Discrimination against the Rohingya

See also Main Library > Refugees > Burmese Refugees in Bangladesh and Main Library >Administration and administrative areas > Arakan (Rakhine) State - http://www.burmalibrary.org/show.php?cat=1241&lo=d&sl=0 - which carries OBL's main documentation on the current crisis of the Rohingya, with links to UN, governmental, NGO and other sources.
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Description: "Pakistan?s most widely circulated English language newspaper". Archive from 1998. August 2017: 12,600 results for a local search for "Myanmar" 11,900 for a Google site-specific search for "Myanmar"
Source/publisher: "Dawn" (Pakistan)
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: This news service covers Bangladesh-Burma relations, the Bangladesh-Burma border, events in Arakan and human rights violations against both the Buddhist and Muslim population of Arakan. Email delivery of the reports may be requested from [email protected]
Source/publisher: Narinjara News
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: About 153,000 results (August 2017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-20
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: "According to the 1947 Constitution, a group of people who entered Burma before 1825 and settled in a defined territory are also indigenous race of Burma. This clause was especially written for Rohingya people, said Dr. Aye Maung, one of the author of the 1947 constitution. Accordingly U Nu government recognized Rohingya as an indigenous race of Burma..." Keywords: Islam, Muslim, stateless. Big, flashy site with lots of content.
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: BROUK was founded on 2nd of January 2005 with seven executive committee members. Organisation is with its written constitution which has set up with core objectives, criteria for membership and EC election process. BROUK is a member of Burma stake holder listed by Foreign and Commonwealth Office UK and European Burma Network (EBN). BROUK objectives are; 1. To promote or carry out various research activities, provide the students with stipends, learning materials and all out assistance for higher education. 2. To promote and publicize the genuine case and cause of the Rohingya people and to monitor the situation human rights of Rohingya and other peoples in Burma. 3. To support and express solidarity with the Rohingya national democratic movement(s), the struggles of all democratic and ethnic forces of Burma. 4. To share information, strengthen friendship and solidarity and understanding with the people of the United Kingdom. To provide advice to the community, to raised funds for the charity and to cooperate with other bodies. BROUK is advocating within UK and Europe in particular spreading message of the plight of Rohingya people and Human right violations in Burma. We are closely working with Rohingya organizations around the world, Burma Campaign UK, Christian Solidarity Worldwide, Burmese Democratic groups, Burmese ethnic groups in UK, Euro Burma Office in Brussels and other NGOs.
2005-01-02
Date of entry/update: 2016-04-06
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: About 369,000 results (March 2017) - videos about the Rohingya on Al Jazeera.
Source/publisher: Aljazeera via Google
Date of entry/update: 2017-03-21
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: About 10,000,000 results (August 2017); About 16,800,000 results (September 2017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Google
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-31
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: About 51,400,000 results (August 2018)
Source/publisher: www via Google
2018-08-27
Date of entry/update: 2018-08-27
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
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Description: "...Myanmar's government is on trial in the International Court of Justice, accused of orchestrating a campaign of destruction against the Rohingya people..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera English"
2020-04-16
Date of entry/update: 2020-04-25
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Description: "...This week, Myanmar’s government issued two presidential directives in response to the ICJ’s January order that the government and military prevent genocide of the Rohingya Muslim ethnic group and preserve evidence of crimes that could amount to genocide.The court ordered Myanmar to report on its compliance by May 23 and then every six months while Gambia’s case alleging that abuses against the Rohingya violated the Genocide Convention proceeds...."
Source/publisher: Human Right Watch
2020-04-09
Date of entry/update: 2020-04-12
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
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Description: Various articles, photos videos, profiles, campaigns etc. on the Rohingya. Unfortunately, the material is not precisely dated.
Source/publisher: Restless Beings
Date of entry/update: 2014-08-21
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: A set of 5 reports by David Weissbrodt to the UN Sub-Commission - Link to an OBL section.
Creator/author: David Weissbrodt
Source/publisher: UN Sub-Commission via Online Burma/Myanmar Library
2003-05-00
Date of entry/update: 2012-08-24
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "The United Nations Security Council will be briefed by Secretary-General António Guterres, UNHCR Goodwill Ambassador Cate Blanchett, and UN Development Programme (UNDP) Associate Administrator Tegegnework Gettu on the situation in Myanmar and the Rohingya refugee crisis. The UK Minister of State for the Commonwealth and the UN, Lord Ahmad, will chair the meeting."
Source/publisher: UN Security Council
2018-08-28
Date of entry/update: 2018-08-31
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Description: The 3 members of the Fact-finding Mission gave presentations on their report, the final version of which will be submitted to the Human Rights Council on 18 September, and took questions from the press in Geneva. See also the report HCR39/64 and the Alternate Link, below.
Creator/author: Mr. Marzuki Darusman, Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, Mr. Christopher Sidoti
Source/publisher: Human Rights Council
2018-08-27
Date of entry/update: 2018-08-28
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
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Description: "A month after the prime minister of Bangladesh raised concerns about the possibility of Rohingya repatriation, UNHCR representatives in Myanmar met with the junta’s education minister on February 7 to discuss repatriation. Meanwhile, Bangladeshi officials are reluctant to act in any way that might be perceived as taking sides between the junta and the ethnic Arakan Army; Bangladesh has perhaps started to understand there is a new sheriff in Rakhine, just across the Naf River. But what do AA victories mean for the Rohingya repatriation promoted by the UNHCR and the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh? Our answer is that after 45 years of persecution of the Rohingya: Not much. The Rohingya also know that safety conditions have actually become worse in Rakhine since they fled. The million stateless Rohingya refugees living in Cox’s Bazar is still one of the world’s most intractable refugee situations. Their Myanmar homeland insists they are foreigners from Bangladesh; their Bangladeshi hosts insist that they belong in the land of their birth, Myanmar. The rebellious AA insist that they can be part of a new Rakhine, but only if they meet AA conditions, and not as equals. And to top it off, the junta’s military has started to conscript the few Rohingya still in Myanmar to fight against the AA. Humanitarians from the UN, meanwhile, have tired of an impoverished population that has poor English, few urban skills, and is easily dismissed as different and even primitive. Thus, even as hundreds of Rohingya are drowning at sea, the border post to Bangladesh has been captured by AA forces, and Sittwe itself may come under siege, Myanmar, Bangladesh and the UNHCR avoid the subject of resettlement in third countries, claiming simply that “Rohingya refugees require sustained, predictable and adequate financial support to live safely and decently, and to prepare for a sustainable return.” This would perhaps be promising, except that of course the voluntary repatriation policy was tried before, beginning in 1978, the first time UNHCR became involved in a Rohingya refugee movement. The Tatmadaw has repeatedly expelled the Rohingya as a way to reinforce Burmanization policies adopted after the military coup in 1962. Persecuted by Tatmadaw; viewed as primitive by global community? For centuries, Rohingyas lived in Rakhine, predating the British East India Company in 1824, and more were brought in by British colonizers to farm between 1824 and 1938. Many were Muslim but engaged in a range of religious practices also seen in neighboring British Bengal. In 1962, the hyper-nationalist Burmese Buddhist forces of the Ne Win regime seized control, and defined the Rohingya as ineligible for citizenship unless they could prove their ancestors were in Rakhine before the 1824 British conquest. General Ne Win’s military insisted that the Rohingya were foreign citizens and initiated mass deportation of 200,000 in 1978. A quick repatriation occurred with the help of UNHCR. Most were pushed back to Myanmar after an experienced UN observer remarked that the lack of food and basic sanitation in the camps led to them becoming “death traps.” A similar episode happened in 1990 when the military deported 250,000 Rohingya, using Islamophobia to divert attention of the ethnic Bamar from the developments of 1988 pro-democracy movements. And just as in 1978, a quick repatriation was arranged with UNHCR help. History repeated in 2012 when Rakhine was again cleared of Rohingya. The repatriation back to Myanmar was not as aggressive but the refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar just grew larger. Then finally in 2017, the greatest expulsion of all was undertaken by the Burmese military, and perhaps another 800,000 Rohingya fled after the Tatmadaw burned villages, committed massacres, and ethnically cleansed Rakhine of its Rohingya population. And still, now seven years later, the international response is ambivalent, even as some 30,000 Rohingya babies are born each year, and hundreds of thousands of young children grow up in refugee camps where radicalization is a predictable by-product. Trapped by righteousness of historical narratives The Rohingya ultimately are trapped between competing and complex historical narratives. Myanmar’s nationalist Burmanization narrative continues to insist that the Myanmar people are defined by government-determined nationalities called Taingyingtha, which are considered sub-groups of the dominant Burmese Buddhist majority. By such definitions, Rohingya were foreigners and intruders from British Bengal; righteousness by this logic demands that they return to its successor state, Bangladesh. And of course, Bangladesh’s own citizenship definition excludes Rohingya because the British in 1824 classified Rohingya as Burmese. To complicate matters further, the Buddhists of Rakhine themselves are in revolt against the Burmese military and have occupied border posts between Myanmar and Bangladesh. The AA’s General Twan Mrat Naing recently told the BBC that, if “Rohingyas or Bengalis or Chittagonian Muslims” would like to enjoy the benefits of equal treatment under [Arakan] law, they must get along with other ethnic groups and abandon contesting “doctored” historical narratives and claims of Rohingyas. In other words, ethnic Rakhine communities, which root their own identity in historical claims of Buddhist Arakan dominance, have attitudes toward the Rohingya that are similar to the heirs of the Konbaung Kingdom ruling from modern Naypyitaw. For all that, nobody has seriously asked the Rohingya where they fit in a future Myanmar or Rakhine. As a result, the million Rohingya are trapped in Cox’s Bazar as wards of the international humanitarian regime represented by the UNHCR. There they are accused of being freeloaders in the international humanitarian system which created the camps in the first place. There they have been repeatedly excluded from their rights as refugees. Jeff Crisp, formerly of the UNHCR, described the Rohingya as being among the most disadvantaged refugees not only because they are caught between Burma and Bangladesh, but because the Rohingya were assumed by the UNHCR to be primitive, and repatriation to Myanmar considered the only solution. They were excluded from the mass resettlement assistance successfully extended to Indochinese, Yugoslavians, Ukrainians, Europeans and millions of others who moved beyond refugee camps while retaining their right to eventually return. And then there is the demography problem… In short, the Rohingya refugee problem cannot be resolved through wishful thinking of the UNHCR, Myanmar or Bangladesh governments about mass repatriation. About 30,000 Rohingya have been born every year in the camps since 2017, a rate that will accelerate soon. Indeed, a 2022 survey showed that 22% of the refugees were under 5 years old, which means they were mostly born in the camps after 2018. Doing nothing is to court a long-term disaster, from the radicalization of the young population, or perhaps a Bay of Bengal typhoon. What this means is that there are now over 1 million Rohingya trapped in the camps. Without resettlement policies, the number will begin doubling every 20 years or so, meaning 1 million will become 2 million. The basic demographic reality is that the population will be young, energetic, and excluded. The question is only what their energies will be turned toward: engagement with the modern world, or rebellion and dreams of violent return. Looking forward: Resolution of refugee problems But the Rohingya situation is not the first seemingly intractable refugee crisis. Indeed, probably the most intractable is the Palestinian refugee crisis which has festered in the Middle East since 1948, and which despite the successful resettlement of millions of Palestinians across the Middle East (2 million in Jordan alone), continues to produce explosions, even in 2024. It is well beyond this article to suggest solutions for the Palestinian refugee situation, except to note that the Palestinian situation is a warning of how badly things can go wrong when there is too much wishful thinking about quick repatriation. But not all refugee situations turn into the Palestinian situation in Gaza. Also relevant for Rohingya refugees is how the Indochinese refugee situation was resolved after perhaps 3 million fled between 1975 and 1990. Perhaps 250,000 died at sea, but the remainder made it to neighboring countries, especially Thailand, China, Hong Kong, Malaysia, and the Philippines. There they were housed in camps like those in Cox’s Bazar today. There was also of course great hope that “all” would return to Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. But most did not. The largest numbers are in the United States, China, and in the case of Cambodians, in Vietnam. More such refugees and their descendants are still in Thailand. Similarly, the aftermath of the Yugoslav wars in the 1990s saw millions resettled in Europe. Decades earlier, 10 million European refugees from World War II were dispersed across Europe, North America and, in the case of the survivors of the Holocaust, to Israel. Following the Bangladesh Revolution in 1972, India and Bangladesh cooperated to resettle 10 million refugees back in Bangladesh – an exception to the general rule that a good proportion of refugees end up resettled outside the home country. Indeed, the current president of Bangladesh, Sheikha Hasina, was herself a refugee in the 1980s. Unresolved refugee crises today also include the millions of Syrians who are hosted mostly in the Middle East or Germany, Ukrainians who have taken sanctuary in European countries, and Venezuelans who are being hosted in Colombia, Ecuador, and other neighboring countries. Refugee problems require regional solutions All this is a way of saying that the Rohingya situation does not need to end up like Gaza, and will not if there is a concerted international effort to address the needs of the Rohingya from a regional perspective, just like was done with the former Yugoslavians, Europeans, and Ukrainians. Myanmar’s war-torn zones are likely to remain unsettled, and in the short term will offer little potential for refugee return – in fact, a premature return to AA territory is likely to victimize the Rohingya further. The mid-term solution is of course to integrate Rohingya into the burgeoning cities of South and Southeast Asia, where there are labor shortages. Indeed, this is happening with Venezuelans in Colombia and Ecuador; Ukrainians in Europe; and Syrians in Turkey and the Middle East. This does not mean that the refugees give up their right to return to a homeland. But spreading responsibility means that the generosity of single hosts is not stretched, and radicalized refugee groups seeking violent return are less likely to develop. Prospects for the Rohingya to return to Myanmar in future can be retained, despite the current uncertainty over when a peaceful return may be possible. And indeed the Rohingya will be the best to judge this. The frustrating aspect, from the perspective of the existing nation-state system, is that such a regional solution implies letting the Tatmadaw get away with atrocities, at least in the short term. It also runs the risk of incentivizing further bad behavior by the Tatmadaw or perhaps even the AA. This is a puzzle for the regional and international actors to ponder. But, to reduce the risk of catastrophe, the UNHCR, ASEAN, and nearby countries need to be more willing to share the burden of hosting Rohingya refugees, which currently falls primarily on Bangladesh, albeit reluctantly. Tony Waters is a Visiting Professor at Leuphana University, Germany, and formerly at Payap University Chiang Mai. R.J. Aung (a pseudonym) is a former peace and development worker in Yangon and Thailand, and a native of Yangon..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2024-03-06
Date of entry/update: 2024-03-06
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Description: "More than three years since a military coup in Myanmar led to a surge in conflict across the country, the United Nations estimates that almost two million people have been internally displaced by the ongoing violence, while thousands more have fled to neighbouring countries. In Rakhine State – an area in the west of Myanmar that has seen a particular increase in fighting since November 2023 – the humanitarian crisis created by this conflict comes on top of several other pre-existing emergencies, the most significant of which is the continuing fallout from large-scale and violent attacks against the area’s Rohingya ethnic minority in 2017, which drove hundreds of thousands to flee for their lives across the border into Bangladesh. More than six years later, close to one million Rohingya remain trapped in miserable conditions in the overcrowded camps of Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, while many of the estimated 600,000 Rohingya who remain in Myanmar are confined to dismal fenced camps or rural villages, are prohibited from moving without approval from the authorities, and face ongoing persecution in their daily lives. Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has been responding to the needs of the region’s Rohingya communities for more than three decades. In Myanmar, we operate two humanitarian medical projects in Rakhine State, where we are one of the only providers of essential health services for many Rohingya, who have been stripped of their citizenship by the ruling authorities. As a direct result of this imposed statelessness, the Rohingya endure discrimination and exclusion across all aspects of their lives, including restrictions on their freedom of movement, education and livelihoods opportunities, as well as access to healthcare. (Elsewhere in Myanmar, we also operate in the conflict-affected areas of Shan and Kachin.) MSF is also the largest provider of health services in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh, where we run hospitals and provide critically needed primary and secondary care, including sexual and reproductive healthcare and mental health services for a population with few other options. In Malaysia, MSF runs clinics for Rohingya patients, many of whom endure appalling conditions and indefinite confinement in immigration detention centres. As a result, MSF has seen first-hand the deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Myanmar, and the continued suffering of the Rohingya, whose statelessness leaves them with nowhere to go —facing indefinite encampment in squalid conditions in Bangladesh, unable to return safely to Myanmar, and unwelcome in other parts of the region. We have also borne witness to the failure of the international community to find a solution to this crisis, and to the increasing global indifference to the plight of the Rohingya, as the world’s attention has been drawn to other emergencies. Stateless and in need of assistance That indifference is particularly alarming given the dependence of many Rohingya on humanitarian assistance for survival. In Bangladesh, Rohingya refugees do not have the right to leave their camps and are not legally allowed to work. That leaves them trapped and dependent on international support — support that has been reducing year on year, leaving them stuck in increasingly deplorable living conditions. Meanwhile, the Rohingya still in Rakhine State also depend on international humanitarian agencies for some of their most fundamental needs. And yet, not only have the authorities in Myanmar often deliberately blocked humanitarian activities in Rakhine State (where renewed violence is also currently making it extremely difficult for our teams to operate), but what response exists remains critically under-funded by humanitarian donors. A crisis where Canada makes a difference Canada is an important actor in this context. Since the start of the current Rohingya displacement crisis in 2017, when violence drove so many Rohingya from Myanmar into Bangladesh, Canada has played a leading role in the international response, both as a donor and through its humanitarian diplomacy. Canada’s willingness to take action, starting with the appointment of a Special Envoy to Myanmar in the first months following the August 2017 attacks, through to the launch in 2018 of Canada’s strategy to respond to the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar and Bangladesh, was based on recommendations made in Special Envoy Bob Rae’s report that same year. This highlighted the urgency of the crisis to other member states in the international community at a critical time, as did Canada’s efforts to fund and help facilitate the global humanitarian response in Cox’s Bazar. Through its official strategy, Canada committed to “alleviating the humanitarian crisis; encouraging positive political developments in Myanmar; ensuring accountability for the crimes committed; [and] enhancing international cooperation.” Canada must renew its Rohingya and Myanmar strategy In March 2024, however, Canada’s strategy (which was renewed for a second phase in 2021) is set to expire, and these objectives remain mostly unmet. In part that is because the context has changed: since the coup of 2021, for example, the situation for people in Myanmar has deteriorated significantly. At the time of writing, communities in many of the areas where MSF is present remain in grave danger while their villages are used as battlegrounds. Meanwhile, the emergence of a number of other international crises have directed the world’s attention away from Myanmar, Bangladesh and the Rohingya. But that loss of global attention is precisely why Canada’s continued engagement on this emergency is so crucial. It is also why MSF is calling on Canada to renew its strategy for a third phase – because we are already seeing the impact that reduced donor engagement is having on our Rohingya patients and their communities. In Cox’s Bazar alone, some of our facilities are becoming increasingly overburdened as other humanitarian actors depart for lack of funding. Our teams are also seeing the consequences of reduced water and sanitation services, increased violence in the camps (including sexual violence), and outbreaks of disease amid deteriorating conditions. In Myanmar, Rohingya and other communities in Rakhine are facing increasingly desperate circumstances as assistance continues to dwindle and conflict further reduces humanitarian activities. A global humanitarian priority As an independent humanitarian medical organization, MSF will continue to deliver critically needed care ourselves to displaced Rohingya in Bangladesh, Myanmar and beyond, whatever the commitment by international humanitarian donors may be. But we can’t do it alone. So it is crucial that Canada and other governments continue to make the Rohingya a priority for humanitarian assistance funding. And since financial support alone will not solve this crisis (nor alleviate the conflict in Myanmar), sustained diplomatic engagement is also essential. Such efforts should focus on ensuring a safe and sustainable future for the Rohingya, and an end to their statelessness. Through the launch of its strategy in 2018, Canada made an important commitment to these objectives, and to the Rohingya people. As the global response to their suffering continues to wane, and amid the deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Myanmar – and in the face of a growing number of other international crises consuming global resources and attention – that commitment is needed now more than ever..."
Source/publisher: Doctors Without Borders
2024-02-23
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-23
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Description: "Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, February 23, 2024 — IRC teams on the ground in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, are reporting growing numbers of people arriving at the Myanmar border as conflict continues to push people out of their hometowns. With over 2.7 million people internally displaced in Myanmar - 800,000 of whom have been displaced since October 2023 - the humanitarian crisis in the region is likely to worsen at an alarming pace. Despite the Bangladesh government refusing to accept any more refugees, citing the large numbers they have been hosting for over six years, the IRC is monitoring the situation and preparing to scale up our refugee response inside Cox’s Bazar refugee camp, should this decision change. Already, Cox’s Bazar is home to one million Rohingya refugees who fled persecution in August 2017. Since then, they have remained trapped in inadequate living conditions, including overcrowding and poorly built shelters prone to flooding or catching fire. This week, IRC Bangladesh held a two-day exhibition and panel event, “Through the Lens of Hope: Rohingya Crisis Unfolded” calling on world leaders to highlight their growing needs retrain their attention and remember those people who have been living in camps in Cox’s Bazar for years without adequate shelter or support. The overall humanitarian situation in Cox’s Bazar is poised to worsen and, as the conflict in Myanmar continues to escalate close to the border, especially in Rakhine State, Bangladesh urgently requires the support of the international community, including donors, to properly support those who are seeking safety from the conflict. The IRC began responding to the Rohingya crisis in August 2017 and launched its response officially in March 2018. With over 400 staff in Bangladesh and operating across 27 camps across the district, our teams provide essential healthcare to the host community as well as the Rohingya population in Cox’s Bazar, as well as reproductive and maternal healthcare, child protection, education, prevention and response to Gender-Based Violence, and Emergency Disaster Risk Reduction (EDRR)..."
Source/publisher: International Rescue Committee
2024-02-23
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-23
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Sub-title: The military has suffered numerous battlefield setbacks in Rakhine state and elsewhere in recent months.
