has produced a bewildering assortment of political parties over the past century, but most have been short-lived... "Throughout Burma’s modern history, political parties have come and gone. Some have split up and formed new organizations or alliances; others have simply vanished. None has outlived the era that produced it. Since the first modern election was held under British rule in 1922, Burma has undergone numerous political transformations, each one dominated by a different cast of leaders representing a complex array of interests. Many commentators have pointed to the sheer diversity of political forces in Burma as a source of weakness, but the real tragedy has been the lack of continuity in the country’s political evolution. An NLD worker campaigns during the 1990 election. No political party in Burma has ever survived more than a few elections, partly due to infighting and internal dynamics, but mostly because of external factors: British colonial interference, World War II and, worst of all, nearly half a century of military rule..."
Author/creator: Kay Latt
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 17, No. 8
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 28 February 2010


Title: Nudging the Junta toward Democracy
Date of publication: November 2009
Description/subject: What can the international community and the opposition do to ensure that next year’s election puts Burma on the road to genuine political reform?... "Burma’s ruling junta has yet to disclose its plans for next year’s election, but it’s not too early to start asking if there is a chance, however remote, that the generals will allow the vote to be free and fair, and what can be done to make this happen..."
Author/creator: Kyaw Zwa Moe
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 17, No. 8
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 28 February 2010


Title: MYANMAR: TOWARDS THE ELECTIONS
Date of publication: 20 August 2009
Description/subject: Executive Summary: "The bizarre prosecution and conviction of opposition leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi for violating her house arrest has returned attention to repression in Myanmar, as preparations were underway for the first national elections in twenty years, now scheduled for 2010. This further undermined what little credibility the exercise may have had, especially when based on a constitution that institutionalises the militaryâ�" a number of prominent regime opponents have been arrested and sentenced to prison terms over the last year â�" the constitution and elections together will fundamentally change the political landscape in a way the government may not be able to control. Senior Generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye may soon step down or move to ceremonial roles, making way for a younger military generation. All stakeholders should be alert to opportunities that may arise to push the new government toward reform and reconciliation. At first glance, the obstacles to change seem over­whelming. The 2008 constitution entrenches military power by reserving substantial blocs of seats in the national and local legislatures for the army, creating a strong new national defence and security council and vesting extraordinary powers in the commander-in-chief. It prevents Aung San Suu Kyi from standing for president, even if she were not imprisoned. It is extremely difficult to amend. And while not all regulations relating to the administration of the elections have been an­nounced, they are unlikely to offer much room for manoevre to opposition parties. But the elections are significant because the controversial constitution on which they are based involves a complete reconfiguration of the political structure â�" establishing a presidential system of government with a bicameral legislature as well as fourteen regional governments and assemblies â�" the most wide-ranging shake-up in a generation. The change will not inevitably be for the better, but it offers an opportunity to influence the future direction of the country. Ultimately, even assuming that the intention of the regime is to consolidate military rule rather than begin a transition away from it, such processes often lead in unexpected directions. This report looks at the elections in the context of Myan­mar�s constitutional history. It examines key provisions of the 2008 constitution and shows how many of the controversial articles were simply taken from its 1947 or 1974 predecessors. Noteworthy new provisions include strict requirements on presidential candidates, the establishment of state/regional legislatures and governments, the reservation of legislative seats for the military, military control of key security ministries, the authority granted to the military to administer its own affairs (in particular military justice) and the creation of a constitutional tribunal. Criticism of the constitution from groups within Myan­mar has focused on military control, ethnic autonomy, qualifications for political office, and the very difficult amendment procedures. The main reaction of the populace to it and the forthcoming elections is indifference, rooted in a belief that nothing much will change. Some of the so-called ceasefire groups â�" ethnic minorities that have ended their conflicts with the government â�" are endorsing ethnic political parties that will take part in the polls. These groups take a negative view of the constitution but feel that there may be some limited opening of political space, particularly at the regional level, and that they should position themselves to take advantage of this. There are increased tensions, however, as the regime is pushing these groups to transform into border guard forces partially under the command of the national army. The National League for Democracy (NLD), winner of the 1990 elections, has said it will only take part if the constitution is changed, and it is given the freedom to organise. Assuming this will not happen, it is not yet clear if it will call for a complete boycott in an attempt to deny the elections legitimacy or urge its supporters to vote for other candidates. A boycott could play into the hands of the military government, since it would not prevent the election from going ahead and would mainly deprive non-government candidates of votes, potentially narrowing the range of voices in future legislatures. The Myanmar authorities must make the electoral process more credible. Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners must be released now and allowed to participate fully in the electoral process; politically-motivated arrests must cease. It also critical that key electoral legislation be promulgated as soon as possible, in a way that allows parties to register without undue restriction, gives space for canvassing activities and ensures transparent counting of votes. The international community, including Myanmar�s ASEAN neighbours, must continue to press for these measures while looking for opportunities that the elections may bring. This will require a pragmatic and nuanced strategy towards the new government at the very time, following a deeply flawed electoral process, when pressure will be greatest for a tough stance. The new Myanmar government, whatever its policies, will not be capable of reversing overnight a culture of impunity and decades of abuses and political restrictions. But following the elections, the international community must be ready to respond to any incremental positive steps in a calibrated and timely fashion. To have any hope of inducing a reform course, it is critical to find ways to communicate unambiguously that a renormalisation of external relations is possible..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Report N°174)
Format/size: pdf (2.5MB)
Alternate URLs: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/burma-myanmar/174_myanmar___towards_t...
Date of entry/update: 24 August 2009