Description: "Myanmar’s junta is offering freedom of movement to Rohingya Muslims restricted to camps for the displaced in Rakhine state as part of a bid to entice them into military service amid the nationwide rollout of a conscription law, according to sources in the region. The enactment of the People’s Military Service Law on Feb. 10 has sent draft-eligible civilians fleeing from Myanmar’s cities, saying they would rather leave the country or join anti-junta forces in remote border areas than fight for the military, which seized power in a 2021 coup d’etat. Myanmar’s military is desperate for new recruits after suffering devastating losses on the battlefield to the ethnic Arakan Army, or AA, in Rakhine state. Since November, when the AA ended a ceasefire that had been in place since the coup, the military has surrendered Pauktaw, Minbya, Mrauk-U, Kyauktaw, Myay Pon and Taung Pyo townships in the state, as well as Paletwa township in neighboring Chin state. But rights campaigners say the junta is drafting Rohingya into military service to stoke ethnic tensions in Rakhine state, while legal experts say the drive is unlawful, given that Myanmar has refused to recognize the Rohingya as one of the country’s ethnic groups and denied them citizenship for decades. Some 1 million ethnic Rohingya refugees have been living in Bangladesh since 2017, when they were driven out of Myanmar by a military clearance operation. Another 630,000 living within the country are designated stateless by the United Nations, including those who languish in camps for internally displaced persons, or IDPs, and are restricted from moving freely in Rakhine state. Residents of the Kyauk Ta Lone IDP camp in Rakhine’s Kyaukphyu township told RFA Burmese that junta forces, including the township administration officer and the operations commander of the military’s Light Infantry Battalion 542, took a census of the camp’s Muslims for the purpose of military service on Monday. Junta personnel compiled a list of more than 160 people deemed eligible for conscription and informed them they would have to take part in a two-week military training program, according to one camp resident who, like others interviewed for this report, spoke on condition of anonymity due to security concerns. “The township administration officer came … and told us that Muslims must also serve in the military, but we refused to follow his order,” the resident said. “Then, the military operations commander arrived here along with his soldiers, and forced us to do so under the military service law. They collected the names of more than 160 people.” Freedom of movement Some 1,500 Rohingyas from around 300 families have been living at Kyauk Ta Lone since ethnic violence forced them to flee their homes in Kyaukphyu 12 years ago. Since taking the census on Monday, junta officers have repeatedly visited the camp, trying to persuade Rohingya residents to serve in the military with an offer of free movement within Kyaukphyu township, said another camp resident. “They won’t guarantee us citizenship,” he said. “But if we serve in the military, we will be allowed to go freely in Kyaukphyu.” Other camp residents told RFA they “would rather die” than serve in the military, and suggested the recruitment drive was part of a bid by the military to create a rift between them and ethnic Rakhines – the predominant minority in Rakhine state and the ethnicity of the AA. No date was given for when the training program would begin, they said. After receiving training, the recruits would be assigned to a security detail along with junta troops guarding routes in and out of Kyaukphyu, and dispatched to the battlefield “if necessary.” Rohingya IDPs are afraid to serve in the military, but are unable to flee the camp because it is surrounded by junta troops, residents added. Other recruitment efforts The military service census at the Kyauk Ta Lone IDP camp came as Rohingyas in the Rakhine capital Sittwe, the Rakhine townships of Buthidaung and Maungdaw, and other parts of Kyaukphyu reported that junta troops have been arresting and collecting data from members of their ethnic group as part of a bid to force them into military training. On Monday and Tuesday evening, military personnel arrested around 100 Rohingyas of eligible service age from the Buthidaung villages of Nga/Kyin Tauk, Tat Chaung, Pu Zun Chaung and Kyauk Hpyu Taung, said a resident who also declined to be named. “People doing business in the village were arrested. Village elders were also arrested,” said the resident, who is also a Rohingya. “At least one young person from every house was arrested and taken to the army. The parents of those who were arrested are quite worried now.” Junta troops said that the AA had established camps near the Rohingya villages and residents would have to undergo military training to defend the area, he added. They said the residents would be equipped with weapons and returned to their villages after the training was complete. Rohingyas in Sittwe and Maungdaw, where an AA offensive is now underway, also reported junta census efforts and pressure to join military training. They said that larger villages are expected to provide 100 people for training, while smaller ones should send 50 residents. Law does not apply A lawyer who is representing Rohingyas in several legal cases told RFA that the People’s Military Service Law “does not apply” to members of the ethnic group because they do not have citizenship status in Myanmar. He added that the junta's attempt to recruit Rohingyas is part of a bid to drive a wedge between them and the people of Myanmar, many of whom oppose the military regime. Nay San Lwin, an activist on the Rohingya issue, said that the junta hopes to divert attention from its losses to the AA in Rakhine state by igniting tensions between ethnic Rakhines and Rohingyas. “If the Rohingyas are forced into their army, there could be a lot of problems between the Rakhines and the Rohingyas,” he said. “That's what they want. Once that happens, they’ll drop all support for the Rohingyas as usual. But the main reason is to use the Rohingyas as human shields.” Nay San Lwin noted that as successive governments in Myanmar have denied the Rohingya citizenship, there should be no pressure to force them to serve in the military. The junta has released no information on efforts to recruit Rohingyas in Rakhine state and attempts by RFA to contact junta Deputy Information Minister Major Gen. Zaw Min Tun and Rakhine State Attorney General Hla Thein, who is the junta’s spokesman in the region, went unanswered Thursday. The AA issued a statement on Wednesday calling on ethnic Rakhines to take refuge from junta oppression – which it said includes unlawful arrests, extortion, forced military recruitment, and extrajudicial killings – in AA-controlled territory, instead of fleeing to other areas of the country. Conscription eligibility According to Myanmar’s compulsory military service law, men aged 18-35 and women aged 18-27 face up to five years in prison if they refuse to serve for two years, while highly skilled professionals aged 18-45 must also serve, but up to five years. More than 13 million of the country’s 54 million people are eligible for service. Conscription is slated to be implemented at the end of April 2024, with a goal of recruiting up to 60,000 service members each year, in batches of around 5,000 people..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2024-02-22
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-23
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Description: "On 7 February, Obaidul Quader, Bangladeshi Minister for Road Transport and Bridges, told the media that Rohingya refugees from Myanmar will no longer be allowed to enter his country. “They have already become a burden for us,” Quader curtly opined. The statement came amid reports of the continuing violence between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military which have resulted in the intrusion of Myanmar security force personnel and civilians, including Rohingya, from Rakhine state into neighbouring Bangladesh. While the minister didn’t elaborate on the official steps to prevent such an inevitable influx, the recent developments have yet again underlined the pitiable plight of the Rohingya, whose lives have swung perilously between despair and demise. De-humanising existence in Bangladesh It is easy to blame Bangladesh for being unreceptive to the Rohingya. However, it has been the forced host, according to the UNHCR, to nearly one million refugees, 975,350 Rohingya from 202,836 families.[1] on its territory for the past seven years. Fifty-two percent of this population are children. They live in cramped, bamboo-and-plastic camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh’s border district with Myanmar, as well as in Bhasan Char, a nearby island, where more stable facilities were provided to ease the pressure on Cox’s Bazar. International aid for the upkeep of the refugees has declined steadily over the years, burdening Bangladesh. In February 2023, the World Food Programme announced a reduction in the value of its food assistance to $10 per person from $12.[2] The amount was further reduced to $8 in June, even as the percentage of refugees who did not have adequate food consumption increased from 79 percent to 90 percent. Donor budgets had been stretched by the pandemic, economic downturn, and competing global crises. This meant that families were either having less nutritious food or the parents were forced to eat less or skip some of their meals so that their children could eat. In December 2023, however, a $87 million grant from the United States allowed the amount to return to $10 per person.[3] Shortage of food and consequent rampant malnutrition, huge issues in themselves, aren’t the only challenge for the Rohingya. In 2023, the camps in Bangladesh witnessed cyclones and landslides. Multiple fires, some of which have been labelled as “planned acts of sabotage” by investigators,[4] have periodically gutted a large number of shanties. Human trafficking has increased significantly, as have crime and gang violence within the camps, resulting in deaths and serious injuries. The inmates aren’t allowed to work, and children don’t have access to education. The widespread vulnerabilities have been exploited by alternative agendas. These include those who exploit the desperate desire to escape. Over the years, Rohingya, both those from Myanmar and the camps in Bangladesh, have sought to flee from despair by undertaking perilous journeys on rickety and leaky wooden boats in the Andaman Sea and Bay of Bengal, hoping to reach Malaysia and Indonesia. Over time, more women and children are undertaking such journeys. Total numbers have grown dramatically, picking up between November and April, when the seas are calmer. According to the UNHCR, in 2023, nearly 4,500 Rohingya embarked on deadly sea journeys in Southeast Asian waters, of whom some 569 perished or went missing.[5] This number of reported missing or dead persons is the highest since 2014. Compelling such desperation is the stark reality that the prospect of ever returning to their homes in Myanmar has dwindled. Always bleak, given the hostile attitude of the Myanmar military, who have refused to give the Rohingya citizenship and protect them on their return, the possibility of return is now negligible. The ongoing violence between the AA and the Myanmar military has dashed those hopes even further. Shattered Malaysian Dreams As of the end of January 2024, there were 108,310 Rohingya refugees in Malaysia registered with the UNHCR.[6] UNHCR says its statistics “do not map or reflect new arrivals into the country.” The attraction of Malaysia as a land for a better life and opportunities notwithstanding, recent incidents involving the Rohingya point to the opposite. In Malaysia, most refugees, especially those who enter the country illegally after arriving by sea, are considered undocumented migrants. Malaysia is not a signatory to the United Nations’ Refugee Convention of 1951. It does not have any laws to recognize and provide for those fleeing persecution and conflict. The country has no system to process asylum applications. The refugees have no right to work, receive education or healthcare. They can only register with the local UNHCR office, and get a recognition card that provides them some measure of protection and support, including limited access to healthcare, education, and other services provided by the UN and its partners. However the UNHCR card is only an identity document and has no formal legal value in Malaysia. The refugees, therefore, live a precarious existence as “illegal migrants,” doing odd low-paid jobs in restaurants, retail, and other service sectors, as well as agriculture and construction, but are always at risk of arrest. The fact that they are mostly semi-literates or illiterates has exacerbated the situation. Without legal protection and proper contracts, they are not entitled to receive Malaysia’s national minimum pay of Ringgit 1,500 (US$329) per month or Ringgit 7.21 ($1.64) an hour. Worse still, in recent times, the country’s immigration department has accelerated a crackdown on undocumented migrants, arresting them and sending them to immigration detention centres, which since 2019 have been beyond the reach of the UNHCR.[7] Frequent riots have broken out in these poorly managed centres, leading to, on at least two occasions, inmates escaping and subsequently getting rearrested after a manhunt. In early February 2024, 131 Myanmar men, including 115 Rohingya, escaped such a facility in Perak state. One of them was hit by a vehicle on the highway and killed.[8] Earlier, in April 2022, more than 528 Rohingya refugees, including children, fled a temporary detention centre in Penang state, and six were killed trying to cross the highway. Most of the others were rearrested. Media reports have highlighted the plight of underage Rohingya girls, travelling from Myanmar and Bangladesh, being forced into abusive marriages with Rohingya men already in Malaysia.[9] Traditionally, parents of Rohingya brides are expected to pay grooms a dowry amount, which can be high, depending upon the suitability and demand of the groom. The journeys from Bangladesh and Myanmar to Malaysia often add to the spiral of exploitation. Boats have sunk, killing all on board. On many occasions, traffickers themselves have sexually abused the girls. Living on the fringes of the fringe, such girls, are not part of any statistics on Rohingya who live in Malaysia. The Indonesian Pushback Compared to Malaysia, Indonesia has received fewer Rohingya arrivals, although there has been a steady increase in arrivals to the two western islands of the country. Between November and December 2023, an estimated 1,500 Rohingya landed in north Sumatra. Another approximately 1,500 Rohingya have arrived in Aceh, the westernmost province of Indonesia. Around 70 percent of these refugees are women and children. Most of them are housed in temporary shelters, which have become overcrowded with fresh arrivals. Life of refugees, especially the children, in overcrowded shelters is far from ideal. They do not have the freedom to go out of the cramped shelters. Like Malaysia, Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, is not a signatory to the UN Convention on Refugees. Though it has a record of taking in refugees if they arrive, it has become far less receptive to refugee arrivals. While some Indonesians sympathise with fellow Muslim Rohingya, others blame them for consuming scant resources and coming into conflict with the locals. Consequently, the Rohingya have faced the ire of the residents who don’t want them in their communities and have frequently protested such arrivals. In December 2023, for instance, a mob of Indonesian university students attacked the basement of a local community hall in Banda Aceh, the capital of Aceh province, where 137 Rohingya were taking shelter. Videos of the incident showed the students, many wearing jackets with different universities’ insignias, running into the convention centre’s basement, chanting, “Kick them out” and “Reject Rohingya in Aceh.”[10] Elsewhere in Aceh, residents have tried to prevent Rohingya boats from reaching the shore and surrounded the tents of Rohingya on beaches and other temporary locations, demanding that they be relocated.[11] The Indonesian navy, too, in December 2023 forcibly pushed a boat packed with refugees back to international waters after it approached Aceh’s shores.[12] Those in the temporary shelters have faced an organized online misinformation campaign, which also targets the local UNHCR staff. Anonymous accounts on Instagram, TikTok, and X have spread false information and have also identified UNHCR staff in Aceh, publishing personal information (“doxing”), leading to numerous online threats. Then-President Joko Widodo blamed the surge in the arrivals of Rohingya on human trafficking and pledged to work with international organisations to offer temporary shelter. He appealed to the international community for help and intensified patrols of its waters due to a sharp rise in Rohingya refugees. Plan of Action Although inadequate amounts of humanitarian funds do keep coming to the agencies working with the Rohingya, amidst other ongoing humanitarian catastrophes, this crisis is clearly at risk of sliding off the global, and certainly regional, priority list. While the world, as well as the most prominent regional organization, ASEAN, has been shown to have little leverage with the military junta in Myanmar, there is no other country that can (or will) step forward to deal with the basis for the crisis. Since Myanmar will not, Rohingya options are limited— either to survive in the dehumanizing environment the Bangladeshi refugee camps provide or to attempt high-risk sea journeys that, even when ending with a successful landing either in Indonesia or Malaysia, provide little hope of upliftment. The UN agencies are desperately working with impacted states and other stakeholders, including refugees, to develop a comprehensive regional response to address these dangerous journeys. However, there are few signs of progress. This regional and global amnesia to the crisis has to end. The root causes of these dangerous maritime movements must be addressed. The international community must step up to make good on pledges made at the Global Refugee Forum in Geneva in December 2023, which included “advancing solutions and enhancing self-reliance for Rohingya refugees to provide hope and reduce the compulsion to take dangerous boat journeys.”[13] Meantime, conditions in Bangladesh need to be drastically improved. And those already in countries like Indonesia and Malaysia must be allowed to live a life of dignity, with the right to movement and employment. Dr. Bibhu Prasad Routray is the Director of Mantraya. This analysis has been published as part of Mantraya’s ongoing “Fragility, Conflict, and Peace Building” project. All Mantraya publications are peer-reviewed. END NOTES [1] UNHCR, “Rohingya Refugee Response/Bangladesh: Joint Government of Bangladesh – UNHCR Population Factsheet”, 31 January 2024. [2] “U.N. to cut food aid for Rohingya refugees, citing fund shortfall”, Reuters, 17 February 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/un-cut-food-aid-rohingya-refugees-citing-fund-shortfall-2023-02-17/. [3] World Food Programme, “WFP’s Rohingya Refugee Operation in Bangladesh Receives Major Funding Boost of US$ 87 Million from the United States”,13 December 2023, https://www.wfp.org/news/wfps-rohingya-refugee-operation-bangladesh-receives-major-funding-boost-us-87-million-united [4] Ruma Paul, “Bangladesh panel says fire at Rohingya camps ‘planned sabotage’”, Reuters, 12 March 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/bangladesh-panel-says-fire-rohingya-camps-planned-sabotage-2023-03-12/. [5] UNHCR, “Urgent action needed to address dramatic rise in Rohingya deaths at sea”, 23 January 2024, https://www.unhcr.org/us/news/briefing-notes/unhcr-urgent-action-needed-address-dramatic-rise-rohingya-deaths-sea. [6] UNHCR, “Figures at a glance in Malaysia”, https://www.unhcr.org/my/what-we-do/figures-glance-malaysia. [7] “Dozens of Rohingya refugees flee Malaysian immigration detention centre”, Al Jazeera, 2 February 2024, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/2/dozens-of-rohingya-refugees-flee-malaysian-immigration-detention-centre. [8] “More Than 100 Rohingya Flee Malaysian Detention Center”, Voice of America, 2 February, 2024, https://www.voanews.com/a/more-than-100-rohingya-flee-malaysian-detention-center-/7467813.html. [9] Kristen Gelieneau, “‘I feel trapped’: Scores of underage Rohingya girls forced into abusive marriages in Malaysia”, Associated Press, 13 December 2023, https://apnews.com/article/rohingya-refugees-bangladesh-myanmar-malaysia-migration-f481e725f97d1b004a474e5facb10144. [10] “Indonesian students evict Rohingya from shelter demanding deportation”, Al Jazeera, 27 December 2023, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/12/27/indonesian-students-evict-rohingya-from-shelter-demanding-deportation. [11] Human Rights Watch, “Indonesia: Protect Newly Arrived Rohingya Refugees”, 16 January 2024, https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/01/16/indonesia-protect-newly-arrived-rohingya-refugees. [12] “More Rohingya refugees arrive in Indonesia despite rejection from locals”, Associated Press, 31 December 2023, https://apnews.com/article/indonesia-myanmar-rohingya-refugees-202c304c3a1a9c447511960063e4e822. [13] UNHCR, “Urgent action needed to address dramatic rise in Rohingya deaths at sea”, op.cit. Dr. Bibhu Prasad Routray Dr. Bibhu Prasad Routray served as a Deputy Director in the National Security Council Secretariat, Government of India and Director of the Institute for Conflict Management (ICM)’s Database & Documentation Centre, Guwahati, Assam. He was a Visiting Research Fellow at the South Asia programme of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore between 2010 and 2012. Routray specialises in decision-making, governance, counter-terrorism, force modernisation, intelligence reforms, foreign policy and dissent articulation issues in South and South East Asia. His writings, based on his projects and extensive field based research in Indian conflict theatres of the Northeastern states and the left-wing extremism affected areas, have appeared in a wide range of academic as well policy journals, websites and magazines..."
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Source/publisher: "Eurasia Review"
2024-02-22
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Human Rights Council Fifty-fifth session 26 February–5 April 2024 Agenda item 2 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Summary The present report is submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 50/3, in which the Council decided to hold, during its fifty-third session, a panel discussion on the measures necessary to find durable solutions to the Rohingya crisis and to end all forms of human rights violations and abuses against Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar. Also in that resolution, the Council requested the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to submit a report on the panel discussion to the Council at its fifty-fifth session. The present report contains a summary of the panel discussion, which was held on 21 June 2023. I. Introduction Pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 50/3, the Council, during its fifty-third session, convened a panel discussion on the measures necessary to find durable solutions to the Rohingya crisis and to end all forms of human rights violations and abuses against Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar. The panel discussion, held on 21 June 2023, provided an opportunity for members and observers of the Human Rights Council, experts and other stakeholders, including representatives of the Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar, to discuss the situation of human rights of Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar, and to identify potential measures and durable solutions to the Rohingya crisis, with a particular emphasis on ways to work towards the sustainable return of refugees in safety and dignity. The discussion was opened by the United Nations Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights. The panellists were Yasmin Ullah, Chair of the Board of the Alternative Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Network on Burma; Chris Lewa, Founder of the Arakan Project; Kyaw Win, Executive Director of Burma Human Rights Network; and Mohshin Habib, Adjunct Professor at Laurentian University (Ontario, Canada). II. Background Violations against ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar affect the entire spectrum of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights. The Rohingya minority of Myanmar has, over generations, been subjected to institutionalized persecution, denial of identity and extreme discrimination that together have created a cycle of marginalization and led to serious violations of their human rights, which may amount to international crimes, including mass forced displacement. It continues to be deprived of citizenship and civil documentation, faces extreme restrictions on freedom of movement, has very limited access to health and education services, and to livelihood opportunities. Long-standing armed conflicts have also led to gross violations of the human rights of ethnic minorities in other States, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, forced labour, sexual and gender-based violence, and extensive forced displacement. Since the military coup of 1 February 2021, Myanmar has been caught in a downward spiral of violence, characterized by the widespread violations committed by the Myanmar military of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, including the widespread use of indiscriminate airstrikes and artillery attacks in populated areas, the raiding and burning of villages, arbitrary arrests, the use of torture, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence. This catastrophic situation of human rights has also further affected the Rohingya and other minorities, causing further refugee movements to neighbouring countries and unprecedented internal displacement within Myanmar. The situation of human rights of the Rohingya and of other minorities in Myanmar has been extensively documented by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in several recent reports submitted to the Human Rights Council2 as well as in the reports of successive holders of the mandate of Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar3 and of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar.4 More recently, in June 2022, pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 47/1, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) organized a panel discussion at the fiftieth session of the Council on the root causes of human rights violations and abuses against Rohingya and other minorities in Myanmar. Participants in the panel discussion identified the lack of accountability for the human rights violations of the Rohingya and other minorities and the continuing impunity enjoyed by the Myanmar military as the root causes of the current crisis.5 Addressing root causes of discrimination and human rights violations against ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar and ensuring accountability for serious crimes committed were essential to achieve durable peace and to build a society on the basis of the principles of equality and non-discrimination. Supporting long-term grass-roots initiatives aimed at strengthening intercommunity and interreligious dialogues, addressing hate speech and providing human rights education to young people were also essential. At the international level, efforts to ensure legal accountability are ongoing at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Meanwhile, steps to that end have also been taken at the national level in third States with relevant jurisdiction. The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar has been providing key support to such efforts. From August to November 2022, fighting between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army in Rakhine State further exposed the Rohingya community to grave risks and violations. Battles were fought in and around Rohingya villages, resulting in casualties and displacement. OHCHR had also received credible reports of the use of sexual violence against Rohingya women and girls by both parties. The Myanmar military had also imposed further restrictions on humanitarian access and on movement. Rohingyas were required to obtain temporary travel authorization for movement between townships in Rakhine State. Anyone – including children – caught undertaking unauthorized travel faced arrest and imprisonment. These had significantly affected the Rohingya community and exacerbated their protection risks and vulnerabilities. Since 2017, more than one million Rohingya in refugee camps in Bangladesh had been living in difficult conditions, facing serious security, economic and human rights challenges. Lack of adequate security in the camps had led to threats, beatings, kidnappings and numerous killings of Rohingya refugees. Owing to dwindling funding, food assistance had been reduced by 30 per cent, making life in the camps even more difficult. Gender-based violence remains high, with high rates of domestic violence and risks of trafficking in women and girls. As a result of the systemic discrimination, crippling restrictions and rising hardships, an increasing number of Rohingya had been taking immense risks to flee Myanmar and Bangladesh. According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), in 2022 alone, 3,545 Rohingya — a 360 per cent increase over the number in 2021 — attempted dangerous sea journeys to other countries in order to seek protection, security, family reunification and livelihoods, with 348 people believed to have died or gone missing at sea.6 Those intercepted at sea and returned to Myanmar faced imprisonment. The number of Rohingya arrested for unauthorized travel within Myanmar, namely seeking to travel outside Rakhine State, doubled in 2022 to around 2,000 cases. The gravity of the situation had also drawn the attention of the Security Council. At the end of 2022, while expressing concern at the recent developments in Myanmar and underlining the risks that the Rohingya situation poses for the wider region, the Council adopted resolution 2269 (2022), its first resolution on the situation in Myanmar, in which it underscored, among other things, the need to address the root causes of the crisis in Rakhine State and to create the conditions necessary for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons. On 14 May 2023, Cyclone Mocha devastated Rakhine State, disproportionately affecting Rohingya communities, especially those who had been displaced. There were reports of disproportionate numbers of deaths of Rohingya and extensive damage to their dwellings. The dire consequences of the cyclone had been exacerbated by the actions of the Myanmar military directed at preventing humanitarian access to the affected areas and its failure, over the years, to create conditions conducive for sustainable returns. The military had suspended travel authorizations for all relief operations for several weeks and ordered that all disaster relief responses and supplies be directly managed by its own personnel. The military had not allowed the Rohingya to freely move to seek assistance, and also obstructed the relief efforts of local civil society groups through threats and arrests of those delivering aid or raising funds for relief efforts..."
Source/publisher: UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2024-01-05
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Dozens of Civilians Killed in Village Battlegrounds, Over 100,000 Displaced
Description: "(Bangkok) – Fighting in Myanmar’s Rakhine State has surged in recent weeks, causing civilian casualties and large-scale displacement, Human Rights Watch said today. Myanmar’s junta and the Arakan Army ethnic armed group should take immediate measures to minimize harm to ethnic Rohingya and other civilians caught up in the hostilities. On November 13, 2023, renewed fighting between the Myanmar military and Arakan Army ended a year-long unofficial ceasefire in Rakhine State. Since January, 2024, Myanmar military forces have attacked Arakan Army fighters deployed in Rohingya villages particularly in south Buthidaung township, which has resulted in civilian casualties and destruction of property, according to local residents, Rohingya groups, and the media. Over 100,000 people in Rakhine State, many displaced by previous violence, have again had to relocate. “Myanmar military and opposition forces need to do all they can to minimize civilian casualties and destruction of homes and property,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Rohingya villages that were devastated by military atrocities in 2017 are again at grave risk of attack.” Nine witnesses from Hpon Nyo Leik, a predominantly Rohingya village tract in Buthidaung township with over a dozen hamlets, said that Arakan Army fighters entered the area in late January in an apparent effort to gain control over a nearby Myanmar military command. The military soon responded with helicopter gunship attacks, artillery shelling, and ground assaults. “The Arakan Army suddenly entered our area and started deploying all around the village,” a 30-year-old villager said. “Soon after, three artillery shells fell in our area. One of the shells exploded in the local market, critically injuring four people. The explosion of another shell injured six people, and the third one injured three.” When the villagers told the Arakan Army that their presence was making them unsafe, the fighters said they would leave when they received orders to do so. “We Rohingya are dying, caught between the two parties,” the villager said. Residents and rights groups have reported that during the fighting in late January, between 12 and 24 Rohingya civilians were killed, while as many as 100 more may have been injured. More than 100 homes are believed to have been damaged or destroyed, according to Rohingya groups. “On Friday morning [January 26] the military intensified its offensive,” the villager said. “One of my cousins died on the spot. Almost all of my family members were injured and admitted to the hospital. My brother is still struggling to recover as one of the bomb fragments in his body hasn’t been removed.” A 66-year-old villager said: “An artillery shell hit and killed my son. There were dozens of funerals all around, but I only dared to attend my son’s funeral. He was 42 and the father of five children.” Another villager, 42, said: “During the attack, we had to leave the village, wrapping the dead bodies in blankets. After about five or six hours, we returned to the village to complete the burials.” Rohingya villagers said that all the beds in the hospital in Buthidaung and local clinics were filled and that the facilities had stopped admitting people. Clinics were running low on supplies and charging injured patients exorbitant prices. Some residents described the Myanmar military’s airstrikes on their village as indiscriminate bombardments. “The military is not just targeting the Arakan Army,” said a 47-year-old Rohingya villager. “They are using their helicopters to shoot all over the village.” Many people fled for shelter in nearby villages but have had little to no access to food or medical supplies, and received no humanitarian support. “My family of 25 people is now displaced and scattered,” a villager said. “We spend our days uncertain about food and shelter.” Rohingya families expressed concerns about food stocks dwindling and unharvested crops rotting in the fields. Fighting was continuing into early February. During two phone interviews on February 1 with villagers who had remained in Hpon Nyo Leik, gunshots and explosions could be heard in the background. “No one can enter the village,” a 35-year-old villager said. “It’s not yet safe to go back since the fighting is still going on. The internet is completely down in Buthidaung township. Maybe for two hours a day we can make phone calls, but after that no more calls, as the network is down. No shops are open, everything remains closed. No one is coming to help us, not the authorities or the UN or any international agency.” The junta has continued to block urgently needed humanitarian aid to civilians in conflict areas, a form of collective punishment that is a war crime. The military is blocking major roads and waterways, destroying nonmilitary supplies, imposing severe restrictions on aid workers, and shutting down telecommunications services. The humanitarian organization Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said on January 16 that the authorities were preventing the operation of its 25 mobile clinics in Rakhine State and warned of a “catastrophic impact on people’s health.” Since the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, the junta has driven the country further into a humanitarian and human rights catastrophe. The junta’s widespread and systematic abuses amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. More than 700,000 Rohingya fled the Myanmar military’s crimes against humanity and acts of genocide in 2017. About 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, confined to squalid camps and villages under a system of apartheid in which security forces have arrested thousands of Rohingya for “unauthorized travel” and imposed new movement restrictions and aid blockages. This has left the Rohingya particularly vulnerable to armed conflict. Since December, civilian casualties have been reported in a number of other Rohingya villages in northern Rakhine State. The laws of war prohibit attacks that do not or cannot discriminate between civilians and combatants. Bombardments that treat a populated town or village as a single military objective are prohibited as indiscriminate. Parties to a conflict are required to take constant care to spare the civilian population and to take all feasible precautions to avoid or minimize the incidental loss of civilian life and damage to civilian objects. Warring parties, to the extent feasible, should avoid deploying their forces in heavily populated areas. Several Rohingya said they felt caught between both sides. “If we talk to the military, the Arakan Army will suspect us,” a villager said. “But if the military or the government find any connection between us and the Arakan Army, I’m sure the military would kill the Rohingya.” He said that the Arakan Army has promised security to the Rohingya once they have fully captured the territory, but for the present they have sought to confiscate food and other support. Fighting near the border has spilled over into Bangladesh, including casualties from mortar fire. Influential foreign governments should respond urgently to the worsening crisis in Myanmar, Human Rights Watch said. “Foreign governments should loudly express their concerns about the spiraling risks to the Rohingya population from the fighting in Rakhine State,” Bauchner said. “The junta needs to immediately lift the blockage on communications and humanitarian aid and stop their forces from violating international humanitarian law.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2024-02-09
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Asylum Seekers Still Risk Being Returned Home to Harm
Description: "The Nagoya High Court last month ordered the Japanese government to grant refugee status to an ethnic Rohingya asylum seeker from Myanmar. A lower court had previously ruled that 44-year-old Khin Maung Soe was a Rohingya, but that his ethnicity was an insufficient basis for considering him a refugee. The high court found that because the Myanmar military had “committed ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya” since the February 2021 military coup, there “exists objective fact to feel fear of persecution.” The ruling is unprecedented as Japan’s refugee determination system puts more weight on asylum seekers’ individual circumstances than their status as a member of a particular group. The Japanese government had rejected Khin Maung Soe’s refugee application four times before he filed the lawsuit in 2020. In 2017, the Myanmar military’s campaign of mass atrocities drove more than 730,000 Rohingya abroad, most to Bangladesh. Those remaining in Myanmar face systematic abuses, including the crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and deprivation of liberty. Since the coup, restrictions have increased and conditions have deteriorated. Japan has highly restrictive policies on asylum requests. In 2022, only 202 people out of 3,772 applicants were given refugee status, and 1,202 people had to apply for refugee status more than once, including 83 from Myanmar. Khin Maung Soe’s case also exemplifies the heightened risk asylum seekers face after Japan’s Diet passed a bill last year to amend the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act. The amendments allow the government to deport asylum seekers who apply for refugee status more than twice. The law will go into effect by June, meaning Khin Maung Soe may have been sent back to Myanmar had he not won the case. The Japanese government should ensure refugees like Khin Maung Soe aren’t forced returned to harm’s way. Japan should respect the international treaties it has ratified, notably the Refugee Convention, by upholding the principle of nonrefoulement, which prohibits the return of anyone to a place where they would face a real risk of persecution, torture or other ill-treatment, or a threat to life. The government should also establish independent bodies to oversee refugee applications and appeals as recommended by the Japan Federation of Bar Associations..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2024-02-08
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A girl colors pictures with her friends during our activity in our child friendly space in a refugee camp in Aceh, Indonesia. Photo credit: Geutanyoe Foundation/Save the Children JAKARTA, 8 February 2023 – Rohingya refugee children who have been forced to flee Bangladesh and Myanmar are now asking authorities in Indonesia for more freedom to leave overcrowded, temporary shelters as the numbers arriving increase, says Save the Children. Children living in two refugee camps in Aceh, the westernmost province of Indonesia, told staff during a consultation last month by Save the Children and a local partner organisation that they wanted “more freedom of movement” and “to go outside the camp.” They said their main concerns living in the camps in Aceh were access to clothing, a decent place to live and to be able to learn in a safe environment. Last year 4,500 desperate Rohingya refugees embarked on dangerous sea journeys, a 22 % jump from a year earlier, of which about more than a third of those were children, according to the UN refugee agency UNHCR. [1] About 569 refugees were reported dead or missing, the highest number since 2014 when the number reached 730. At least 1,700 Rohingya refugees, more than 70% of them women and children, have landed in Aceh and North Sumatra since November with the camps there becoming more and more overcrowded.[2] Imran*, 14, a Rohingya refugee boy in a camp in Aceh, spent about 4 weeks at sea when the boat he was on ran out of supplies three days before landing in Indonesia. “I was worried and everyone on our boat was also worried. In our boat there was not much food left,” he said. Imran told staff he hopes to study at university to become a doctor, a lawyer or to work for a non-governmental organization. Rohingya children and their families in Indonesia have also been subject to both physical and online violence[3] with rising tensions in Southeast Asia over a migration crisis that saw thousands of Rohingya trying to escape Bangladesh and Myanmar last year. In December more than 100 Indonesian students broke through police lines, physically assaulted Rohingya refugees, forced them onto trucks and took them to immigration demanding that they be deported.[4] In the Aceh camps, Save the Children has set up safe spaces where children can play and recover with support from our local partner, the Geutanyoe Foundation, but cramped living conditions and the need for more shelters remains a problem. Other activities that aim to support Rohingya children in Aceh include sports, watching films and body mapping- a creative activity where children are encouraged to draw images, symbols and words representing their lived experiences. Kurwiany Ukar, Interim CEO of Save the Children Indonesia, said: “Save the Children Indonesia has been responding since November to provide life-saving interventions to children in Aceh but there is still so much more to do. These children are in desperate need of assistance to survive and receive protection.” Sultana Begum, Humanitarian Policy and Advocacy Manager for Save the Children in Asia said: “Rohingya children who have landed in Indonesia are incredibly scared after the journeys that they have had to endure. The Indonesia government has shown compassion and humanity by taking in the refugees and should continue its support. Other regional governments must also step up and work together with Indonesia, to rescue, assist and protect the Rohingya, including from violent attacks and orchestrated campaigns on social media which put their safety at risk.” Most Rohingya refugees have left from Bangladesh where more than one million are living in the world’s largest refugee settlement since fleeing Myanmar six years ago. Save the Children has called on the international community to step up financial contributions and ensure the humanitarian response plan for the Rohingya refugees, is fully funded, and support given to meet the emergency needs of Rohingya refugees arriving in Indonesia. The agency is also calling on governments to explore options for large-scale third country resettlement and for Bangladesh and regional governments to expand formal employment and educational opportunities for Rohingya refugees and the host communities. Save the Children is one of the leading international NGOs working in the Cox’s Bazar camps in Bangladesh. It has reached about 600,000 Rohingya refugees, including more than 320,000 children, since the response began in 2017. ENDS Notes to editors - Save the Children with its local partner, the Geutanyoe Foundation, ran a consultation with children in two of the Rohingya refugee camps in Aceh in December 2023 and January 2024. The consultation included body mapping - a creative activity where children are guided through filling in an outline of themselves on paper and are encouraged to draw images, symbols and words representing their lived experiences. The Geutanyoe Foundation (Yayasan Geutanyoe) is a non-profit organization based in Aceh, Indonesia. It is dedicated to cultivating and upholding values of dignity, humanity, equality, justice, peace, democracy, and sustainability in Indonesia. *Name changed to protect anonymity. We have a spokesperson available. For further enquiries please contact: Amy Lefevre, Global Media Manager, Asia: [email protected] Our media out of hours (BST) contact is [email protected] / +44(0)7831 650409 Please also check our Twitter account @Save_GlobalNews for news alerts, quotes, statements, and location Vlogs. [1] However, given the difficulty of tracking those embarking and disembarking boats, not to mention those who die at sea, these figures are approximate. [2] https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/01/16/indonesia-protect-newly-arrived-rohingya-refugees [3] https://www.unhcr.org/asia/news/press-releases/unhcr-disturbed-over-mob-attack-and-forced-eviction-refugees-aceh-indonesia [4] Human Rights Watch https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/01/16/indonesia-protect-newly-arrived-rohingya-refugees..."
Source/publisher: Save the Children (London)
2024-02-08
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-08
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Description: "DESPERATE JOURNEYS: ROHINGYA REFUGEES IN SEARCH OF PROTECTION Over 1 million Rohingya, a stateless Muslim minority from Myanmar, have fled conflict and persecution in Myanmar in successive waves of displacement. The largest exodus took place in August 2017, when more than 742,000 individuals fled from Myanmar to Bangladesh. The region now hosts 1.1 million Rohingya refugees with limited opportunities to develop self-reliance. With dwindling humanitarian assistance, many risk their lives, undertaking desperate journeys1 in search of safety and solutions. For additional information and statistics, please visit the Myanmar Situation Data Portal. DEVELOPMENTS IN 2023 A total of 6,500 persons attempted land and sea movements in 2023. With nearly 4,500 Rohingya refugees embarking on perilous sea journeys and 569 people reported deceased or missing, 2023 was the deadliest year on record for maritime movements in the region since the 2015 Andaman Sea crisis. Out of the 6,500 individuals travelling by land and sea, nearly all the 569 persons reported as dead or missing were from maritime movements. In addition to sea movements, around 2,000 Rohingya refugees are known to have undertaken land movements in 2023, with the vast majority reporting detention by authorities or other protection risks along the land routes.2 Given the lack of access and information on the often-clandestine land movements, the actual figures are likely to be higher. On the land route, four persons died and 10 were injured in a car accident in Thailand. Compared to 2022, the number of persons embarking on sea journeys increased by 21 per cent while the number of dead or missing rose by 63 per cent. In contrast, a 170 per cent drop was observed for land movements. As observed in the last Quarterly Update, the trend projection of increased perilous maritime movements was confirmed by the end of 2023. Reportedly, additional boats are currently (as of 31 Jan 2024) at sea and with the so called ‘sailing season’ expected to last until March/April 2024, more boats are foreseen to depart the coming months in the Andaman Sea and the Bay of Bengal. At least seven known tragic accidents at sea occurred, resulting in 250 confirmed deaths and 319 persons missing between January and December 2023. In addition, widespread physical abuse, including Gender-Based Violence, was reported by the survivors. Over 2,400 Rohingya refugees are currently detained in countries along the route outside of Myanmar on immigration charges, often indefinitely and without due process of the law. Out of these, 72 have serious medical conditions 195 are minors, of whom 126 are unaccompanied or separated children. A significant number of these Rohingya refugee detainees have been incarcerated for prolonged periods that span several years. Within Myanmar, over 1,500 Rohingya were detained from January to December 2023, resulting in an estimated total of 3,900 Rohingya in detention. With restricted access by UNHCR and partners to detention centres, the actual figure may be significantly higher..."
Source/publisher: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
2024-02-05
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) today petitioned a Court in Argentina to issue international arrest warrants for Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and six other Myanmar officials responsible for the genocide against the Rohingya people. “This is a historic and unprecedented step towards accountability for the decades-long genocide against the Rohingya people. It shows that our long fight for justice is starting to bear fruit,” said Tun Khin, President of BROUK. “The Argentinian judiciary has already committed to investigate these crimes. Now, we ask the Court to act on overwhelming evidence that these seven individuals are responsible, and to immediately issue international arrest warrants. Those committing genocide should have nowhere to hide from the law.” Today’s development is part of the investigation in Argentina into the role of Myanmar’s civilian and military leaders in committing genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya. Under the principle of universal jurisdiction, such crimes can be investigated anywhere in the world regardless of where they were committed. The case was opened in 2021 based on a petition by BROUK. The Argentinian prosecution has initially focused its investigation on a massacre in a Rohingya village in Rathedoung township, Rakhine State, on 27 August 2017. Myanmar military and police attacked the village, killing hundreds of Rohingya people through indiscriminate fire, mutilating bodies of victims, torching houses, and committing widespread rape and sexual violence against women and girls. Moving forward, the Prosecutor will continue the investigation into other villages and areas in Rakhine State that were subjected to “clearance operations” in 2017. BROUK’s request for an arrest warrant names seven individuals responsible for the attack, but arrest warrants can potentially be issued for more perpetrators as the case progresses. Those named for now include senior military leaders with command responsibility for the massacre, such as Min Aung Hlaing, Myanmar’s Commander-in-Chief and current leader of the military coup in 2021, and Soe Win, Deputy Commander-in-Chief. The request also names two lower-ranking officials, a village Chairman and a police officer, who were direct perpetrators of killings and rapes during the attack. They are accused of genocide and crimes under the Argentinian penal code including aggravated murder, sexual abuse and torture. In its 2018 report, the Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar recommended that Min Aung Hlaing and other perpetrators should be prosecuted for the Rohingya genocide. The request is based on detailed and credible evidence uncovered during the case’s investigation phase. This included eyewitness testimony from seven Rohingya genocide survivors, who traveled to Buenos Aires to testify in court in June this year. The First Instance Federal Court Number 1 in Buenos Aires and the Prosecutor will now consider BROUK’s request for an arrest warrant. If the Court accepts it, it will automatically trigger a request to Interpol to issue international arrest warrants for the individuals identified. BROUK also asked that ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), the European Union, African Union, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), and States such as the US, the UK and Canada that have imposed economic sanctions and travel bans on perpetrators are notified about the arrest warrant. “Those responsible for this genocide, including the horrific crimes committed on 27 August 2017, must be held to account, whether they planned them or carried them out directly. This massacre caused unimaginable suffering and is, in many ways, on its own enough to prove that a genocide is taking place. Sadly, however, it is only one of many examples of the violence and abuse Rohingya have faced for decades,” said Tun Khin. The case in Argentina is the first universal jurisdiction case anywhere in the world concerning the Rohingya genocide. Since the case opened, BROUK has further intensified its investigation against the Myanmar military and those abetting their crimes, including by requesting information from Facebook on how anti-Rohingya hate speech was shared on the platform. During the investigation, the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) has extended support to the Prosecutor in Argentina. BROUK’s efforts complement other international justice processes against the Myanmar military, such as the cases at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. These efforts have taken on new urgency since 1 February 2021, when the Myanmar military tried to seize power through a coup. Since then, the military and its proxies have killed thousands of people opposing its rule and arrested tens of thousands. “Our fight for justice is not just for the Rohingya, but for all victims of the Myanmar military, regardless of what ethnic groups they belong to. The military has terrorized Myanmar and its people for decades, and repression has only intensified since the coup almost two years ago,” said Tun Khin. “We commend the Argentinian judiciary´s decision to investigate the crimes committed by the military. If our request for an arrest warrant is accepted, it would be a historic development that brings hope to millions of victims. It would also show Min Aung Hlaing and other officials that the eyes of the world are on them.” Background The seven individuals identified in BROUK’s request for an arrest warrant are (all titles refer to their positions at the time of the massacre on 27 August unless otherwise noted): Min Aung Hlaing, Commander-in-Chief and 2021 military coup leader Soe Win, Deputy Commander-in-Chief Aung Kyaw Zaw, Commander of the Bureau of Special Operations No. 3 Maung Maung Soe, Chief of the Army's Western Command Aung Aung, Commander of the Army’s Light Infantry Battalion No. 33 Kyaw Shay, police officer Aung San Mya, village Chairman For more information, contact Tun Khin on +447888714866..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
2023-12-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "LAW’s multidisciplinary research seeks to understand if there is any continuing impact(s) of the sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) that was committed by the Myanmar military against Rohingya survivors to determine whether such SGBV can constitute genocide. Context: Several international efforts since the 2017 ‘clearance operations’ have documented the perpetration of SGBV against the Rohingya. Separately, studies have analysed a broad range of mental health outcomes among the Rohingya population in the aftermath of the ‘clearance operations’ and during the accompanying humanitarian response. This research breaks new ground by exploring the connection between the SGBV experienced by Rohingya in Myanmar and their current psychological state. In essence, there is a lack of clinical evidence that delves into the enduring impact of the systematic SGBV committed against Rohingya in Myanmar, particularly in terms of its consequences for not only survivors’ mental health but also their reproductive capacity and its impact on the community as a whole. To shed light on these aspects, this research focused on three questions: What is the physical and psychological impact of the SGBV during 2017 ‘clearance operations’ on Rohingya victims and survivors? What is the impact of such SGBV on the individual survivors’ familial relations, and is there any impact on the Rohingya society? Can SGBV against Rohingya – through its perpetration and long-term physical and psychosocial consequences – constitute a crime of genocide under the international law? Between August 2022 and March 2023, a multi-disciplinary team comprising psychologists, a medical doctor, and lawyers undertook the research and analysed the medical and psychosocial data collected from survivors and examined the findings within the applicable legal framework. The research focuses on the experiences of female, male, and hijra survivors of SGBV who were forcibly displaced from Myanmar over six years ago and currently reside in refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Key Findings: The research found that the scale of physical injuries from SGBV committed during the 2017 ‘clearance operations’ resulted in long-term consequences, including permanent damage to survivors’ genitalia, which has impacted their ability to procreate. All survivors described severe psychological injuries which has left them in a state of extreme emotional distress. The SGBV also damaged individual survivors’ intrafamilial relationships including their ability to be intimate with their partner, their relationship with extended family networks, and with the broader community. In particular, the use of sexual violence negatively impacted survivors’ parent-child relationships and their psychological capacity to procreate. The research also found that the systematic nature of the SGBV was destructive to the social fabric of the community in at least three ways: – Firstly, severe ostracisation of the female survivors from family and kinship resulted in the loss of their cultural identity. – Secondly, the real and symbolic emasculation of men by instilling powerlessness and diminishing their social role. – Thirdly, the forced reorganisation of the Rohingya family unit and lineage, and erosion of future social alliances such as marriage within the community. Recommendations are as follows: Efforts to hold Myanmar accountable for the serious international crimes against the Rohingya including SGBV, must be advanced on an urgent basis. Improved protection measures are necessary to ensure Rohingya SGBV survivors’ continuous engagement in international justice proceedings. Fund and establish quality and long-term specialised support for Rohingya SGBV survivors across genders. LAW dedicates this research to the Rohingya victims and survivors of sexual and gender-based violence perpetrated in Myanmar. LAW is grateful to those who participated in this research, confided in us, and shared the harrowing experiences they suffered and continue to suffer. Their courage to speak out and pursue justice is deeply moving – we must have the courage to seek justice with them..."