Title: The Walls Have Ears
Date of publication: August 2009
Description/subject: "Intelligence officers who were active under former spy chief Gen Khin Nyunt say that the Burmese regime has been recruiting undercover police agents and informers to infiltrate dissident and opposition groups ahead of the 2010 election..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 17, No. 5
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 26 December 2009


Title: Burma: Trust the People
Date of publication: July 2009
Description/subject: Is the election promised for next year the best opportunity for change in Burma, or a cynical attempt by the military to hold onto power?
Author/creator: Maung Zarni
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The World Today" Vol. 65, No. 7 (Chatham House)
Format/size: pdf (106K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/files/14247_wt070918.pdf
Date of entry/update: 08 July 2009


Title: SPDC’S 2010 ELECTIONS: UPHEAVAL IN THE MAKING
Date of publication: 30 May 2009
Description/subject: • Burma’s State Peace and Development Council’s (SPDC’s) preparations to ensure full control over the 2010 election is fueling instability, with consequences that will dramatically intensify the cross-border economic and security issues already adversely affecting the region. • The expected outcome of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial, coupled with lengthy jail terms imposed on about 300 activists in the past year, will exclude the most viable pro-democracy opposition candidates from the electoral process. • This has destroyed hopes that the 2010 elections, despite its obvious flaws, would somehow lead to incremental steps towards democratization and urgently-needed reforms. Those who have grudgingly accepted the 2010 elections will now be pressed to choose between resistance and surrender. • The SPDC’s recent ultimatum to key ethnic ceasefire groups to surrender control of their forces and participate in the elections is expected to provoke a resumption of armed conflict. • Growing political and military tensions between the junta and ethnic groups and continued aggression against ethnic civilians is projected to create new waves of refugees flooding over Burma’s borders. • Migrants are being pushed back into Burma because of job losses caused by the global economic crisis. This will be another factor in increasing domestic unrest. A significant number will be vulnerable to recruitment as soldiers by the SPDC Army, its proxies, and ethnic resistance groups. • Reduced remittances from overseas workers have intensified the rapidly deteriorating economic situation. This, along with the SPDC’s failure to address economic woes, is likely to trigger renewed social unrest. • The regime’s violent response to these developments will likely devastate Burma’s fragile stability and intensify cross-border impacts on neighbors already reeling from the impacts of the global economic crisis. • Meanwhile, the 2010 elections are likely to widen the gap between SPDC Army’s top officers and the rank and file. Once appointed to the Parliament, high-ranking military officers will gain additional influence, power, and money-making opportunities. By contrast, the SPDC Army’s rank and file will remain in their miserable and increasingly deteriorating situation. • It is imperative that regional and global political pressure be generated and focused on ensuring that the regime engages in a durable solution that will avoid such destruction. First steps towards the solution will involve the release of all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who commands broad trust and respect across key stakeholder groups, an inclusive review of the 2008 Constitution, and measures to guarantee that a subsequent electoral process will be free and fair.
Language: English
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma
Format/size: pdf (96K)
Date of entry/update: 01 June 2009