Source/publisher: Legal Action Worldwide (Genève)
2023-12-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The future looks increasingly bleak for over a million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, most of whom were forced out of western Myanmar since the most current and most virulent wave of anti-Rohingya persecution began in 2017, when the military of Myanmar launched merciless onslaught against the Rohingya communities. The head of the UN agency for human rights later referred to the military's conduct as "acts of horrific barbarity," potential "acts of genocide," and "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing". Bangladesh, a lower-middle-income country, compelled to assuming enormous amount of her limited resources to meet costs and impacts incurred upon her economy, society and environment, made an example of warmest of hearts and deepest empathy for human suffering by welcoming nearly a million Rohingya refugees. As other crises have captured attention and donor weariness has set in over the past six years, foreign financing for essential, life-saving services has decreased drastically. Food aid must now be reduced by a third, according to the UN. The cost of each person's rations is currently just $0.27 per day. Various other services have also been cut. This reduction is probably going to continue in the upcoming years given the numerous other problems occurring throughout the globe, such as the crisis in Ukraine. Stepping into the 7th year, not even a single Rohingya has returned to Myanmar. Bangladesh seems solely carrying the burden of this huge refugee alone. The country is expending US$ 1.22 billion every year for the Rohingyas from her own limited resources. Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar is now hosting the largest refugee camp in the world, with one of the largest humanitarian operations in terms of scale and dimensions. Additionally, the nation has never received a sizable amount of funding for Rohingya refugees. Instead, the amount of support has decreased with time. While donors only contributed 60% of the required cash in 2020, down from approximately 72% to 75% two years earlier, Bangladesh received roughly 30% until now in 2023 and around 50% in 2022. Bangladesh has been doing everything in its power, with the backing of the international community, to protect the safety and wellbeing of the displaced Rohingyas, despite the loss of biodiversity, loss of forest area totaling almost 6,500 acres of land, and the detrimental consequences on the local people being immeasurable. Food, shelter, medical attention, and other services are being provided to them. They also have the chance to improve their abilities by going to learning facilities that use the Myanmar Curriculum, going to skill-development events, and taking advantage of possibilities for employment. These are aiding in the retention of their language and culture and will eventually aid in their integration back into their own society once they return. In these situations, the international community must remember that it owes the Rohingyas a core humanitarian duty. Given that Bangladesh has been shoulder the burden in terms of societal and demographic balance, local and regional security, and the fight against violent extremism, international actors cannot dump more than a million Rohingyas entirely in Bangladesh. The UN, ASEAN, the West, and all other actors should do action to lessen the harm caused by this protracted conflict. In accordance with the UN's appeal for humanitarian relief, actors must ensure that the aid provided to Rohingya refugees is adequate. In order to ensure that the Rohingya's fundamental needs - food, shelter, health, and education - are satisfied, they must cooperate with Bangladesh to stabilize total funding for the refugees. Second, the international community ought to back the pilot repatriation project, taking into account that Myanmar has never had a fully democratic setting free from military intrusion. The claim that "democracy is prerequisite before any repatriation" is therefore only a deliberate disrespect for Myanmar's past. Nobody should make an effort to obstruct test repatriation. Before beginning a large-scale repatriation move, this simulated repatriation will help identify the problems. This will help in the creation of better planning before the start of a full-scale repatriation. Third, Global actors should continue to support international accountability mechanisms- genocide cases in the ICJ, ICC, Argentine International court, Indonesian and German court against the Junta. In order to broaden the scope of the prosecutor's ongoing investigation to include just crimes committed on the territory of Myanmar, the UN Security Council should refer the case to the ICC, as it did in the cases of Sudan and Libya. Fourth, continue to pressure Myanmar Junta and contact with opposition EAOs, PDFs and NUG to bring peace in the country. H.E Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said, "Since we have sheltered the Rohingyas, we are fulfilling our responsibility and we are doing our best for them." The writer is Associate Professor & Security Affairs Analyst..."
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Source/publisher: Daily Observer
2023-10-16
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On 25 August 2023, 1.3 million Rohingya refugees residing in southeastern Bangladesh observed ‘Genocide Day.’ This marked the 6th anniversary of their mass expulsion from northern Rakhine by the Tatmadaw, the Myanmar Armed Forces. The Rohingyas are one of the most persecuted ethnic minority groups in the world and the international community has so far failed to uphold their rights, allowing flagrant violations of international law. According to Article 2 of the United Nations (UN) Charter, member-states of the UN are to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of one another. However, since the Rohingya community has been forced to take refuge in many different countries, the issue concerns the international community at large and warrants interference. Nearly 1.3 million Rohingyas have taken shelter in Bangladesh over the past five decades, while hundreds of thousands are living as refugees in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, and India. The Myanmar government, whether in its military or civilian form, has been persecuting Rohingyas for decades and has blatantly violated scores of international laws in the process. Violations of International Law by the Myanmar Government Since the independence of Myanmar in 1948, the Rohingyas have been subjected to deliberate political, legal, economic, cultural, and social discrimination. According to Article 2 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), Articles 26 and 27 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and Article 1 of the 1969 International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), such discrimination is strictly forbidden. In late 2016, the Myanmar government began a new crackdown, which culminated in clearance operations against the Rohingyas in response to an attack on Myanmar security forces by Rohingya insurgents. In late 1977, the Tatmadaw, along with Burmese immigration officials, launched Operation Nagamin against the Rohingyas. Rooting out ‘foreigners’ and ‘illegal immigrants’ was used as a justification for the Operation. The Burmese troops carried out murder, rape, and other atrocities against Rohingya civilians, and forcibly evicted them from their homes, forcing between 200,000 and 250,000 Rohingyas to flee to Bangladesh. In October 1982, the Burmese government issued the Burmese Citizenship Act, excluding the Rohingyas from citizenship and institutionalizing anti-Rohingya discrimination. This was a violation of Article 15 of the UDHR, which clearly states that none should be arbitrarily deprived of his or her nationality. In 1991, the Tatmadaw launched another crackdown on the Rohingya civilians, repeating the pattern of 1977–1978. In late 2016, the Myanmar government began a new crackdown, which culminated in clearance operations against the Rohingyas in response to an attack on Myanmar security forces by Rohingya insurgents. According to a report by the Ontario International Development Agency, during this campaign of terror, around 25,000 Rohingyas were killed, more than 18,000 Rohingya women and girls were subjected to rape, some 34,000 Rohingyas were burnt alive, and over 114,000 Rohingyas were tortured. According to Article 2 of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, killing, causing serious physical or psychological harm, and creation of conditions designed to bring about the destruction of any national, ethnic, racial, or religious group are acts of genocide. In addition, according to the UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1820 adopted in 2008, mass rape is an act of genocide. The Myanmar government has perpetrated all these atrocities against the Rohingyas, and in accordance with international law, this constitutes a deliberate genocide against the Rohingya people. The Role of EAOs, Citizens of Myanmar, and the International Community Since 1948, northern Rakhine witnessed the rise of several ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in response to the persistent oppression of the Rohingyas. These EAOs had different aims, including integration into East Pakistan, autonomy within the Myanmar state, and national self-determination. Between the 1970s and the 1990s, a number of Rohingya EAOs, including the Rohingya Liberation Army (RLA), the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and the Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front (ARIF), were active against the Myanmar government. The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) has been active since the early 2010s, and the RSO was reactivated following the 2021 coup d’état in Myanmar. The Tatmadaw-controlled Myanmar government responded to the insurgency by repeatedly launching brutal crackdowns on the entire Rohingya population, irrespective of their political affiliation. Tragically, the rest of Myanmar’s citizens have reacted to the decades-long persecution of the Rohingyas with inaction, and in some cases, with enthusiasm. Buddhist nationalist organizations have long viewed the Rohingyas as a ‘demographic threat’ and cheered on the Tatmadaw’s atrocities against the Rohingyas. In addition to the ethnic Bamars, who constitute the majority of Myanmar’s population, ethnic Rakhines have also been opposed to the Rohingyas. Several high-level UN officials, including the High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein and the Assistant Secretary-General Andrew Gilmour, have characterized the persecution of Rohingyas as a ‘textbook example of ethnic cleansing.’ In November 2019, the Gambia, backed by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), filed a case against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), accusing the Myanmar government of perpetrating genocide against the Rohingyas. The case was supported by the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, and Canada. In addition, an Argentine court, under the principle of universal jurisdiction, is probing whether Myanmar conducted a genocide against the Rohingyas. Furthermore, the United States has imposed limited sanctions on Myanmar for its atrocities against the Rohingyas and recognized the atrocities as a ‘genocide’ in March 2022. However, these actions have proved insufficient in resolving the Rohingya crisis. The Tatmadaw-controlled Myanmar government has been dragging its feet over the repatriation of the Rohingyas since 2017 and is unlikely to admit its culpability in genocidal actions. Despite issuing some promising statements, the opposition NUG has not yet made any concrete steps towards ensuring justice for the Rohingyas. The rest of Myanmar’s citizens have reacted to the decades-long persecution of the Rohingyas with inaction, and in some cases, with enthusiasm. Instead of just issuing verbal condemnations, the international community should take concrete measures, including the imposition of comprehensive sanctions on Myanmar to hold those who are complicit in the Rohingya genocide accountable. Finally, if Myanmar fails to ensure justice for the Rohingyas, the international community should treat the Rohingya crisis as a threat to international peace and security and undertake necessary actions against the Myanmar government in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter. Conclusion Myanmar is a member of the UN, the International Court of Justice, and the International Labor Organization. It is also a party to the 1948 Genocide Convention, but it has overtly violated the treaties, conventions, and declarations of all of these institutions by persecuting the Rohingyas. The international community is duty-bound to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. However, Myanmar has been flouting international law with near impunity for decades by brutally persecuting the Rohingya civilians. Ensuring accountability for the genocide against the Rohingyas and facilitating their repatriation will be welcome steps on the part of the international community. Moreover, the Rohingyas should not remain stuck in refugee camps for the foreseeable future. International law provides them with the right to return to their homeland. It should be noted that the overwhelming majority of the Rohingyas are in favor of returning to their homeland, on the condition that their safety should be ensured. By facilitating the delivery of justice and ensuring their return the international community could end the suffering of the Rohingyas and uphold international law..."
Source/publisher: South Asian Voices
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The Rohingya refugee crisis in Bangladesh looks set to drag on indefinitely. Insecurity in the overcrowded camps is growing. In this excerpt from the Watch List 2023 – Autumn Update, Crisis Group urges Europe to keep providing humanitarian assistance and increase its intake of refugees.
Description: "The future looks increasingly bleak for close to one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, most of whom were forced out of western Myanmar more than six years ago. The 2021 coup in Myanmar brought to power the same military officers whose brutality toward the Muslim minority in Rakhine State in 2016-2017 pushed them across the border. Although the regime insists it wants repatriation to begin, it has refused to guarantee citizenship to returnees. Meanwhile, the situation in Rakhine State has become more complex, due to the growing strength of the Arakan Army, an ethnic armed group that is fighting for greater autonomy for the Rakhine Buddhist majority and now controls much of the state’s centre and north. The refugees are facing mounting problems in their overcrowded camps. International aid is declining sharply, forcing the UN to cut vital food assistance by one third in 2023. At the same time, insecurity is growing. Poverty and hopelessness threaten to create a vicious cycle in which refugees – particularly young men – join criminal gangs and armed groups, fuelling the violence. Women and girls are embarking on risky boat journeys or overland travel (via Myanmar and Thailand) to Malaysia – their trips often paid for by waiting Rohingya men in exchange for marriage. Others stay and are married off at a young age. Bangladesh, despite having earned global praise for hosting the large Rohingya population, is getting impatient with the attendant burdens. By refusing to acknowledge that the crisis will likely drag on indefinitely and planning accordingly, Dhaka risks making a difficult situation worse. The EU and its member states can help address this set of challenges by: Increasing funding for the UN’s humanitarian appeal in Bangladesh to help meet the needs of Rohingya refugees, lest camp conditions deteriorate further. With violence on the rise, it is particularly important that the EU expand its support for protection services for vulnerable refugees, including community leaders and young men at risk of harm by armed groups, and women facing intimate partner violence; its member states should also consider accepting the most vulnerable for third-country resettlement. Using the EU’s influential position in Bangladesh to encourage Dhaka to adopt a long-term strategy recognising that the vast majority of the refugees are likely to remain in the country for years to come. Although integration may not be politically feasible, refugees need greater access to education and better job opportunities so that they can live in dignity. The EU should make clear that, if Dhaka changes tack, it stands ready to mobilise additional funding for projects that reduce the need for humanitarian aid, such as income generation and durable shelter. Maintaining, to the extent possible, humanitarian support for Rohingya who remain in Rakhine State. It should work directly with local service providers, which may help navigate restrictions imposed by Naypyitaw, and also avoid inadvertently strengthening the regime or legitimising its initiatives, such as the planned closure of camps for the internally displaced. To improve coordination at the national level, the EU should lobby the UN to appoint an experienced permanent resident coordinator. Continuing to support international efforts to hold Myanmar’s military accountable for its abuses against the Rohingya and other groups in Myanmar, both prior to and since the coup. Dwindling Hopes for Repatriation The Rohingya refugees in southern Bangladesh are facing increasingly grim prospects of returning to their homes in Myanmar, as conditions in the camps become ever more difficult. Over the last two years, international funding for basic, life-saving services has dropped dramatically as crises elsewhere grab attention and donor fatigue sets in. The shortfall is particularly acute in 2023: with the Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis Joint Response Plan barely 40 per cent funded, the UN has been compelled to slash food aid by one third. It now spends just $0.27 per day on each person’s rations. There have also been cuts to other services. Shrinking budgets have forced the UN and international NGOs to lay off refugees from paid volunteer roles that, due to Bangladeshi government restrictions, are one of their few legal sources of income. Given the many other emergencies around the world, including Russia’s war in Ukraine, this decline is only likely to continue in the coming years. Meanwhile, violence is steadily increasing in the sprawling camps as armed groups and crime rings entrench themselves among the refugees. For a time, the dominant such group was the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), which carried out the attacks in Myanmar in 2016-2017 that prompted the military’s violent campaign against the Rohingya. But in September 2021, ARSA overreached when it killed a prominent Rohingya community leader, Mohib Ullah, drawing international attention to the problem of rising violence in the camps. The killing spurred Dhaka into action, and security forces began cracking down on ARSA by arresting some of its members. Other armed groups have taken advantage of a weakened ARSA. Bangladeshi authorities say no fewer than eleven are now active in the camps. Over the past year, the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) in particular has grown in power, gradually wresting control of several camps from ARSA. Many of these groups work closely with Bangladeshi crime syndicates to move drugs – mostly yaba (a mix of methamphetamine and caffeine) but increasingly crystal methamphetamine, which is much more lucrative – over the border from Myanmar and to major markets in Dhaka and Chattogram, a southern coastal city. Turf wars among ARSA, RSO and other groups have erupted. The number of killings so far in 2023 is already higher than in all of 2022; the victims are typically young men or those in community leadership positions, although women and children are sometimes caught in the crossfire. Abductions, in which gangs hold refugees for ransom, have also skyrocketed. Bangladesh’s Armed Police Battalion, the agency in charge of camp security since 2020, has been unable to bring the gangs to heel. It has also faced well-substantiated allegations that its members are shaking down, wrongfully detaining and even torturing refugees themselves. Bangladesh and Myanmar’s military regime have ... sought to start repatriating Rohingya refugees to Rakhine State. Against this backdrop, Bangladesh and Myanmar’s military regime have, since the beginning of 2023 and with Chinese support, sought to start repatriating Rohingya refugees to Rakhine State, following two failed attempts in 2018 and 2019. Each country has its own reasons for wanting Rohingya to return. Naypyitaw hopes it can strengthen its defence at the International Court of Justice, where it has been accused of violating the Genocide Convention, and relieve international pressure in the wake of the 2021 coup. Dhaka has its eye on the general election planned for January 2024, before which it hopes to have a foreign policy victory that dilutes the public’s impatience with hosting of such a large refugee population. As for Beijing, it is seeking opportunities to portray itself as a constructive international player, amid heightened tensions with Washington, and also hoping to gain further support from Dhaka and Naypyitaw in Asia. Yet despite assurances from both Dhaka and Naypyitaw, a proposed “pilot project”, under which a first contingent of 1,176 refugees would go back to Rakhine State, is unlikely to proceed. The Myanmar regime has sent several delegations to visit the refugees in Bangladesh and, in May, refugee leaders even travelled to Maungdaw in northern Rakhine for a visit intended to show them that it is safe. In September, following a fresh round of meetings, the regime and Bangladesh announced plans to repatriate up to 7,000 refugees by the end of the year. But Myanmar has refused to meet key refugee demands, particularly regarding citizenship (which most Rohingya lack), a stance that is likely to limit the number of candidates willing to return. Another factor complicating repatriation is the emergence of the Arakan Army as a political force in Rakhine State. Since the 2021 coup, the group has gained control of much of the countryside in central and northern Rakhine, including along the Bangladeshi border. Repatriation at scale is thus likely to be possible only with the group’s agreement. Yet, so far, it has been left out of discussions between the two governments. The bottom line is that for most refugees, going home remains a distant prospect. While the sheer desperation of life in the Bangladesh camps may persuade a small minority of Rohingya to return notwithstanding the risks, that is hardly something to celebrate. The conditions in Rakhine State are not conducive to safe, dignified and voluntary repatriation, and they are unlikely to be as long as the military regime is in power. At the same time, the Bangladeshi government refuses to consider viable alternatives for addressing the refugee crisis. Insisting that speedy repatriation is the only way forward, it has imposed restrictions on camp operations and refugee liberties that leave Rohingya almost entirely dependent on outside aid and compel humanitarian groups to keep operating on an emergency footing rather than prepare for prolonged displacement. It has also shifted around 30,000 Rohingya to Bhasan Char, a low-lying silt island almost 40km from the mainland, where acute exposure to cyclones adds a new dimension to their vulnerability. Dhaka’s policies – ranging from denying refugees the right to work to insisting that they live in temporary shelters and remain inside fenced camps or on Bhasan Char – are adding to the humanitarian response’s cost at a time when international funding is declining. If it does not change, Bangladesh’s policy is likely to make a bad situation worse in the years ahead. Making life more difficult for Rohingya refugees will inevitably push them toward dangerous coping strategies. Unless conditions in the camps improve, those unable to find a way out may grow more susceptible to militancy as time passes. Men and boys may enlist in armed groups or gangs. Girls and women may wind up in underage marriages or in arranged marriages in Malaysia that require them to brave the seas in rickety boats captained by unscrupulous human smugglers to reach their new spouses. Increasingly, Rohingya are also making the hazardous trek to Malaysia overland through Myanmar and Thailand, where they risk arrest for violating immigration laws. In the wake of further cuts to food rations in June, there have been growing reports of intimate partner violence and malnutrition. The Situation in Rakhine State Living conditions are also worsening for most of the Rohingya who still live in Rakhine State. More than 120,000 remain confined to displacement camps that were set up over a decade ago; most lack citizenship and all rely on international aid for food and basic services. Cyclone Mocha, which hit Rakhine in May, wiping out several camps, underscored how vulnerable this population is. Naypyitaw said 117 Rohingya were killed, but other sources put the number higher. The regime subsequently blocked an aid delivery plan put forward by the UN, as well as a proposal to bring supplies across the border from Bangladesh. The regime is now slowly moving forward with a plan to close some of the camps for the displaced, but like the talk of repatriation, this scheme appears to be a ploy to burnish its image by reducing the number of displaced people, including Rakhine Muslims. The lack of proper planning and care for the welfare of camp residents is obvious, as those who have been relocated thus far are languishing in shabby resettlement sites close to the old camps, where they have even less access to social support. As for Rohingya living in Rakhine outside camps, their basic rights continue to be unprotected, and the combined effects of conflict, COVID-19, the coup and Cyclone Mocha have deepened their troubles. Many feel they are stuck between the Arakan Army and the military, which has threatened community leaders with arrest if they are found to be cooperating with the ethnic armed group’s bureaucracy. A bright spot has been improved relations between Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine communities, thanks to the Arakan Army’s emergence; very popular among the Rakhine, the group’s leaders have emphasised that the majority Burmans, rather than Muslims, are the real enemy of the Rakhine people. The Arakan Army has also taken steps to include Rohingya in the lower levels of its bureaucracy and eased movement restrictions in areas it controls. Recent tensions between the Arakan Army and ARSA in northern Rakhine State threaten to undo some of this fragile progress, however, as fears of renewed Rohingya insurgency among ethnic Rakhine will likely fuel anti-Rohingya sentiment. What the EU Can Do First, as one of the world’s largest humanitarian donors, the EU should increase its aid to Rohingya refugees through the UN humanitarian appeal. Brussels has generally maintained a consistent level of support for Rohingya appeals over the past six years, and EU member states provide limited additional funding. In July, the EU released an additional €12.5 million to address humanitarian needs of people in Myanmar and Rohingya in Bangladesh. But the dire – and rapidly worsening – situation in the camps is reason enough to increase funding further, particularly in the short term. With a strong presence in Bangladesh, including in Cox’s Bazar (the southern district where most camps are located), the EU should also work with other donors to stabilise overall funding for the refugees, and help ensure that the Rohingya’s basic needs – food, shelter, health and education – are met through the UN-led humanitarian response. In light of growing violence and insecurity, Brussels should also give more to aid organisations providing protection services, which are struggling to cope with rising insecurity in the camps, and to support alternative solutions for those most at risk. EU member states, meanwhile, should follow the lead of actors such as the U.S. and Canada in committing to resettle some number of Rohingya refugees – especially from among the most vulnerable. Dhaka has recently permitted resettlement for the first time since 2010. (It was previously reluctant because it feared the availability of this option could become a pull factor encouraging more Rohingya to cross into Bangladesh.) Although third-country resettlement will help only a small proportion of refugees, it will be life-changing for those people, and the benefits may go further besides. It could also improve the climate for discussions with the Bangladeshi government by demonstrating Europe’s commitment to taking concrete measures of its own to alleviate the crisis. Secondly, it is important for the EU to push the Bangladeshi government harder on the parameters it sets for the refugee response. Dhaka’s regulations prevent refugees from working legally, leaving them almost entirely dependent on international aid – an unsustainable situation given the precipitous falloff in assistance pledges. The EU, which Bangladeshis perceive as neutral in their domestic politics, and is a vital trade partner (accounting for almost 40 per cent of exports), should encourage Dhaka to loosen restrictions on Rohingya employment and movement, which would allow humanitarian agencies to move beyond emergency relief. Brussels should make clear to Dhaka that it will mobilise funding for longer-term initiatives that would reduce Rohingya dependence on humanitarian aid. As part of that effort, Brussels should make clear to Dhaka that it will mobilise funding for longer-term initiatives that would reduce Rohingya dependence on humanitarian aid, such as job opportunities and durable shelter. For example, the EU could make clear that, apart from providing funds itself, it will convene a donor conference to solicit pledges, as it did with the event it co-hosted in 2020 with the U.S., UK and UN High Commissioner for Refugees. That event raised $600 million in new pledges for humanitarian programs. Before a new conference can take place, however, Dhaka will need to change its approach to the refugee crisis, accepting that the vast majority of the refugees will remain in Bangladesh for years to come. Thirdly, the EU and member states should send a clear signal about repatriation. Given the crisis in Myanmar, the chances that Rohingya refugees can go home have only grown slimmer. While respecting the wishes of those refugees who may nonetheless want to return, the EU should make clear that it opposes the current pilot project given the military regime’s failure to ensure safe, dignified and voluntary repatriation. Fourthly, the EU should also maintain its support to Rohingya in Rakhine State, who due to a combination of conflict and economic crisis have become even more reliant on international aid since the coup. It will be easier said than done. Since the coup, the military regime has tightened restrictions on humanitarian aid, including limiting the travel authorisations required for visiting Rakhine State, blocking visas for international staff and introducing a new Organisations Law that gives the junta greater control over aid groups. For donors like the EU, these strictures only increase the urgency of shifting as much funding as possible to local partners including NGOs and community-based organisations, which can more easily navigate these restrictions. To work with these groups and ensure the safety of their staff and beneficiaries, Brussels will likely need to relax its usual requirements on partner registration, banking and reporting. Close coordination with other actors, particularly the UN, will also be essential to ensure that funding is efficiently and usefully allocated. To enhance the effectiveness of the UN country team, the EU should push the UN leadership to appoint a permanent resident coordinator as soon as possible, filling the vacancy left when the last one departed in November 2021. The incoming official should have the skills and experience necessary to handle Myanmar’s particular challenges. Finally, the EU and member states should continue to support international accountability mechanisms that aim to hold to account perpetrators of abuses, including conflict-related sexual violence, against the Rohingya in Myanmar during the 2016-2017 military crackdown. The primary such mechanisms are the International Criminal Court and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, a body the UN has tasked with gathering evidence for future criminal proceedings. Their efforts serve as a reminder to potential perpetrators that a cloud of criminal suspicion – and the prospect of prosecution – will follow those who choose to commit atrocities..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Belgium)
2023-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-04
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Description: "After several failed attempts in 2018, 2019, 2020, and 2021, Bangladesh and Myanmar recently announced a pilot initiative for the repatriation of Rohingyas. Myanmar scheduled a tour to Rakhine for the ambassadors or consul generals of 11 countries, including Bangladesh, India, China, and eight ASEAN members, in early March 2023, to review the situation there. The envoys noted that Rakhine has a secure security environment now. The repatriation process should now begin. Following the Ambassador's visit, a commission from Myanmar's military junta visited Bangladesh to evaluate potential repatriation candidates. As part of this pilot initiative, Myanmar confirmed a list of over 1,000 Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh who may be returning soon. On May 5, a 20-person Rohingya delegation from Bangladesh visited Rakhine to examine the situation and urge other Rohingya into voluntary return as part of a confidence-building campaign. Deng Xijun, China's Special Envoy for Asian Affairs, visited Myanmar twice before visiting Dhaka in July. He reassured Bangladesh that Myanmar had now agreed to return the Rohingyas to North Mangdaw in Rakhine. He explained that the Rohingyas would initially live in temporary camps following their repatriation. They would later build their homes there with voluntary labor. Myanmar will pay the Rohingyas for this. Unfortunately, certain Western countries and right-wing organizations have continued to advocate for the suspension of this pilot project, claiming that democracy is required for any repatriation and that the current political atmosphere makes it difficult for Rohingyas to return. "Those who keep claiming that the situation in Myanmar is "not favorable" to repatriation have rarely visited Rakhine," Chinese Ambassador to Bangladesh Yao Wen responded. "It's bizarre. They also did not address whether the circumstances in Cox's Bazar is conducive to the displaced people living a dignified life. This is a question they must answer for themselves. Coups, military rule, ethnic conflicts etc. have been the history of Myanmar, so does the persecution on Rohingyas. The unrest was sparked mostly by religious and socioeconomic divisions between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims. During World War II in Burma, Rohingya Muslims allied with the British and promised a Muslim state in exchange fought against Rakhine Buddhists aligned with the Japanese. Following the country's independence in 1948, the newly established union government of the largely Buddhist country denied the citizenship of the Rohingyas, subjecting them to widespread and systematic discrimination. Many worldwide academics, analysts, and political figures, including South African anti-apartheid crusader Desmond Tutu, have linked it to apartheid. Burmese authorities became increasingly antagonistic to the Rohingyas during Ne Win's military reign, enacting measures that denied them citizenship. The persecution of the Rohingyas thus went beyond all bounds. Violent, large-scale crackdowns against Rohingya, such as Operation King Dragon in 1978 and Operation Clean and Beautiful Nation in 1991, drove hundreds of thousands of Rohingya into Bangladesh. When the Burmese Citizenship Law was passed on October 15, 1982, Rohingya Muslims in the nation were legally unrecognized and denied Burmese citizenship. To summarize, Myanmar has never had a truly democratic environment devoid of military intervention. As a result, some actors' assertion that "democracy is a prerequisite before any repatriation" is only a purposeful disregard of Myanmar's past. However, triangular attempts with China, Bangladesh, and Myanmar persist. On September 4, a high-level team from South Asia and Southeast Asia, led by Bangladesh's ambassador to Myanmar, visited Rakhine to discover what steps have been taken to restore trust and give protection to the Rohingyas. Ko Ko Hliang, a union minister and the committee's vice-chair-1 for Rakhine State stability, peace, and development, informed and directed the delegate. The delegate, according to sources, was happy with Myanmar's conduct. Chinese Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Deng Xijun informed that, 'Myanmar agreed to settle the Rohingyas in their original villages- a demand that the Rohingyas had been making in response to Myanmar's earlier plan of resettling Rohingyas in camps or model villages. Several voluntary organizations including 'Asian Coordination Centre for Humanitarian Assistance' and UNHCR will be engaged during the repatriation process.' All technical issues have been discussed. Myanmar has confirmed identity of 2087 Rohingyas already. Repatriation of the first batch may begin within months. 100 refugees could be sent home every day." Since the beginning of the crisis in 2017, this can be considered a breakthrough. Every stakeholder should back the endeavor. We should keep in mind that the Rohingya issue appears to be taking a back seat to other global crises in 2022 and 2023, including the Russia-Ukraine war. Because of the huge political attention in, and donor pledges for, Ukraine, there is a donor scarcity for Rohingyas. Bangladesh, the host country, has received little more than 50% of the required cash in 2022, while donors gave only 60% of the required funding in 2020, down from approximately 72% to 75% two years earlier. As of mid-August, the 2023 Appeal, which asked USD 876 million, was only about 28.9% financed, rendering Rohingya refugees particularly vulnerable this year. Second, because the Rohingya refugees lack viable economic options, the nearby Rohingya camps may become havens for criminal activity, putting the security of the entire region at risk. The recruitment of refugees by extremist networks is raising increasing concern since it may feed unrest not only in Bangladesh but also throughout the Indo-Pacific region. Third, around 30,000 Rohingya infants are born in refugee camps in Bangladesh each year on average. As a result, the Rohingya population has risen to around 1.2 million. A new generation of Rohingya children is growing up without a sense of belonging, exacerbating the catastrophe. Fourth, the security situation for Muslims in Rakhine is better than it has ever been. Living conditions, health care, and education have all improved. The number of Muslim-specific educational institutions has grown. After a nine-year hiatus, Sittwe University welcomed 200 Muslim students last year. This year, a large number of Muslim students were accepted. Muslims, too, have access to medical treatment. The Junta government is providing a 'National Verification Card (NVC)' to returnees. Junta's willingness to resolve the situation appears to be improving. Except for Rakhine State, the country has been plagued by severe conflicts between the regime and ethnic groups. Rakhine State is presently better than it has ever been. In such circumstances, without a doubt, the repatriation procedure should begin immediately. The world community has a primary humanitarian duty to assist the Rohingyas. Though the decades-long antagonism between Rohingya communities and the Myanmar government is unlikely to be erased quickly, the ASEAN, the United Nations, and global and regional entities can all play vital roles in fostering trust between them. The international community should send a clear statement that "we are watching the situation in Myanmar, as well as the conduct of the Myanmar Junta towards the Rohingyas." If we can input this and act on it, the ice of mistrust will slowly but surely melt. "The returnee Rohingyas will not be abandoned; they will be observed and their security condition will be monitored"- such a message should be delivered by global actors. Nobody should attempt to prevent test repatriation. Such mock repatriation will help to identify the issues before embarking on a large-scale repatriation move. This will aid in the development of better planning prior to the start of a full-scale repatriation. This is a litmus test for the international community, right-wing organizations, global actors, and Myanmar parts that must pass with flying colors..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Daily Observer" (Bangladesh)
2023-09-18
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-18
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Description: "Myanmar is passing through a critical time due to unrest and conflict between the government and the anti-junta forces. There are no indications that the current violence in Myanmar will stop; instead, it is getting more organized every day. According to Duwa Lashi La, head of Myanmar’s anti-junta National Unity Government (NUG), the People’s Defense Force (PDF), a paramilitary force fighting the junta, has witnessed a significant improvement in efficacy. The PDF is currently fighting the military junta successfully, having organized and established tactical regiments and battalions that are armed with automatic weapons. The NUG leader said that anti-junta forces are now outperforming the nation’s armed forces. Attack drones are another weapon that PDF militants are employing to defeat the junta forces. NUG Defense Ministry Spokesman Mong Mong Swee said that PDF had opened new fronts in Chin state along with the Sagaing and Magway regions to conduct offensives against Myanmar army. They gained control of new areas of Kayah and Kayin state. PDF have been able to inflict heavy casualties, including killing junta soldiers, in the ongoing war over the past two years. At a meeting of the National Defense and Security Council on July 31, junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing mentioned that the PDF was fighting with the army in Sagaing, Magway, Bago and Tanintharyi regions as well as Kayin, Kayah, Chin and Mon states. These states have been particularly affected by war, mine attacks and arson. The junta has extended the state of emergency for another six months to take ‘security measures’ to deal with the wider conflict. According to international military analysts, the junta has suffered more casualties than the revolutionary forces in nearly every conflict or battle in Myanmar. To cope with this, in addition to ground combat, Myanmar Army will have to use more air power and aircraft against the PDF and rebel groups. Following the fourth extension of the state of emergency, anti-junta groups claim that combat has escalated in eight of the nation’s states and regions as the Myanmar military resumes operations to reclaim territory controlled by ethnic militias and the PDF. The Myanmar military stepped up its operations in the Shan, Kachin, Kayin, Mon, Sagaing, Bago, Magway, and Tanintharyi areas. Officials of the Karen National Union (KNU) said that, their troops were engaged in fierce battles with junta forces in Kayin and Mon states as well as Bago and Tanintharyi regions. Junta troops are attacking seven areas controlled by the KNU, in those areas 109 battalions are deployed by the army. Fighting in Kachin state’s jade mining region has intensified and the junta has carried out airstrikes in jade mining areas. According to statistics provided by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), the ongoing violence has forced more than 1.6 million civilians to leave their homes. Western nations tightened their sanctions against Myanmar after the military took control in 2021. However, ignoring these sanctions, Myanmar’s junta chief visited China, Russia and India and bought weapons and equipment from those countries. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) in Sweden regularly studies the global armaments trade. According to data from Sipri’s Trends in International Arms Transfer 2022 study, which was published in March 2023, 42% of Myanmar’s arms imports from 2018 to 2022 came from Russia, 29% from China, and 14% from India. Recently, Myanmar received two Sukhoi fighter jets from Russia in the first phase. Later, four more Sukhoi fighter jets will join Myanmar’s fleet. During a visit to Russia in September 2022, Myanmar’s junta chief Min Aung Hlaing signed a deal to buy 6 Sukhoi SU-30SME fighter jets from Russia. The Russian-made Sukhoi Su-30 SME fighter jets are effective in air-to-ground and air-to-air attacks. These aircrafts will enhance the junta’s capacity to deal with ongoing violence. Bangladesh has maintained its diplomatic, commercial, and other contacts with Myanmar while taking Myanmar’s situations into consideration. On September 6, General Hlaing, the head of the State Administration Council, received the credentials from Md. Monwar Hossain, the recently appointed ambassador of Bangladesh to Myanmar. While speaking with the Ambassador after accepting the credential, the Chairman reaffirmed Myanmar’s serious political commitment to repatriating the Rohingyas. This is a positive sign in the current context. General Hlaing voiced his optimism for the further advancement of bilateral ties between Bangladesh and Myanmar during the conversation and covered a number of topics of mutual interest, including the repatriation of Rohingyas, commercial connections, and improved air, land, and sea connectivity. Furthermore, they exchanged their views on enhancing military cooperation and public relations, as well as issues like conventional and non-conventional security cooperation, including the prevention of drug trafficking and arms smuggling. The ambassador of Bangladesh has asked for his assistance in order to develop and expand bilateral relationships between the two countries. On August 24, a human chain and a demonstration were held in front of the Cox’s Bazar District Commissioner’s office to call for proper repatriation measures. Local leaders said at the demonstration held under the banner of “All Residents of Cox’s Bazar” that the long-term presence of Rohingyas in the bordering upazilas of Ukhia and Teknaf poses a threat to the survival of the local community there. Drug and human traffickers now useing the Rohingya camps as a safe transit location, murders and crimes occur often in the camps. This in turn created pressure on the daily life of the locals. As a result local people wish to resolve this issue permanently. Bangladesh’s main focus is to return the 1.25 million Rohingyas who have been staying inside Bangladesh for the last six years. Under the auspices of the pilot project launched by the Myanmar government at request of China, efforts are being made to return a limited number of Rohingyas to Myanmar. Bangladesh requests assistance from international community and organizations in this regard. Bangladesh further urged all parties involved to refrain from impeding the return of Rohingyas under the pilot project. The Rohingyas also wish to go back to their country of origin, where they have homes and other amenities. To begin with, a group of Rohingyas should return to Myanmar for observing the situation. Once they return to Rakhine, they will have a better understanding of the situation, challenges and the difficulties there. This knowledge will facilitate to undertake the repatriation of remaining Rohingyas. By December this year, Bangladesh, China, and Myanmar hope to begin a trial program for returning Rohingyas home. On September 4, Bangladesh and Myanmar convened a conference at the director general level to discuss repatriation. The Myanmar military administration has consented to allow the Rohingyas to return to their villages. Bangladesh and Myanmar will hold several meetings in the coming days to make the pilot project for the repatriation a success. A four-member delegation led by the Director General of the Myanmar Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh went to Myanmar to attend the meeting. After that, an official delegation from Myanmar will visit Cox,s Bazar and discuss with the Rohingyas prior to the start of this repatriation. More than 3,000 Rohingyas have been listed for pilot repatriation. Bangladesh places a high priority on safeguarding the Rohingyas’ safety, dignity, and security in addition to preventing family separation during repatriation and allowing Rohingyas from the same area to travel together. According to Western countries and the UN, Myanmar does not have a functioning democracy, and as a result, there has not yet been established a conducive climate for the repatriation of Rohingyas. Reviewing the present situation in Myanmar, it is evident that the ongoing conflict is going to escalate in the days to come and that both sides are enhancing their capabilities. Furthermore, the international community as a whole, including the UN, Amnesty International, the Western countries, international NGOs, has been unable to exert meaningful pressure on Myanmar. Despite its continued efforts, ASEAN has not been able to control the situation in Myanmar and bring about peace. However, Bangladesh cannot continue to shoulder the burden indefinitely. Additionally, the total amount of support provided to the Rohingyas is declining gradually and the issue poses a threat to regional stability. For the past six years Bangladesh has sought a workable solution bilaterally, trilaterally and multilaterally and is keen to resolve this issue. The nature of the issues in Rakhine State differs from those in other regions of Myanmar. The Arakan Army acknowledges the Rohingyas as inhabitants of Rakhine, and the NUG is dedicated to fostering circumstances that would allow the Rohingyas and other displaced groups to return home voluntarily, safely, dignifiedly, and indefinitely. The issue’s significance has also grown due to General Ming Aung Hlaing’s commitment to returning the Rohingyas to their homeland. Compared to other parts of Myanmar, Rakhine’s condition is now stable. It is time to implement the pilot project for the repatriation of a small group of Rohingyas. The pilot project will help identify the difficulties and issues related to the repatriation procedure. These results are then examined to develop the most appropriate course of action. The entire repatriation of the Rohingyas should be carried out in the future using the lessons learned from this experience. In the middle of the current uncertainty, it is anticipated that the Rohingya crisis would see a ray of hope if all these issues are adequately handled..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Eurasia Review"
2023-09-18
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-18
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Description: "The Story So Far There are more than 1 million Rohingya refugees living in the Asia and Pacific region. Most live in Bangladesh, home to the world’s largest and most densely populated refugee settlement. Amidst the pressures of competing global crises and dwindling humanitarian resources, Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, have continued to generously host Rohingya refugees. In the absence of a regional response mechanism, Malaysia hosts over 150,000 asylum-seekers and refugees — the vast majority of whom are Rohingya, and Indonesia has stepped in to disembark 10 boatloads of 1,137 Rohingya refugees since December 2021. New initiatives to create third country solutions for Rohingya hosted in the region are being developed. Opportunities to support Rohingya refugees in achieving greater self-reliance and resilience and prepare them for sustainable reintegration when they return home, are being implemented with an incremental expansion of education, portable skills development and livelihoods activities. A Paradigm Shift is Needed These initiatives must be scaled up. With limited opportunities to develop self-reliance and lacking prospects for sustainable solutions, Rohingya refugees are risking their lives in search of solutions. In 2022, the region witnessed a 360 per cent increase in maritime movements compared to the previous year. A paradigm shift is however needed, in collaboration with Rohingya communities, to transform the Rohingya response into comprehensive and coordinated action towards achieving sustainable solutions and resilience. The Multi-Stakeholder Pledge While the first Global Refugee Forum in 2019 resulted in over 1,400 pledges, only 7 per cent targeted Asia Pacific. Pledges were not only financial. They also included technical support and policy commitments. The second Global Refugee Forum will be held in Geneva, in December 2023. It is a unique opportunity to put a spotlight on the situation of Rohingya refugees, the imperative to work towards solutions, and sustain the support offered by host countries in the region. At the forum, stakeholders can demonstrate their commitment in support of a multiactor pledge that expands solutions and enhances collective resilience, including through climate action, and as such contributing to peaceful coexistence. Key elements of this pledge will also contribute to the protection of Rohingya refugees along the SouthEast Asia onward movement route. Recognizing each context within the region has its own specificities, the pledge does not envisage a one-size-fits-all approach. By combining collective strengths and expertise, this multi-stakeholder pledge has the potential to be truly transformational. Beyond the region, offers of resettlement and complementary pathways are an integral element of an expanding package of solutions, notably for the most vulnerable refugees and for those with no prospect of future return to Myanmar. An increasing number of States in and beyond the region are willing to offer resettlement or complementary pathways through access to higher education opportunities, labour mobility, family reunification and private or community sponsorship; the latter also includes Rohingya diaspora. A sample of commitments: • Implementation of 300 quick impact projects in Rakhine State to support the creation of conditions conducive for return. • 25,000 Rohingya submitted for resettlement consideration each year and 15 pilots initiated to expand complementary pathways. • Civil registration and legal identity documentation provided in support of solutions. • Predictable and sustained funding for the humanitarian response. • Ensuring access to quality education for all Rohingya students in Rakhine and countries of asylum. • Building refugee resilience so that one refugee in every household is engaged in selfreliance activities, notably skills development, community work and livelihood opportunities. • Strengthening partnerships with Rohingya-led organizations (RLOs). • Improving climate resilience through naturebased solutions and eco-disaster risk reduction..."
Source/publisher: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
2023-09-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In what looks like a continuing downward trend of UK aid to Rohingya refugees, the UK government has recently announced only £3 million in humanitarian support to Rohingya refugees and host communities in Bangladesh. The total aid to Rohingya refugees halfway through this financial year is £16.9 million, which represents an 85% cut since 2019-2020. Burma Campaign UK is calling on Foreign Secretary James Cleverly and Minister for International Development Andrew Mitchell to urgently reverse cuts. The UK government has announced three rounds of aid spending to Rohingya refugees this financial year: £2.3 million on 21 May, £11.6 million on 3 July, and £3 million on 12 September. Last year aid to Rohingya refugees was slashed to £20.26 million. In 2019-2020 UK aid to Rohingya refugees was £112.36 million. The World Food Programme has cut monthly food rations for Rohingya by a third, from $12 to $8 per person, due to dramatic aid cuts by international donors. In June, three UN experts said that the rations cuts would spike rates of acute malnutrition, infant mortality, violence, and even death and that impact would be severe and long-lasting, stunting the development of children and dimming the hopes of future generations. The humanitarian need in the camps for the year 2023 has only been met by 38.9%. In a Westminster Hall Debate on 19 April, when challenged on the aid cuts to Rohingya, International Development Minister Andrew Mitchell said: “When we come to make decisions on funding, we do not look at the issue of restoring the money, we look at the issue of need.” “The government is clearly not looking at need when they are allocating aid to Rohingya. Over one million people, the majority of whom are children, are at risk of severe malnutrition and even death. The attempted military coup in Burma makes return of Rohingya to their homeland impossible in the short term. Genocide survivors are left to go increasingly hungry and desperate,” said Karin Valtersson, Campaigns Officer at Burma Campaign UK. The UK government also seems to be portioning out smaller aid amounts in multiple packages, rather than announcing larger support up front, which further hinders aid organisations to plan and budget. Rohingya organisations and activists keep highlighting the dire situation in the camps, both in lack of basic humanitarian need such as food and shelter, and the security. In Rakhine State, Burma, Rohingya are still living under genocidal conditions. Rohingya are again risking their lives at sea, leaving both the overcrowded camps and Rakhine State in the hope of getting to nearby countries. According to the British Government’s Human Rights and Democracy report for 2022, over 3,500 Rohingya attempted sea crossings, many dying in the process. “The Rohingya have nowhere to turn. Their choice is risking death in the camps, risking death at sea or risking death in Burma. James Cleverly and Andrew Mitchell could help make their lives more bearable in the camps until they can return to their land in Burma in genuine safety, but are choosing not to,” said Karin Valtersson..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-09-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The issue of repatriating Rohingya refugees has once again taken center stage, and it appears to be yet another farcical chapter in this ongoing saga. During a tripartite meeting mediated by China in Kunming, the latest decision emerged: by December 31 of this year, 7,176 Rohingya refugees will be returned to Rakhine State, Myanmar. The push for repatriation, even on a small scale, is being urged by China and has been met with hesitance from Bangladesh. To provide some context, in the face of the brutal crackdown by Myanmar’s military in August-September 2017, approximately 800,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh. In November of that same year, Bangladesh hastily signed a bilateral agreement with Myanmar to facilitate their repatriation. Under this agreement, Bangladesh submitted a list of 829,036 Rohingyas to Myanmar. After “scrutinizing” the list, Myanmar “cleared” just 62,285 individuals, confirming their Myanmar origin. This amounted to a mere 7.51 percent of the submitted list. Astonishingly, not a single Rohingya has returned to Myanmar under this agreement in the past six years. This marks the third attempt to repatriate a small number of Rohingyas. The first attempt was made following a foreign secretary-level meeting between Bangladesh and Myanmar in October 2018. However, due to international opposition, citing the ongoing genocide in Myanmar, this effort was met with failure. Similarly, a second attempt in 2019 to repatriate Rohingyas cleared by Myanmar from a list of 22,000 individuals submitted by Bangladesh was unsuccessful, primarily due to objections from the Rohingyas on the list. Even if a pilot repatriation takes place, it is unlikely to benefit either Bangladesh or the Rohingyas. Myanmar stands to gain from this process, using it as a propaganda tool to demonstrate its ability to resolve the issue through bilateral or trilateral initiatives. This effort is likely to find support from China, Russia, and potentially India, all of which have, directly or indirectly, backed Myanmar despite its genocidal actions. Six years have passed with no tangible progress. The pilot repatriation process is almost certain to reveal problems, allowing Myanmar to engage in further discussions and delay tactics. Moreover, there is the matter of verification and scrutiny. It is perplexing why Bangladesh is stepping into this precarious situation. State Minister for Foreign Affairs Shahriar Alam has emphasized that no one should obstruct the pilot repatriation. According to him, this experimental process will help identify and understand the challenges before proceeding with large-scale repatriation. However, two fundamental questions remain unanswered. Firstly, the main obstacle to Rohingya repatriation is the lack of a safe environment in Rakhine State – a responsibility that squarely lies with Myanmar and its military. Have they taken any substantial steps to ensure this safe environment? Will these issues be genuinely addressed during this experimental phase? Secondly, has there been any roadmap established for large-scale repatriation? The pilot project would have been more justifiable if such a plan had been in place from the outset. China may be pleased if repatriation begins, but international agencies and Western nations are unlikely to support these efforts. Is it truly beneficial to undermine one’s own interests merely to appease China? In the midst of this, the United States has presented an unrealistic proposal. While it is worth acknowledging that the US has provided substantial humanitarian assistance to Rohingya refugees and has exerted pressure on Myanmar’s military junta, their proposal raises concerns. The US embassy stated that it is unsafe for Rohingyas to return to Myanmar given the current situation and proposed rehabilitating Rohingyas in various countries as an alternative solution. They noted that over the past 14 years, 13,000 Rohingyas have been rehabilitated in the US. However, when considering the number of Rohingya refugees, 13,000 over 14 years represents a minuscule fraction. During a visit to the US last year, some Rohingyas I met were running small businesses and thriving. Anyone visiting those camps will notice signs posted on storefronts and establishments: “We are hiring”. There were numerous job openings with modest wages, but an insufficient number of applicants. If the US were to accept one million Rohingyas for rehabilitation, they would swiftly fill these positions, and these individuals and their descendants would become tax-paying consumers contributing to the US economy. This would not only demonstrate the US’s commitment to the humanitarian values it upholds but also enhance its global image. Germany, a relatively smaller country, accommodated one million Syrian refugees, with 70 percent of them successfully integrated into the German economy. Germany did not suffer losses from this decision, and it significantly bolstered the nation’s reputation. However, it is unlikely that the US will pursue this course of action. Therefore, raising the expectations of the Rohingya people regarding rehabilitation in a third country may be futile. The ultimate solution to the Rohingya crisis lies in their repatriation to their homeland. The US, as a friend of Bangladesh and the Rohingyas, and the world’s most powerful nation, can use its influence to ensure the creation of conditions conducive to Rohingya return. In the interim, the US and its Western allies can mobilize resources to provide minimal assistance for the survival of the Rohingyas..."