Title: NLD Sets Conditions for Election Participation
Date of publication: 30 April 2009
Description/subject: "Burma's opposition National League for Democracy has set three conditions for participation in the 2010 general election - the unconditional release of all political prisoners, amendment of any provisions in the 2008 constitution "not in accord with the democratic principles" and an all-inclusive free and fair poll under international supervision..."
Author/creator: Wai Moe
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 17 May 2009


Title: Junta Commanders Court Ceasefire Groups
Date of publication: 29 April 2009
Description/subject: "Regional commanders from the Burmese military government met the leaders of several ceasefire groups on Tuesday for talks that likely centered on the groups' participation in the 2010 election, according to sources at the Sino-Burmese border. Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, the vice-chairman of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Gauri Zau Seng, confirmed that 10 KIO representatives, including Chairman Lanyaw Zawng Hra, had met with Brig-Gen Soe Win of Northern Regional Military Command..."
Author/creator: Min Lwin
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 17 May 2009


Title: NLD in Dilemma
Date of publication: 29 April 2009
Description/subject: "Key members of Burma's main political opposition party, the National League for Democracy, have gathered in Rangoon—with little harassment from the regime—to discuss the 2010 election issue. The two-day gathering produced a statement read by party chairman Aung Shwe, outlining the party"inclusive" political process in the country's first nationwide election since 1990..."
Author/creator: Wai Moe
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 17 May 2009


Title: Regime Faces Crushing Defeat if Election is Free and Fair
Date of publication: 24 April 2009
Description/subject: "If Burma's upcoming election in 2010 is free and fair, it can be predicted with certainty that the National League for Democracy (NLD) of Aung San Suu Kyi will win with no less than the 82 percent of the votes it secured in the 1990 poll..."
Author/creator: Kyaw Zwa Moe
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 17 May 2009


Title: The Junta Woos the KNU
Date of publication: 09 April 2009
Description/subject: "The inclusion of the Karen National Union (KNU) in the 2010 national election appears to be a key motive behind the proposed cease-fire talks between the rebel group and the Burmese junta, according to analysts..."
Author/creator: Saw Yan Naing
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 17 May 2009


Title: To Fight or Not to Fight
Date of publication: April 2009
Description/subject: As the 2010 election approaches, Burma's ethnic armies are becoming restless... "OVER the past decade, a patchwork of ceasefire agreements, if not actual peace, has reigned over most of Burma's ethnic hinterland. Of the many ethnic insurgent armies that once battled the Burmese regime, only a handful are still waging active military campaigns. The rest remain armed, but have shown little appetite for renewed fighting - so far. With an election planned for sometime next year, however, the status quo is looking increasingly unsustainable. The junta is pushing its erstwhile adversaries to form parties and field candidates, and while some have unenthusiastically complied, others have begun to chafe at the persistent pressure..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 17, No. 2
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 02 April 2009


Title: Goodbye, 1990 election results!
Date of publication: 06 July 2008
Description/subject: Article about the 2010 elections on page 7
Author/creator: Pauk Sa
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The New Light of Myanmar"
Format/size: pdf (6.3MB)
Date of entry/update: 17 May 2009