Source/publisher: Weekly Blitz
2023-09-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Rohingya refugees are not numbers but individuals with hopes and fears just like us
Description: "Abdullah Al Bukhari, Ananda Paul, Sunzida Suba, Rubaya Islam Ruhi, and Moumita Rahman Ipsita We have had a completely different experience than what we see when scrolling through social media or flipping the pages of most daily newspapers. We met Rohingya refugees in person, and got to know about them ... not as numbers but as human beings like you and me. We -- five students from the Department of Law of the University of Dhaka -- have been to the Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar last month, and witnessed how refugees have been trying to live and be happy with whatever they can get. We recently got the chance to meet the Rohingya refugees who had to cross the border and flee to Bangladesh from Myanmar’s Rakhine state to save themselves from ethnic cleansing. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) conducted a Certificate Courses on Refugee Law and Protection at our department. After attending the course, five of us were selected to go on a field visit to see the lives of Rohingya refugees. It took us an hour and a half to reach the camps in Ukhiya from the city of Cox’s Bazar, and we went first to the Camp-4 Extension. This can be considered a model camp, because it was built in a planned way considering the number and needs of the refugees, which had not been possible for many Rohingya camps in Ukhiya. Going all the way to one of the Legal Assistance Centres, the signboard indicated the center is run jointly by BRAC, UNHCR, and the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner (RRRC) –- a proof of strong collaboration among NGOs, the United Nations, and the government authorities across the camps. Inside the centre, there were numerous awareness posters showcasing the plight of the refugees, with text written in both Bengali and Burmese. We came to know how refugees receive legal assistance and mediation through such centers. UNHCR has been working to ensure legal assistance and justice for Rohingya refugees in collaboration with BRAC, Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST), while the RRRC has been providing administrative support. The legal assistance centers run by BRAC and BLAST are always open for Rohingya refugees seeking legal assistance and remedies, they work on legal counselling, mediation, representation at police and court, jail visit, and legal awareness. UNHCR has been working to raise legal awareness among the refugees sheltered in Bangladesh. This also helps Rohingya refugees and their community leaders work together with humanitarians for their own safety and security. Access to justice is a human right, and it does not change whether a person is a citizen or a refugee. BLAST, BRAC, and UNHCR are playing a good role in preserving Rohingyas’ access to justice while they are in exile in Bangladesh. Afterwards we went to see the work of the Community-Based Protection team -- sustainable solutions or development cannot be achieved if decisions are made by others while not taking the concerns of refugees themselves in consideration. That is why UNHCR takes a community-based approach in all of its operations. The Camp 4 Extension in Cox’s Bazar is divided into several blocks. In each block, refugee representatives are elected. They need to be a resident of that specific camp, should not have any criminal record, cannot have a record of multiple marriages, and there are some other prerequisites. All Rohingya above the age of 18 can vote to elect their representative. The elected Rohingya representatives are then trained on different important issues, so that they know how to solve or where to refer to for regular problems faced by refugees. They also remain in constant contact with authorities, and raise the concerns of their people in official meetings. These refugee representatives work to ensure social protection and legal protection. They identify the concerns of the community and hold small meetings to address those. They also raise awareness on health and hygiene, child-marriage, domestic violence, and empowerment, and settle petty quarrels through mediation. We were soon getting hungry as it was past midday already. Surprisingly, the “women’s market” in the camp has a small restaurant with delicious food made from fresh ingredients cooked by Rohingya women. We had our lunch and saw various small initiatives taken by refugee women to support their families. This is an exclusive centre for only women to explore their talents and learn from their peers as well. Several shops are there with their hand-crafted jute products, various clothing items and garments. They have made the entire centre so neat, organized and women-friendly to flourish the inner skills of a woman. We wish we had the same cozy yet productive centre for women in our own villages. A short visit to the Jute Production Centre at camp-5 was another eye-opener. Launched after the pandemic, this centre carries out both training and production of jute items. And it is amazing that the entire camp uses only jute bags for all kinds of packaging, carrying and, shopping purposes. Around 150 female refugees are actively working here on 8-hour shifts. They productively use their time and skill and can contribute to their family. We could not help but buy gifts from here. What we cannot explain is the experience we have had after talking to the Rohingya refugees in each of these spots. They are human beings like us, with strengths, vulnerabilities, concerns, and hopes. This side of the coin about the stories of Rohingya refugees was completely unknown to us, and we are glad that we know them now. Not just as refugees, not just as a number but as individuals with their own stories..."
Source/publisher: "Dhaka Tribune" (Bangladesh)
2023-09-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "With the election approaching, Dhaka is busy greeting foreign delegates and observers. The foreign observers are all invariably pressing for a free and fair election. It appears a balanced goal of the Westerners holding to their deep convictions of democracy and freedom. However, the policy is riddled with inconsistency and only appears subordinate to the geostrategic goals. The esteemed values of democracy and freedom are not sacrosanct per se — rather only viewed from a narrow geostrategic prism. While the US is placing too much attention on the upcoming election, it is missing out on the urgent crisis in the region—the Rohingya crisis. The US’s handling of Myanmar was shambolic, with flimsy leverage on Myanmar. Rather, US’s diplomacy was focused solely to stopgap measures, that overlooked the steady worsening of the crisis. Myanmar is a classical example of how Western emphasis on democracy can be so tenuous. The arbitrary seizure of power in Myanmar—abandoning election results did not miss the eagle eye of the United States. Surely, Myanmar holds all the trappings of a rogue state prancing with its brutality at the heart of South and Southeast Asia, a major theatre of the US’s vaunted Indo-pacific strategy. In 2017, Myanmar had flushed out 11 million Rohingyas—igniting a dismal humanitarian disaster. For the whims and caprice of the Myanmar ruling cliques, Bangladesh bears the brunt—with the country strained on holding the burdens of astronomical refugees despite depleting aid directed to Rohingya. However, the myriad of Myanmar’s misdemeanors only elicited vacuous criticism and did not propel any effective policies to hold Myanmar accountable for its blatant human rights infringements. Granted, US offered $1.6 billion in aid since the genesis of the crisis. However, this is only a stopgap measure and does not ensure an effective resolution of the crisis. The Biden administration failed to calibrate an official response in addressing the crisis, and the American policy only continued sanctions on the key military general imposed by Donald Trump. The United States is one of the key players in the region. When US President Barack Obama was at the helm, the US greeted Myanmar’s entry into the global economy following a protracted period of self-imposed exile since 1962. Obama mended fences with Myanmar in 2012 after an election that infused belief in the revival of democracy in Myanmar, although later Myanmar’s tryst with democracy proved ludicrously short-lived. In 2016, sensing a semblance of a democratic regime in Myanmar, United States put an end to the remnant of sanctions. This shows that the US holds leverage on Myanmar—at least the US wielded a pivotal role in facilitating Myanmar’s entry to democracy. Given the stubborn attitudes of Myanmar, the sanctions on trade and investment can be reimposed and the scope of civilian sanctions can be significantly broadened to punish Junta and its accomplices. While America is not a supplier of military hardware to Myanmar, however through pressurizing US’s security partners the US can smother the access of military hardware that is used for brutally clamping down on nascent democratic movements. However, none of this action materialized. Evidently, America is restrained in its foreign policy adventures and is not inclined in locking horns with China, and exerting pressures might spiral into a regional conflagration that is distasteful for the US. Conveniently, thus, the US had shied away from one of the pressing crises of humanity and the arbitrary and strong-arm rule of the Myanmar Junta. The worrisome state of Rohingya languishing in the camps is a travesty of human rights and the dignity of humanity. Being a grudging host of the refugees, Bangladesh demonstrated benevolent generosity for the Rohingya, although the groundswell of local discontent turned against Rohingya. The government headed by Sheikh Hasina remained staunchly committed to the safety and security of Rohingya—whereby a register of the public opinion shows that the local people in Cox’s Bazar find their resource strained due to Rohingya. The Rohingya crisis paints a grim case of humanity, straying from their ancestral homes and inhabiting lives in outright precarity. Any political turnaround in Dhaka will hang the fate of the Rohingya in balance. Rohingyas were greeted with unparalleled altruism by Sheikh Hasina. Although the long-term presence of Rohingya had visibly aggrieved the general mass, the government remained stuck to its commitment. Parties with nationalist affinities in Bangladesh railed against the government and viewed the Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh as a fiasco of the government’s policies. These views gain traction as nationalist and populist parties inflame popular sentiments with xenophobic agenda. Hence, any engineered transition in Dhaka might put the fate of Rohingya in jeopardy—resulting in a deep crisis. The crisis of Rohingya, the US’s handling of Myanmar, and the recent shuffling of US diplomats in Dhaka—all indicate a US policy of flaws and amiss. Despite holding leverage on Myanmar, US failed to avert a humanitarian disaster and an arbitrary rein of power—events that are anathema to the United States. In contrast, the US is showing an exaggerated response in anticipating Bangladesh’s election, despite the repeated promise of the government of holding a free and fair election. This incongruence in US policy does not bode well for the future..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Geopolitics
2023-09-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Rohingya crisis is an ongoing issue in Bangladesh. Six years have passed as of this August without a single Rohingya returning to Myanmar. A number of initiatives and activities have been seen during the past year to address this situation. Despite all, the repatriation process has not yet started. The clash between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar Army in the Myanmar-Bangladesh border region took place in last August. That has created a threat across the bordering areas, which can be called as military provocation by Myanmar. However, Bangladesh has dealt with this crisis diplomatically and managed to control it successfully. Peace in the area as a whole, as well as inside Myanmar, is in danger as a result of this ongoing violence. The Rohingyas living in Bangladeshi camps for more than six years are growing impatient and frustrated since there hasn’t been a favourable environment for their repatriation to Myanmar. This has led to numerous security problems and posing threat to peaceful existence. Security situation of the Rohingya camps is becoming unstable day by day. Murder, human trafficking, drug and weapon smuggling, kidnappings and fires occur often. These elements make the worsening of the law-and-order situation and the incidence of armed attacks highly worrisome from a security standpoint. A regional and global security threat has evolved from crime and human trafficking in Myanmar and throughout Southeast Asia. Trafficking of Rohingyas and Bangladeshis from the coasts of Myanmar and Bangladesh to Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia has become a serious problem. Illegal drug and yaba trafficking from Myanmar to other neighbouring countries has increased alarmingly and poses a security threat to the entire South Asian region. More than 20,000 workers from more than 100 foreign and local organizations are working in various types of humanitarian services in Rohingya camps. NGO employees working in the camp are concerned since the security situation deteriorates daily, and many of them are experiencing insecurity. Due to threats of kidnapping, murder, and other terrorists’ incidents, more than 20 NGOs have limited their support activities in the camps, and some of them are even ceasing to operate, which is concerning. To control terrorist activities, environmental degradation and reduce pressure on the Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar, the Bangladesh government has relocated 30,500 Rohingya to Bhasan Char under its own management, with plans to accommodate a total of 100,000 Rohingyas. Bangladesh has sought assistance from friendly countries, donor agencies and international organizations to cover the cost of shifting the Rohingyas from Cox’s Bazar to Bhasan Char, as this relocation process is expensive. At the same time, donors’ help was requested for the construction of new infrastructure in Bhasan Char. More Rohingyas can be sent to Bhasan Char as soon as feasible by constructing more camps, which will increase the assurance of their protection. To support this initiative, the international community must act immediately. At the initiative of China, Myanmar government has undertaken a pilot project to build 15 new villages on 750 plots to house Rohingyas. A delegation of 27 members, including 20 Rohingyas, was taken there on May 5 at the initiative of Myanmar to boost the confidence of the Rohingyas and see if the environment in Rakhine State is suitable for repatriation. The Rohingya’s staying inside Bangladesh expressed that they do not want to go back to the model villages and camps. they want to return to their villages in Myanmar and they are not interested in repatriation if they can’t go back there. The process of repatriation has largely ceased at this point. However, China has continued to engage in this process. China’s Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Deng Xijun visited Dhaka on July 30 and brought a new dimension to the progress of the repatriation process. As the Rohingyas do not want to go back to the camps in Myanmar, the new proposal has agreed to resettle the Rohingyas in the areas where they used to live instead of taking them to camps or model villages. Rohingya women rally to return to Myanmar, they want to return to their country. 52 percent of total Rohingyas in the camps are women. Many of the Rohingya also said they were willing to return to Myanmar voluntarily. Regarding this initiative of Myanmar, the UN and Western countries said that the security situation in Myanmar is not safe for Rohingya repatriation and asked to halt this project. The UN has said that repatriation will begin when democracy returns to Myanmar. In the current context, it can be assumed that a change in the situation in Myanmar is a matter of time. As a result, the problem is likely to persist for an indefinite period of time. Since Myanmar does not allow Western countries and the UN organizations to work with the Rohingya in their country, the UN is unable to play an effective role in solving the Rohingya problem in Myanmar. Noeleen Heyzer, the UN Special Envoy for Myanmar, resigns after 18 months in office after failing to perform her duties as a result of the Myanmar government’s lack of cooperation. The World Food Programme (WFP) has reduced food aid for the Rohingya from $12 to $10 per capita per month since March1. Later, from June 1, it was reduced from $10 to $8, which is disappointing. The Rohingyas are completely dependent on funding from the international community. Aid workers fear that this will increase the food crisis in the Rohingya camps and worsen the security situation in the camps. Representatives of some countries and donor agencies providing aid to the Rohingyas visited Rohingya camps in July. Relief aid to the Rohingyas is currently dwindling, with some countries offering to assimilate the Rohingyas with Bangladesh which Bangladesh has refused. Bangladesh came up with the proposal to relocate the of Rohingyas to a third country. If some country wishes to accept Rohingyas, Bangladesh will be open to welcome the idea. Chief Prosecutor of International Criminal Court (ICC) Karim Asad Ahmad Khan has expressed concern that the reduction of food aid to the Rohingyas could worsen the law-and-order situation in the camps and will have a negative impact on women and children. The European Union (EU) Special Representative for Human Rights, Eamon Gilmour said that, the ongoing funding crisis to deal with the Rohingya issue is worrying and that the EU’s support for the Rohingyas will continue, which is encouraging. The US delegation announced another Tk 740 crore in aid to the Rohingyas, urging them to be patient in their quest for repatriation and justice. At present many events are taking place related to the Rohingya crisis. Myanmar is showing interest to repatriate the Rohingyas to their original villages. This is a shift from their earlier decision of the pilot project taken with the initiative by China. Western countries and donor agencies reduced the aid for the Rohingyas and this in turn created unease among this community. Rohingya women and voluntary Rohingyas are showing their interest to return to Myanmar, despite the reluctance of some Rohingyas for repatriation. Rohingyas should go back to Myanmar and donor agencies should continue their humanitarian support until this problem is solved. World humanity should come forward to solve this problem quickly. The deterioration of the security situation in the Rohingya camps poses challenges to Bangladesh’s security as well as regional and global security. The Rohingya crisis is a regional and global crisis caused by Myanmar. It is an additional pressure for Bangladesh. Bangladesh is forced to bear the burden of this crisis. Bangladesh government has to spend more than 1 billion dollars every year for Rohingyas. The Government of Bangladesh will continue to provide humanitarian assistance to Rohingyas but will not allow national security to be compromised. Myanmar government and the international community must take initiatives for the sustainable solution of the Rohingya problem. Myanmar’s military rulers, opposition coalitions, Buddhist religious organizations, intellectuals and ordinary people of the majority Bhamar and Rakhine population must be involved in order to find a permanent solution to this problem. For the development of Rakhine, importance should be given to implementing the recommendations of the Kofi Annan Commission report. Bangladesh should be prepared with all kinds of military, diplomatic, economic and social capabilities to deal with this problem. In the coming days, new donors will have to be sought to continue the relief efforts to deal with this crisis. It is a regional problem and its impact will affect the region. ASEAN countries along with regional powerful country India should take active measures to solve this crisis. Countries where Rohingyas have taken refuge fleeing from Myanmar can also be associated with it. Efforts should be made to quickly build up reserves in order to maintain relief efforts and financial aid in the event of any serious catastrophe. Necessary measures should be taken so that humanitarian agencies working in Rohingya camps feel safe to work inside the camps. There is a need to develop an implementable roadmap to address this protracted problem, which will help in creating an enabling environment and confidence for the Rohingyas to voluntarily return to Myanmar. That will also allow to take steps to deal with possible crises in different periods. The actions needed should be executed as part of a permanent framework to guarantee sustainability and continuity of crisis resolution operations. This problem created by Myanmar involves the lives, livelihood and security of 1.25 million Rohingyas who have taken refuge in Bangladesh and about 500,000 local people. Bangladesh has been facing this huge humanitarian crisis for six years, all concerned stakeholders must be united to expedite the repatriation of Rohingyas to relieve Bangladesh from this Burden. [View of the sprawling Kutupalong refugee camp near Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Geopolitics"
2023-09-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "When the Rohingya refugee response began in 2017, many agencies identified the language dynamics as a significant challenge. Translators without Borders’ (TWB) first review of lessons learned uncovered key insights on differences between women’s and men’s comprehension of second languages, the importance of verbal communication in the Rohingya language, and the need to adequately support responders tasked with facilitating multilingual interactions. This learning review builds on insights from a further five years of evidence generation on language and communication barriers in the response, including TWB/CLEAR Global’s research, reports from other responding organizations, and sectoral coordination documents. It summarizes key findings on language and communication, recommendations of good practices, successes and challenges to implementing these, and remaining knowledge gaps..."
Source/publisher: CLEAR Global
2023-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Statement by Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar Geneva, 25 August 2023 – Today marks six years since hundreds of thousands of Rohingya people were forced to flee their homes in Myanmar for refuge in neighboring Bangladesh. It has been six years since Rohingya men, women and children were subjected to an escalation of violence and atrocities by Myanmar security forces that resulted in the loss of their loved ones and homes. Yet six years later, no one has been held accountable for these crimes. The United Nations Human Rights Council created our Mechanism to work for justice. We are collecting and analysing evidence of the most serious international crimes committed in Myanmar since 2011, including against the Rohingya. We are collecting testimonies and other evidence about the physical violence inflicted on so many Rohingya people and have also begun a dedicated enquiry into the businesses, farms and other property that was taken away from them. We want to see if there was a financial motivation behind these crimes and determine who profited from the campaign against the Rohingya. We are also finalizing new analytical reports to share with relevant authorities to support their understanding of grave crimes committed against the Rohingya. These include reports focused on the military chain of command in Rakhine state, the failure of Myanmar authorities to investigate or punish sexual and gender-based crimes, and the organized spread of hate speech content on Facebook by a network of Myanmar military before, during and after the 2017 clearance operations. We share evidence and analysis, when we have the consent of those that gave us the information, to support the investigations which are underway at the International Criminal Court and in Argentina, and the ongoing proceedings in the case of The Gambia vs. Myanmar at the International Court of Justice. The mandate of the Mechanism does not stop with investigating those that “pulled the trigger” but includes anyone, no matter how powerful. Our work is dependent on the information we receive from courageous individuals – survivors, witnesses and members of the security forces who may have information about illegal orders or commands. We call on those with relevant information to contact us using secure channels. We also call on States to provide us with access to witnesses and information in their territories. The pursuit of justice for the Rohingya is a global effort. Only together can we ensure that those responsible will face the consequences, and that those who have suffered the horror of these crimes will see justice served. *Information on how to communicate securely and confidentially with the Mechanism can be found at *https://iimm.un.org/contact-us/confidential-and-sensitive-communications/ *The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyze evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing case files for use in future prosecutions of those responsible in national, regional and international courts. For more information visit https://iimm.un.org/ or contact *[email protected]..."
Source/publisher: UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Meta should immediately pay reparations to the Rohingya for the role that Facebook played in the ethnic cleansing of the persecuted minority group, Amnesty International said today, on the sixth anniversary of the Myanmar military’s brutal operation during which they raped Rohingya women and girls, burned down entire villages, and killed thousands. Facebook’s algorithms and Meta’s ruthless pursuit of profit created an echo chamber that helped foment hatred of the Rohingya people and contributed to the conditions which forced the ethnic group to flee Myanmar en masse. “Six years have gone by since Meta contributed to the terrible atrocities perpetrated against the Rohingya people. Yet although this stands out as one of the most egregious examples of a social media company’s involvement in a human rights crisis, the Rohingya are still awaiting reparations from Meta,” said Pat de Brún, Head of Big Tech Accountability at Amnesty International. “Our investigations have made it clear that Facebook’s dangerous algorithms, which are hard-wired to drive “engagement” and corporate profits at all costs, actively fanned the flames of hate and contributed to mass violence as well as the forced displacement of over half the Rohingya population of Myanmar into neighbouring Bangladesh. “It is high time Meta faced its responsibilities by paying reparations to the Rohingya and by fixing its business model to prevent this from happening again.” Coincidentally, 25th August also marks an important step in holding Big Tech to account for its human rights impacts as it is when key provisions of the Digital Services Act (DSA) come into force for major online platforms in the European Union. The DSA is a landmark piece of legislation aimed at strengthening rights in the digital age, which could create ripple effects far beyond the EU. A personal plea to Meta and Mark Zuckerberg Today, Amnesty International and Al Jazeera publish a searing first-person account by Rohingya refugee Maung Sawyeddollah, who was forced to flee his village in Myanmar when he was just a teenager. He fled through torched villages and fields filled with dead bodies and now lives in the world’s biggest refugee camp, Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh, with around a million of his people.   As a child, before the hate took root with the help of Facebook, he and his mostly Muslim Rohingya friends played happily with the mostly Buddhist Rakhine children from the neighbouring village — but that all changed when the military moved in. “I’d like to meet Mark Zuckerberg and his team. Maybe they’d like to come and spend a night or two in the refugee camp?”, Sawyedollah writes. “I’d tell them: ‘Can’t you see your role in our suffering? We asked you, repeatedly, to try and help make things better for us… Yet you ignore our pleas. Tell me, do you feel anything for us? Is it only about the data, is it only about the dollars?” Background. Last year, Amnesty International published a report detailing Meta’s role in the atrocities committed against the Rohingya people by the Myanmar military in 2017. It revealed that even Facebook’s internal studies dating back to 2012 indicated that Meta knew its algorithms could result in serious real-world harms. In 2016, Meta’s own research clearly acknowledged that “our recommendation systems grow the problem” of extremism. Beginning in August 2017, the Myanmar security forces undertook a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar’s Rakhine State. They unlawfully killed thousands of Rohingya, including young children; raped and committed other sexual violence against Rohingya women and girls; tortured Rohingya men and boys in detention sites; and burned down hundreds of Rohingya villages. The violence pushed over 700,000 Rohingya — more than half the Rohingya population living in northern Rakhine State at the beginning of the crisis — into neighbouring Bangladesh. Meta contributed to serious adverse human rights impacts suffered by the Rohingya in the context of the 2017 atrocities in Rakhine State and therefore has a responsibility under international human rights standards to provide an effective remedy to the community. This includes making necessary changes to its business model which can ensure this never happens again. All companies have a responsibility to respect all human rights wherever they operate in the world and throughout their operations. This is a widely recognized standard of expected conduct as set out in international business and human rights standards, including the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UN Guiding Principles) and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (OECD Guidelines)..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Today marks Rohingya Genocide Remembrance Day. Six years ago, violence and persecution related to the so-called “clearance operation” by the Myanmar military in Rakhine State forced more than 700,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh. During this time, numerous human rights abuses were committed against the Rohingya population. The events of 2017 follow decades of persecution of Rohingya in Myanmar and their continual displacement, and the effects of these actions are still felt today. The Myanmar military persists in carrying out its genocide and crimes against humanity with impunity. “Until the de facto government is held accountable for its actions, the Rohingya will never be able to return home in safety and dignity,” said USCRI President and CEO Eskinder Negash. “The international community should do all within its power to stop the perpetrators of these horrific crimes.” While the international community has vowed to never let something like this happen again, the Rohingya continue to face persecution that is met with ever-waning sympathy and growing indifference from abroad. “Action is more than a declaration of empty words,” said Negash. “Silence not only leads to more suffering, but it also enables the junta to commit further atrocities.” To mark these horrific events, USCRI hosted the webinar, “Examining Continued Protection Concerns for Rohingya Refugees,” during which panelists discussed the security, safety, and protection concerns that Rohingya face today. Too many Rohingya continue to suffer with decreasing response from our communities. We must do better as a country and as an international community to raise our eyes and see what is happening. Never again and never forget. USCRI, founded in 1911, is a non-governmental, not-for-profit international organization committed to working on behalf of refugees and immigrants and their transition to a dignified life..."
Source/publisher: US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "25 August 2023: Today, we commemorate the victims and survivors of the genocidal ‘clearance operations’ carried out against the Rohingya in Rakhine State by the Myanmar military on 25 August 2017. We also acknowledge the international community’s failure to fulfil its obligation to hold the Myanmar military accountable for the most serious crimes under international law and to protect the Rohingya from further harm, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Decades of state oppression against Rohingya in Myanmar came to a head when the Myanmar military launched a campaign of mass atrocities against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State six years ago today. Thousands of Rohingya men, women, boys and girls were killed in the ensuing mass murder, rape and gang rape, torture, burning and arson carried out by the Myanmar military. Three quarters of a million Rohingya were forced to flee to neighbouring Bangladesh where they joined a quarter of a million Rohingya who had previously fled military persecution. “Today serves as a sad reminder of the appalling abrogation of responsibility by the international community to hold Myanmar military leaders accountable for the crimes committed against the Rohingya,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The consequences of the genocide are still being lived by the Rohingya today. The international community failed to protect the Rohingya then and it is utterly failing to protect the Rohingya now.” Rohingya communities in Myanmar, Bangladesh and around the world show resilience and courage in their unwavering pursuit of justice and the full restoration of their rights despite the extreme hardship many continue to face. Almost one million Rohingya refugees live in overcrowded and unsafe camps in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh where they are denied their basic rights to freedom of movement, employment and education. Extreme restrictions on the rights of some 600,000 Rohingya who remain in Myanmar, including 140,000 Rohingya who have been confined to squalid camps in Rakhine State for more than a decade, have become more severe since the Myanmar military junta launched an illegal coup in February 2021. A relentless campaign of mass atrocities against Myanmar civilians by junta forces and the subsequent denial of urgently needed humanitarian aid to vulnerable communities, including the Rohingya, by the junta has created both human rights and humanitarian emergencies in Myanmar. As such, the safe, voluntary, dignified and durable return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar is impossible. “The Rohingya have made it clear they will only return home when it is safe for them to do so, and when they can be guaranteed their full rights and representation under a new federal democratic system in Myanmar,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “Any effort to engineer the return of the Rohingya people under the current adverse circumstances that would also directly implicate the United Nations (UN) is seen through immediately as a deliberate act to grossly mislead the Rohingya and the international community. The Rohingya must be heard and their calls for justice reflected in the actions of the international community.” “A glaring lack of political will on the part of the international community is now what stands between the continuation of absolute military impunity in Myanmar and justice and accountability for the Rohingya,” added Darusman. Proceedings are underway at the International Court of Justice, and the International Criminal Court (ICC) against Myanmar military leaders for alleged crimes committed against Rohingya outside Myanmar while in Argentina a criminal case is being heard under universal jurisdiction. Criminal cases have also been filed in Germany and Turkey under universal jurisdiction. These are all important avenues for accountability but such efforts are slow moving and need increased international support. On this Rohingya Genocide Remembrance Day, SAC-M calls on the international community, including the UN and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to support these efforts and urgently pursue accountability for grave human rights violations committed by the Myanmar military against the Rohingya and all peoples in Myanmar going back decades. Furthermore, SAC-M calls on the ICC to accept the legitimate National Unity Government of Myanmar’s Article 12(3) declaration granting the Court jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute atrocity crimes committed in Myanmar dating back to 2002. “The culture of Myanmar military impunity that paved the way for the Rohingya genocide is devastatingly apparent in Myanmar today,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The complete failure of the international system to deliver justice for the Rohingya and hold Myanmar military leaders accountable has to end. The UN Security Council must finally take action in accordance with the UN Charter to refer the situation in Myanmar to the ICC and initiate punitive actions against the Myanmar military to cut off its access to funds and weapons.”..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar commemorates with great sadness the sixth anniversary of the egregious atrocities committed against the Rohingya people by the Myanmar military in 2017. Thousands of Rohingya were killed and disappeared. Rape and sexual violence, including mass gang rape, were used systematically to intimidate, terrorise and punish Rohingya women and girls. Hundreds of villages were razed. Lives were destroyed, and histories were erased. Last year, the United States Government determined that these crimes amounted to genocide. Today, over one million Rohingya people remain displaced not only from their villages and homes but from the country to which they belong. Many live in crisis and deep poverty as refugees, including in camps in Bangladesh. A growing number of Rohingya denied any foreseeable prospect of a return to their homes and livelihoods in Myanmar have resumed treacherous sea voyages, placing their lives in the hands of traffickers. This shows just how desperate they are. The National Unity Government recognises the Rohingya people as an integral part of Myanmar and as nationals. We acknowledge with great shame the exclusionary and discriminatory policies, practices, and rhetoric that were long directed against the Rohingya and other religious and ethnic minorities. These words and actions laid the ground for military atrocities, and the impunity that followed them emboldened the military’s leaders to commit countrywide crimes at the helm of an illegal junta. Acting on our ‘Policy Position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State’, the National Unity Government is committed to creating the conditions needed to bring the Rohingya and other displaced communities home in voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable ways. We are also committed to social change and to the complete overhaul of discriminatory laws in consultation with minority communities and their representatives. A Rohingya leader now serves as Deputy Minister of Human Rights to ensure that Rohingya perspectives support the development of government policies and programs and legislative reform. Furthermore, the National Unity Government is committed to delivering justice to survivors of historic and continuing military atrocities. Truth-telling and accountability are essential. So too is recognising the true extent and scale of the crimes committed against the Rohingya and other minorities and ending the history of denial. We pledge our full cooperation with national and international accountability mechanisms, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Myanmar’s new Federal Democracy Charter promises a nation founded on peace, justice, equality, human rights, and the protection of minorities. We urge Myanmar people of all ethnicities, religions, social groups, and communities to join in making it a reality..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
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Description: "၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ် တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများအား ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ပြုမူခဲ့သော ရာဇ ဝတ်မှုများ၏ ဆဌမနှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့ကို ဝမ်းနည်းမှုများစွာဖြင့် အထိမ်းအမှတ်ပြုပါသည်။ ၂။ ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ အင်အားသုံး သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့မှုကြောင့် ထောင်နှင့် ချီသော ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများ သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာအမျိုးသမီးများ၊ မိန်းကလေးငယ်များ အပေါ် အစုအလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် မုဒိမ်းကျင့်ခံရမှုအပါအဝင် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်ခံရမှု များစွာကို ကြောက်ရွံ့၊ ထိတ်လန့်၊ ထိခိုက်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် စနစ်တကျ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်သည် လူမျိုး သုဉ်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှုမြောက်ကြောင်း ယမန်နှစ်က အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရက သတ်မှတ်ခဲ့ သည်။ ၃။ ထို့အပြင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူတို့နေထိုင်ရာ ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းက ကျေးရွာပေါင်း မြောက် မြားစွာကိုလည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ပြီး ရိုဟင်ဂျာတို့၏ မူလနေရပ်မှ တဖက် ဘင်္ဂလားဒေ့ရှ်နိုင်ငံဘက်သို့ အတင်းအကျပ်ရွေ့ပြောင်းစေခဲ့ပြီး သိန်းနဲ့ချီသော ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူ တို့ အိုးအိမ်နှင့် နိုင်ငံကို စွန့်ခွာခဲ့ရပြီး ယခု(၆)နှစ်တာကာလအထိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူ တစ်သန်း ကျော်မှာ တဖက်ဘင်္ဂလားဒေ့ရှ်နိုင်ငံရှိ ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းများတွင် ဒုက္ခသည်အဖြစ် ကျပ်တည်းဆင်း ရဲစွာ နေထိုင်ခဲ့ရသည်။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူအများအပြားသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ နေရပ်ပြန်နိုင်ရေးနှင့် ပြန်လည်အခြေချနိုင်ရေးအတွက် မရေရာသည့် အနာဂတ်ကို ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရပြီး ရရာနည်းလမ်း ဖြင့် ပင်လယ်ဖြတ်ကျော်၍ ရွှေ့ပြောင်းရန် ကြိုးစားကြရာ လူကုန်ကူးသူများ၏ အန္တရာယ်နှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ကြရပြန်ပါသည်။ ထိုအချက်ကပင် အခြေအနေ မည်မျှဆိုးရွားနေသည်ကို မီးမောင်းထိုးပြ လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အစိတ် အပိုင်း၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ နိုင်ငံသားများအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုသည်။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများနှင့် အခြား သော လူနည်းစုဘာသာဝင်များ၊ လူနည်းစုမျိုးနွယ်အုပ်စုများကို ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် နှစ်ပေါင်း များစွာ ဖယ်ကျဉ် ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံစေခဲ့သော မူဝါဒအမှားများ၊ အလေ့အကျင့်များနှင့် ပြုမှုပြောဆိုမှု များ တည်ရှိခဲ့ကြောင်း ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ အလွန် ရှက်ရွံ့စွာဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလိုပါသည်။ ထိုသို့သော လွဲမှားသည့် ပြောဆိုမှုများ၊ လုပ်ဆောင်ချက် များကြောင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်သည် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ စစ်ရာဇ ဝတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းနှင့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ပြုမူခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ်မှု အမြောက်အများ အတွက် ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်မှုမှ ကင်းလွတ်နေကာ ပိုမိုရဲတင်းလာပြီးနောက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းရှိ တိုင်း ရင်းသားမျိုးနွယ်အုပ်စုအသီးသီးနှင့် နိုင်ငံသူ၊ နိုင်ငံသားများအား အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ တနေ့တခြား ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားစွာ ပြုမူလာခဲ့သည်မှာ ယနေ့တိုင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်ရှိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများဆိုင်ရာ မူဝါဒသဘောထားနှင့်အညီ ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများနှင့် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာနေရသော ပြည်သူများ မိမိ သဘောဆန္ဒအလျောက်၊ လုံခြုံစွာ၊ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာရှိစွာနှင့် ရေရှည်တည်တံ့သော နည်းလမ်းများဖြင့် နေရပ်ပြန်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် အထောက်အကူပြုနိုင်မည့် အခြေအနေများကို ဖန်တီးဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် လူနည်းစု အသိုက်အဝန်းများ၊ ၎င်းတို့ကို ကိုယ်စား ပြုသူများနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်းတိုင်ပင်လျက် လူမှုအပြောင်းအလဲကို ဖော်ဆောင်ရန်နှင့် ခွဲခြား ဆက်ဆံသော ဥပဒေများကို အပြည့်အဝ ပြင်ဆင်နိုင်ရန်လည်း ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါ သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့အတွင်းရှိ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးတစ်ဦးမှာ ရိုဟင်ဂျာတစ်ဦးဖြစ် ပြီး အစိုးရ၏ မူဝါဒများ၊ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့် ဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲရေးလုပ်ငန်းများတွင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူများ၏ သဘောထားအမြင်များ ထင်ဟပ်ပါဝင်နိုင်စေရန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၇။ ထို့အပြင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် သမိုင်းတလျှောက် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ် မှုများနှင့် လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ဆိုးရွားသည့် ရာဇဝတ် မှုများအပေါ် တရားမျှတမှု ဖော်ဆောင်ရန်အတွက် အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါ သည်။ အမှန်တရားဖော်ထုတ်ရေးနှင့် တာဝန်ခံမှုဖော်ဆောင်ရေးသည် မဖြစ်မနေလိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ထို့အတူ ရိုဟင်ဂျာလူမျိုးများနှင့် အခြားသော လူနည်းစုများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ၏ အတိုင်းအဆနှင့် ပမာဏကို အရှိအတိုင်း အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်းနှင့် ငြင်းချက်ထုတ်သည့် အလေ့ အထကို အဆုံးသတ်ခြင်းသည်လည်း လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ တရားရုံးနှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံးတို့အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံအဆင့်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ တရားမျှတမှုရှာဖွေရေး ယန္တရားများဖြင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် သန္နိဌာန် ချ မှတ်ထားပါသည်။ ၈။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ကျရှုံးပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းမှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ တန်းတူညီမျှမှု၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူနည်းစုများအား ကာကွယ်ရေးတို့အပေါ် အခြေခံတည်ဆောက်ထားသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်စာတမ်းနှင့်အညီ ပေါ်ထွက်လာမည့် ဖယ်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံ တော်သစ် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရေးအတွက် လူမျိုးအသီးသီး၊ ဘာသာအသီးသီးမှ နိုင်ငံသူ၊ နိုင်ငံသား ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး အတူတကွ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2023-08-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Statement from Refugees International: “August 25, 2023, marks six years since the genocide that devastated the Rohingya people of Myanmar. Refugees International stands in solidarity with the survivors and recommits to partnering with them in advocacy to rebuild the Rohingya community both in current countries of refuge and toward a time where it is safe to return to their homeland. Today, more than 1 million Rohingya refugees continue to live in the largest refugee settlement in the world in Bangladesh, facing aid cuts and ongoing restrictions on their freedom of movement and access to education and livelihood opportunities. They also face rising insecurity at the hands of criminal and extremist groups in the camps. Another 600,000 Rohingya remain at risk inside Myanmar, under the same military leaders responsible for genocide. Tens of thousands of other Rohingya have sought safety and a better life in surrounding countries, including India, Indonesia, and Malaysia, but too often face the risks of arbitrary or indefinite detention or forced return to the genocidal authorities from which they fled. On this sixth day of remembrance, Refugees International calls upon the United States and other countries of influence to sustain support for humanitarian and accountability efforts for Rohingya. We further urge an increase in resettlement of Rohingya to the United States and other third countries. And we call upon other countries of refuge to increase the education and livelihood opportunities that will enable the Rohingya community to thrive. Finally, we urge global action to pressure Myanmar’s military junta, through such actions as further coordinated sanctions and arms embargoes, to create the conditions conducive for the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of Rohingya to their homeland.” ​​​​​For more information or to schedule an interview, contact Refugees International Vice President for Strategic Outreach Sarah Sheffer at ​[email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Refugees International
2023-08-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Six years after an unprecedented exodus of Rohingya people from Myanmar to Bangladesh, medical needs in the world's largest refugee camp remain pressing and care increasingly inadequate. In a global context marked by multiple large-scale humanitarian crises, international funding allocated to the humanitarian response for these one million stateless people is under increased pressure year on year. A very worrying situation for these people, who rely almost entirely on humanitarian aid due to their lack of legal status, which prevents them from working legally to sustain themselves or their families. Despite being one of the largest healthcare providers in the camps, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has reached capacity in several areas, and we are now obliged to set stricter admission criteria to cope with the overwhelming medical needs of patients coming to our facilities. We are therefore calling on international donors to significantly scale up their financial contributions to provide adequate support and prevent further irreversible consequences on the physical and mental health of Rohingya people. Six years after the exodus In just a few weeks in August 2017, more than 700,000 men, women and children fled the mass violence perpetrated against them by the Myanmar military in Rakhine State in northwestern Myanmar. They found refuge in the hills of Cox's Bazar district in Bangladesh. The Bangladeshi people organised the reception of their neighbours, as they did on previous occasions. Six years later, what was a temporary solution to offer refuge to people escaping harrowing violence, has become a protracted crisis with no meaningful solution on the horizon. Although the camps now have better roads, more latrines and drinking water than at the initial peak of the emergency, people still live in overcrowded shelters, and the construction of permanent structures is not allowed. Fires have destroyed hundreds or thousands of shelters, presenting an ongoing, but preventable risk to the safety of people living in the camps. As the area is prone to natural disasters, shelters made of bamboo and plastic sheeting are often damaged and destroyed by strong winds, torrential rains and landslides. Added to this environment of extreme vulnerability is the impossibility of evacuating the camps to safer areas, as was the case during Cyclone Mocha in May this year. Most of our hospitals had to close for two days, their semi-permanent structures threatening to collapse. Less and less funds reach the world’s largest refugee camp For the time being, the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar remains a dream: they need guarantees of their rights, including recognition of their citizenship and a return to homes on their land. Time seems to stand still. Life in the camps feels like a never-ending day. Camps have been surrounded by fences and barbed wire since the outbreak of COVID-19. Rohingya people are not allowed to work or leave the camps. Access to food, water and healthcare for one million stateless people depends on international humanitarian aid. But aid is increasingly under-funded by international donors. Over the past two years, the commitment of UN member states to the humanitarian funding appeal has been dwindling: from around 70 per cent in 2021 to 60 per cent in 2022, and around 30 per cent so far in 2023. In March, the World Food Programme’s food rations were cut from the equivalent of US$12 per person per month to US$10, and then again to just US$8 in June. Our teams witness difficulties faced by health centres run by various organisations dependent on this funding for human resources, drug supplies and the ability to ensure patient follow-up. Regular maintenance of water and sanitation infrastructure is also a challenge, making hygiene conditions and access to drinking water problematic in many camps. Growing medical needs strain services Unsanitary living conditions complicate the health situation considerably, leading to various health issues. Last year, patients with dengue fever increased tenfold on the previous year, and at the start of 2023, we saw the highest weekly increase in patients with cholera since 2017. Forty per cent of people living in the camps suffer from scabies, according to the results of a long-awaited survey presented by the camps’ health sector coordination in May. This is well above the World Health Organisation’s recommended threshold of 10 per cent to start a mass drug administration for scabies outbreaks. This situation has put an increasing strain on MSF’s services over the past two years. Our teams have been treating the consequences of difficult living conditions since the influx six years ago: infectious diseases, respiratory, intestinal and skin infections. But over the years, we have also seen a growing need to treat long-term illnesses linked to a chronic lack of access to healthcare for the Rohingya in Myanmar, such as diabetes, hypertension, or hepatitis C. The number of patients arriving at the outpatient department of the ‘hospital on the hill’, built by MSF in the middle of the camps in 2017, increased by 50 per cent during 2022. This situation goes hand in hand with several health centres closing in the area in the past year due to a lack of funding and a rampant scabies epidemic. In this hospital as well as in our mother-and-child hospital in Goyalmara, we saw an unusually high rise of paediatric admissions from January to June 2023 compared to the same period last year. In July, while the annual peak season of medical needs was only just starting, our paediatric hospital admissions were at capacity. How will patients cope? MSF is not directly affected by the crisis in funding from international donors, but the capacity of our services to absorb the ever-increasing demand for care is reaching its own limits. The growing number of consultations inevitably puts pressure on our human resources, hospital bed management and drug supplies. As long as the Rohingya in Bangladesh are contained to camps and trapped in a cycle of dependency on humanitarian aid, it is imperative that international donors significantly scale up their financial contributions to provide adequate support and prevent further irreversible consequences on their physical and mental health..."
Source/publisher: Médecins Sans Frontières
2023-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-23
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Description: "On 25 August 2017, the world witnessed the beginning of the forced displacement of more than 750 000 Rohingya people from Rakhine State in Myanmar, fleeing violence and persecution from the Myanmar military. The vast majority of them settled temporarily in the Cox’s Bazar District of Bangladesh, whereas others fled across the region. Six years later, and despite international efforts and calls on Myanmar to create the conditions for their return to their homeland, the crisis is still alive now which is the shame for the international community. Almost half a century has passed since 2017, but Myanmar has not taken back a single Rohingya to their country. Instead, drama has been created around the return at various times. Despite the sincere efforts of the Bangladesh government, Myanmar has always given an ax blow to the possibility of Rohingya return. On November 23, 2017, a 19-point agreement was signed between Bangladesh and Myanmar due to the concerted efforts of the Bangladesh government and international criticism. In the light of that agreement, Myanmar initially plans to take back 3,450 Rohingyas divided into seven groups. The deal did not see the light of day on the issue of proof-of-citizenship. In 2019, the Gambia filed a case against the Myanmar government at the International Court of Justice, which is still ongoing. During the hearing of that case, all their lawyers and counsel, including Aung San Suu Kyi, avoided the word ‘Rohingya’ and their citizenship. Surprising but true, in February 2021 there was a political change in Myanmar, but there was no change in opinion. Rohingya shelter project has been established in Bhasanchar along with Cox’s Bazar to improve the quality of life of Rohingyas on behalf of Bangladesh government. The Bangladesh government is doing everything possible to ensure all the benefits of the Rohingyas. There is little cooperation from Myanmar. There are many questions about the strong role of the international community. On June 18, 2021, the resolution adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on the issue of Myanmar discussed the country’s various problems, especially democratic problems, state of emergency, political prisoners, restoration of democracy, but the issue of Rohingya return did not find a place. Due to the long process of return of Rohingyas, murders, kidnappings, shootings, torture, drug trafficking and other criminal activities are a regular occurrence in the camps. The activity of several armed groups in the camps is an open secret. According to the information of Cox’s Bazar District Police, there are more than 2500 cases against Rohingyas from 2017 to 2022, with more than 5000 accused. More than 10 terrorist groups including Arsa, RSO, Nabi Hussain Group, Munna Group, Dakat Hakim Group are active. It is said that behind these groups are the invisible hands of various groups in Myanmar. On September 29, 2021, Rohingya leader Muhibullah (Master Muhibullah) was killed at around 8:30 pm. He was vocal about the return of the Rohingyas. As a result of the efforts of the Bangladesh government, the issue of Rohingya return is gaining importance at the international level. The Rohingya return process is delayed due to international political turmoil and Myanmar’s indifferent attitude. Among the reasons being used as a political tool behind this delay are citizenship, voluntary return and living conditions for the Rohingya in Myanmar. The 1982 military government barred the Rohingya with the Burma Citizenship Act. Since then, Myanmar has refused to recognize Rohingya as citizens of their country. Myanmar is using Rohingya citizenship as a tool in this return process. The international community has always been silent on the issue of citizenship law. So far, two final attempts to return the Rohingyas have failed due to objections regarding the security of the Rohingyas. In the light of the agreement of November 2017, a joint working committee of the two countries was formed to solve the Rohingya problem in Dhaka on December 19 that year. Then Myanmar started the politics of delay in the name of checking the list. An initial attempt at a comeback in 2018 ended in failure. A Chinese-brokered repatriation initiative failed in 2019, citing concerns that the Rohingya’s environment in Rakhine state is not suitable for return. Negotiations on Rohingya return stalled in February 2021 after Myanmar’s military coup d’état changed the government. However, the hope is that in 2023, China has taken the initiative to continue trying to return the Rohingyas as a mediator between Bangladesh and Myanmar without international intervention. Diplomatic level discussions are already ongoing. However, again two things are left out in this process. The first is the consent of the Rohingya and the second is the place of return. As part of this process, a group of Rohingya went to Rakhine state for the first time in May this year to see if there is a habitable environment. According to the media, after returning to the camp in Cox’s Bazar, some of them agreed to return to Myanmar after seeing the environment there, while others said they did not agree. There is also a demand for all the family members to go back to the original village together. In the early stages, camps or model villages in northern Maungdu and nearby areas of Myanmar came up for repatriation. Just as it is not clear whether all Rohingya family members will be taken in together, Myanmar has given birth to new politics over whether Rohingyas will be taken back to their villages or returned to model villages. Again, whether this return process is delayed by the turmoil of international politics has also given rise to renewed discussions. Especially, after the US plans to set up a resettlement program for the Rohingya came to light. However, the international community should forget all political differences and take the humanitarian aspect into serious consideration and help the Rohingya return immediately. Bangladesh’s top priority is Rohingya repatriation, as more than 1 million Rohingya have been staying here for 6 years. Efforts are underway to repatriate a small group to Rakhine under a pilot project. Bangladesh wants international organizations to help in this. A section of the international community is playing politics with the Rohingyas in the camps in Cox’s Bazar. Due to this, their repatriation process is becoming difficult at times. The international community and the great powers did little to pressurize the Junta to repatriate the Rohingya. Prior to Junta, the international community also failed to convince the democratic government to repatriate the Rohingya and bring the perpetrators to justice. Bangladesh has tried bilaterally, trilaterally, and multilaterally for the past six years for a viable solution. It has left no stone unturned, yet found nothing. Bangladesh eagerly wants to explore the initiative as something is better than nothing. Owing to bilateral political, economic, connectivity, and economic issues, Bangladesh itself has to solve the problem. While Bangladesh is trying heart and soul to repatriate the Rohingya to their birthplace, the NGOs are not doing enough for the most persecuted community of its time. Advocacy networks such as UNHCR, HRW, and Amnesty International failed to create effective pressure on Myanmar. Like the NGOs, the Great powers also failed to pressurize Myanmar effectively. The declining fund, deteriorating camp conditions, growing insecurity, and adverse impact of the refugees on the host community have made Bangladesh a desperate host looking for reducing the burden, where its international partners are only performing their formal duties within a set boundary. This crisis is also destabilizing regional security. It is important to note that aid for the Rohingya is decreasing daily. The current Ukraine conflict has the entire world on edge. Although the world community has lost sight of the Rohingya humanitarian issue as a result of the war in Ukraine. Furthermore, it also has the responsibility of international community to provide an external guarantee for Rohingya’s safety upon repatriation..."
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Source/publisher: Eurasia Review
2023-08-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Six years ago, in August 2017, the Myanmar military began a deadly operation in Rakhine State targeting the Rohingya group. This “Clearance Operation” caused incredible suffering and destruction including the loss of civilian life, widespread use of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and the demolition of Rohingya villages. The UN’s Independent, International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (IIFFM) conducted in-depth field investigations and found reasonable grounds to believe that during this operation, the Myanmar military committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide against the Rohingya, not least of which is the deportation of over 700,000 Rohingya from Rakhine State into neighboring Bangladesh. To this day, over one million Rohingya survive in one of the world’s largest refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, waiting for conditions to allow for their safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return to Myanmar in accordance with international law. With the UN’s World Food Programme cutting their food rations, and with the deteriorating security situation inside the camps, many Rohingya find themselves in a dire situation with impunity being but one of many pressing concerns. Through its offices in Cox’s Bazar, Legal Action Worldwide (LAW) provides legal assistance and support to Rohingya survivors in these refugee camps. Having been deported en masse to Bangladesh, and without a fair legal remedy available within Myanmar, Rohingya survivors are forced to rely on pathways for justice outside of Myanmar. A variety of efforts on the international level have yielded some results, but so far, no court has found any individual or state responsible for crimes against the Rohingya. For example, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court (ICC) granted the Office of the Prosecutor’s request to open an investigation into crimes against humanity committed, at least in part, on the territory of Bangladesh such as deportation, persecution, and other inhumane acts. LAW has submitted statements of several Rohingya survivors for the consideration of the OTP in their ongoing criminal investigation. Although the OTP’s investigative activities in this situation are ongoing, to date, no arrest warrants have been announced. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is also conducting litigation brought by The Gambia against Myanmar alleging breaches of the 1949 Genocide Convention, to which Myanmar is a party, in particular, Myanmar’s failure to prevent and punish those responsible for genocide against the Rohingya. Despite some logistical challenges, in December 2019 LAW supported three Rohingya survivors to travel from Cox’s Bazar to The Hague to attend an oral hearing at the ICJ on provisional measures, where they joined The Gambian delegation in the courtroom. In a unanimous decision on 23 January 2020, the ICJ granted The Gambia’s request for provisional measures, ordering Myanmar to prevent genocidal acts against the Rohingya group, preserve any evidence of these acts, and to report regularly on its implementation of the order. On August 24th, Myanmar military was due to submit its counter-memorial to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the only ongoing case on genocide in the world. LAW is supporting this litigation through providing witness statements and other evidence to The Gambia’s legal team. An upcoming report from LAW, that combines both in-depth psychological interviews with cutting-edge legal analysis, will demonstrate reasonable grounds to believe that the Myanmar military’s use of SGBV during the 2017 Clearance Operation constituted acts of genocide under the Genocide Convention. The UN’s Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), supports these important international efforts, as well as domestic efforts, through providing evidence in accordance with its mandate to collect, consolidate and analyze evidence of international crimes committed in Myanmar, and to prepare files to facilitate fair and independent criminal proceedings in national, regional, or international courts or tribunals. In parallel, there are several initiatives in domestic courts seeking to hold members of the Myanmar military accountable for their crimes under principles of universal jurisdiction. These efforts seek to initiate structural investigations that will examine the military apparatus and eventually result in criminal responsibility for individual perpetrators. In Argentina, for example, federal prosecutors into allegations of genocide and crimes against humanity the Myanmar military committed against the Rohingya based on a complaint filed on the basis of universal jurisdiction. In Germany, Fortify Rights submitted a complaint earlier this year under the principles of universal jurisdiction, alleging the Myanmar military has committed crimes against humanity and genocide against the Rohingya, as well as crimes against humanity against civilians after their 2021 coup d’etat. In 2022, another criminal complaint was filed in Turkey under principles of universal jurisdiction alleging the Myanmar military committed crimes against humanity, including the torture of civilians after the *coup. *In Indonesia, LAW also participated in a lawsuit brought in 2022 to change a domestic law to allow for non-citizens to bring human rights claims against foreign perpetrators, with an eye towards achieving justice for Rohingya survivors in a fellow ASEAN state. Unfortunately, the Constitutional Court in Jakarta dismissed this case in April 2023, finding that their human rights law only applied to Indonesian citizens. LAW has assisted with several of these initiatives in different ways. For example, LAW’s Executive Director has testified in one case. In another case, LAW helped review the draft complaint. In yet another case, LAW provided logistic, financial, and material support to a group of Rohingya witnesses to travel and to testify in a proceeding about their experience being persecuted Myanmar. LAW assisted by obtaining witnesses’ informed consent, preparing them for their testimony, and establishing extensive individualized security and protection plans. Over months-long conversations with ministries from various governments, LAW faced significant challenges in securing travel documentation given Myanmar has effectively revoked their citizenship through decades of legal and political discrimination. This difficulty was not just for the travel documents for the destination country, but for every stop along the flight path. While their live testimony was indeed impactful, and added value to the case in ways that remote testimony simply cannot, future proceedings should consider having at least some Rohingya witnesses testify via a secure audio-visual link, given the incredibly complex political and security challenges LAW and victims faced. Despite these numerous and important international efforts, there has been no final determination by a court that an individual or state is responsible for the crimes committed against the Rohingya. For the over one million Rohingya refugees around the world, and the 600,000 Rohingya who remain in Myanmar – including over 120,000 in conditions of mass detention – it is more important than ever that justice actors across the world keep the pressure on the Myanmar military in each of these legal fora to ensure an end to impunity for their crimes. *By Nick Leddy, Head of Litigation, Legal Action Worldwide, former Trial Lawyer for the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, where he worked, inter alia, on the situation in Myanmar/Bangladesh..."
Source/publisher: Legal Action Worldwide (Genève)
2023-08-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: No Justice, Freedom Since 2017 Atrocities
Description: "(Bangkok) – One million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh face little prospect of safely returning home, six years since the Myanmar military launched a campaign of mass atrocities in Rakhine State on August 25, 2017, Human Rights Watch said today. The United Nations Security Council has failed to hold Myanmar’s generals accountable for crimes against humanity and acts of genocide against the Rohingya. Over 730,000 Rohingya who fled to Bangladesh in 2017 now live in sprawling, overcrowded camps under growing restrictions by the authorities and spiraling violence by armed groups. About 600,000 Rohingya remain in Myanmar, effectively detained by junta authorities under a system of apartheid. “Rohingya on both sides of the Myanmar-Bangladesh border are trapped in stateless purgatory, denied their most basic rights, awaiting justice and the chance to go home,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Instead of addressing these issues head on, UN Security Council inaction and government aid cutbacks are leaving Rohingya in even more desperate straits.” Rohingya in both Bangladesh and Myanmar describe a pervasive sense of hopelessness that grows each year as restrictions increase and conditions deteriorate on both sides of the border, Human Rights Watch said. Since the February 1, 2021 military coup in Myanmar, security forces have arrested thousands of Rohingya for “unauthorized travel” and imposed new movement restrictions and aid blockages on Rohingya camps and villages. The junta’s systematic abuses against the Rohingya amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and deprivation of liberty. More than three months since the deadly Cyclone Mocha struck Rakhine State, the junta continues to block lifesaving humanitarian aid, including urgently needed medical care for communities experiencing dengue and malaria outbreaks. Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh describe new barriers to education, livelihoods, and movement that are similar to the restrictions they faced in Myanmar. Bangladesh authorities have also moved about 30,000 Rohingya to the isolated silt island Bhasan Char, where they face movement restrictions and food and medicine shortages. Without recognized legal status in Bangladesh, Rohingya refugees are on a precarious footing under domestic law, making them vulnerable to rights violations. “We have lost six years here,” a Rohingya woman told Human Rights Watch. “I am human. Why have I been treated this way throughout my life? I have millions of these thoughts every day.” Amid surging violence by armed groups and criminal gangs in the camps, Bangladesh authorities are failing to provide protection, maintain security, or prosecute those responsible. Refugees report facing layers of barriers to police, legal, and medical assistance. Bangladesh authorities have imposed restrictions on community-led schools since December 2021. “The prolonged refugee situation, lack of access to education and work, and ongoing violence are leaving us hopeless,” a Rohingya community leader said. “We are struggling to see a way out. We want to build better lives but can’t. The lack of education is keeping us from building skills and knowledge. The education gap in our community is growing.” Camp authorities have recently resumed harassing and evicting Rohingya shop owners, including destroying their stores, a practice that began in December 2021. “First they surround us with fencing, now they’re shutting down our small businesses and stopping us from going outside to work,” one refugee said. “They also stopped local vehicles from operating in the camps, which was the only way that some older people, pregnant women, and people with medical crises could move around. Now we have to walk four to five kilometers just to collect rations.” The 2023 UN Joint Response Plan for the Rohingya humanitarian crisis has received less than one-third of the US$876 million sought in donor contributions. The funding shortfall has led the World Food Programme (WFP) to cut Rohingya food rations by a third since February, down from $12 to only $8 a month, increasing malnutrition, disease, and desperation among refugees. Rohingya and humanitarian workers report that the ration cuts are already having medical and social consequences. “With the ration cuts, we don’t have enough food to serve ourselves,” a Rohingya volunteer said. “Think about the little kids in our families or the pregnant women. They’re all affected.” Donors, including the United States, United Kingdom, European Union, and Australia, should increase funding and pressure to meet the needs of the Rohingya refugee population. They should urge Bangladesh to reverse its restrictions so that refugees have access to the necessary tools for rebuilding their lives. Countries should also increase resettlement opportunities for Rohingya, particularly those who have been targeted by armed groups, who not only fear persecution at home in Myanmar but also threats to their lives in the camps. The prospect of durable, voluntary returns has grown ever more distant since the military coup in Myanmar, carried out by the same generals who orchestrated the 2017 mass atrocities. Bangladesh authorities contend that the repatriation of Rohingya is the only solution. The government has initiated steps with the Myanmar junta to return Rohingya to Rakhine State under a pilot project that has been marked by coercion and deception. The UN and concerned governments should continue to underscore that conditions for the safe, sustainable, and dignified return of Rohingya do not currently exist. Rohingya refugees have consistently said they want to go home, but only when their security, access to land and livelihoods, freedom of movement, and citizenship rights can be ensured. “The toll of displacement has tested our resilience and strength over these six years,” one refugee said. “I dream of being able to go back to my own country Myanmar, to my village and home, with full rights of citizenship and everything else that a person deserves.” The international response to the 2017 atrocities was fragmented and halting, with the UN Security Council doing little more than issuing a handful of statements. The council should take concrete, meaningful action, including instituting a global arms embargo, referring the country situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC), and imposing targeted sanctions on junta leadership and military-owned companies. “Moving ahead with repatriating Rohingya now would mean sending refugees back to the control of a ruthless and repressive junta, setting the stage for the next devastating exodus,” Bauchner said. “Building conditions for the voluntary, safe, and dignified return of Rohingya will need a coordinated international response to establish rights-respecting civilian rule in Myanmar and achieve justice for past atrocities.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2023-08-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "WASHINGTON — In an interview with VOA, the humanitarian minister in Myanmar's anti-junta shadow government has apologized for failing "to bring justice to the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State," where Myanmar's military launched a brutal crackdown in August 2017. Dr. Win Myat Aye served as social welfare minister in the administration of Myanmar's since-ousted de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi at the time of the crackdown, which was seen as a massive overreaction to attacks by Rohingya insurgents on government security posts. The soldiers are accused of widespread atrocities including mass killings, sexual violence, and the burning of villages. Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fled across the border into Bangladesh where they have spent years living in squalid refugee camps, still fearing to return. "As the civilian government, we could not administer justice when this occurred," Win said, referring to the 2017 operation to eradicate insurgents from among Rakhine's Muslim-minority Rohingya people. "I feel sorrow when I consider all of this. We apologize for that. It is now evident why we could not administer justice then." Win's apology marks a reversal from his public position in a 2017 BBC interview, when he defended the crackdown as a necessary response to terrorism and responded "yes" when asked whether it was the Rohingya themselves who burned their villages. "In the villages where the terrorists can't enter, there is no burning," he said at that time. "When terrorists come in, it burns." (( https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-asia-41343887 )) In his interview last month with VOA, Win said his administration had been misled by the military leaders behind the operation. "In the past, the military restricted access to accurate information … restricted my ability to communicate openly with Rohingya victims," he said. Reason for apology During a July visit to the United States, Win told members of a Burmese community in Maryland that the Myanmar military is conducting the same kind of tactics again today, this time during what it calls "clearance operations" in the northwestern Sagaing Region. Now, as in 2017, he said, the military is labeling an entire people as enemies based on the actions of a few. "The Myanmar military attributed attacks on approximately 30 security outposts in northern Rakhine State on August 25, 2017, to [the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army], laying the blame solely on ARSA for these events," Win said. "However, this incident led to the displacement of an enormous number of people, around 700,000, and the subsequent burning of numerous villages. A similar pattern seems to be unfolding in Sagaing Division," he said. "Local villagers opposing the military coup are being targeted. The military has labeled them as [People's Defense Forces] supporters, mirroring how they accused the Rohingya of collaborating with ARSA. "The junta has used this flawed logic to justify targeting civilians in Sagaing, by claiming they are all combatants," he said. "This is another example of how, from the military's perspective, the people within the country are seen as enemies." Win's account Soon after the 2017 military operations began in northern Rakhine state, Aung San Suu Kyi dispatched Win to the area, where he saw security forces engage in what they called an anti-ARSA operation. But upon arriving by helicopter, Win was shocked by what he saw. "We couldn't land due to the raging flames rising from the burning fields everywhere we looked," he said. Asked why a high-level civilian minister was unable to confront the military's actions — characterized by many as genocide — Win pointed to the country's 2008 constitution, in which the long-ruling military ceded power to a civilian-led government but reserved substantial powers for itself. "This constitution granted considerable influence to entities such as the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the Ministry of Border Affairs, significantly impacting Rakhine State, where these incidents occurred," he said. "The primary movement on the ground was orchestrated by individuals from the General Administration Department of the Ministry of Home Affairs, many of whom are former military members," he said. "When the events transpired, they were under the direct command of the military and overseen by the security forces responsible for the region. Those who carried out these actions are the ones who are responsible for what happened." Rohingya reaction Some Rohingya leaders, including Tun Khin, president of the Burmese Rohingya Organization U.K., have asked Win to testify before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which is investigating allegations of genocide in Rakhine. In a Zoom interview with VOA, Tun said he views Win's comments as a positive step toward reconciliation. "I welcome what Dr. Win Myat Aye said. This is a good sign for all of us as we move towards the Spring Revolution and a federal democratic system that includes all ethnic groups in the future," he said. "His apology shows a sign of accountability and responsibility in Myanmar." Tun himself pursued legal action against Myanmar's military in the Argentinian courts in 2019, alleging crimes against humanity during the 2017 crackdown. His case describes in detail gang rapes, beheadings and the slaughter of Rohingya civilians committed by Myanmar's military, known as the Tatmadaw. He said Win's National Unity Government (NUG), comprising members of the ousted civilian administration and other elements of the anti-junta resistance, "should work together with the Rohingya community to bring an end to the history of negative propaganda about the Rohingya." Shwe Maung, a Rohingya lawmaker in the former government who now lives in the United States, told VOA that Win also formally apologized to the Rohingya community during a two-hour meeting in Houston, Texas. "The minister said he went to Rakhine State around 96 times concerning the Rohingya issue," said Maung via Zoom. "During that period, the ministries of home affairs, defense, and border affairs, controlled by the military, held sway and suppressed information. They had to work with them and, therefore, they were not able to do as much as they should have done." Maung quoted Win as saying, "I apologize to the Rohingya community." Maung added that the minister described how the NUG is engaging on this issue with international bodies such as the IJC and the International Criminal Court, both based in The Hague. "Especially since they are the individuals responsible for making the cases before international courts ... they have a lot of evidence," he said. "At this time, they have to fight the common enemy — the military junta — and they have urged everyone to cooperate." Changing stance In 2022, NUG officials issued a declaration to the ICC, accepting the court's jurisdiction with respect to Myanmar, although the country is not itself a member of the court. The NUG also withdrew preliminary objections to the ICJ's jurisdiction on its genocide case. When the court started its hearing process in 2019, Aung San Suu Kyi traveled to The Hague to defend Myanmar against the genocide allegations. The NUG recently appointed Rohingya activist and adviser Aung Kyaw Moe as its deputy human rights minister. Maung told VOA that while the community welcomed the appointment of a Rohingya leader as a deputy minister in the NUG interim government, laws must be passed to guarantee the rights of the Rohingya in Myanmar in the future. "The NUG doesn't consider these issues resolved, and neither do the Rohingya," Maung emphasized. "This is precisely why we have asked the NUG to legislate Rohingya rights to prevent such injustices in the future."..."
Source/publisher: "Voice of America" (Washington, D.C)
2023-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Even if they go back to their homeland, what exactly is awaiting them there?
Description: "The recent indication by Chinese Special Envoy for Asian Affairs, Deng Xijun, that the Rohingya may be taken back to their own villages should come as a welcome news for both the one million or so Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and for the host country itself. The majority of the refugees have been stranded here since the 2017 attacks by Myanmar's state forces which led to the killing of more than 24,000 Rohingya Muslims and exodus of more than 700,000 victims. While Bangladesh has tried its best to shelter the vulnerable and unprotected refugees, their living conditions in the sprawling camps in Cox's Bazar have not been ideal. Starting from unhygienic sanitation conditions, to lack of economic opportunities forcing some refugees into illegal activities (including prostitution), to subpar security measures resulting in regular infighting between groups and killings of Rohingya leaders (including the brutal assassination of Mohib Ullah by criminals linked to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army), the Rohingya have been surviving in dire conditions. To add to this, the recent monthly food aid slash by the World Food Programme (WFP), first from $12 to $10 per person in March 2023, and then from $10 to $8 (effective from June 1), has made life even more difficult for the refugees. On its part, the WFP has cited declining global aid for refugees. Indeed, foreign aid for the Rohingya has dwindled over time. For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel. China deserves thanks for assuming a leadership role in driving the repatriation discussion with Myanmar, and the Bangladesh government's positive response in this matter should also be appreciated. However, we urge the Chinese and Bangladeshi governments to ensure the rights and security of the Rohingya population in Myanmar before their repatriation. Between 2017 and 2019, international humanitarian assistance accounted for 73 percent, 72 percent, and 75 percent, respectively, of the funds needed to sustain the Rohingya. In 2022, this plummeted to 49 percent of the amount required. As of June 2023, against a yearly Joint Response Plan appeal of $876 million, only 24 percent could be assured. This has added pressure on Bangladesh and, coupled with its ongoing economic ailments, made it difficult for the country to support the lives and livelihoods of the million refugees. Six years on, a solution to the Rohingya crisis is still elusive The Rohingya are also desperate to escape these squalid living conditions and the restrained life of the camps. Every year, an increasing number of hopeless Rohingya refugees are paying human traffickers in search of livelihood opportunities abroad. And, inevitably, many of them are perishing in the merciless seas. According to the United Nations, in 2022 alone, more than 348 Rohingya refugees fell victim to deadly sea voyages. In fact, out of desperation, many of the refugees are now willing to go back to Myanmar even without any assurances from the Myanmar junta of their safety. To this end, demonstrations have also been taking place. According to an Al Jazeera report, one placard read: "No more refugee life. No verification. No scrutiny. No interview. We want quick repatriation through UNHCR data cards. We want to go back to our motherland." The same report also quoted a protester as saying that they will have to "steal food for survival" if things keep going south. Rohingya repatriation Read more Prioritise the Rohingya’s safety and well-being But the question remains: even if they go back to their homeland, what exactly is awaiting them there? Most of their villages have been razed to the ground by the Myanmar military, even before the military takeover in 2021. As early as 2019, it was reported by the BBC that the villages were being cleared to make space for military and government infrastructure. Since 2017, more than 400 villages have reportedly been cleared. In the process, the Myanmar military has also renamed some of the places to remove any trace of the Rohingya belonging there. The issue of the Rohingya's citizenship also remains disputed. While the Rohingya – as people of Myanmar – should be given citizenship, the Myanmar regime is still suggesting that they will only be provided with a National Verification Card (NVC), at least for now. To put the Rohingya's citizenship issue into context: for decades, the predominantly Buddhist Myanmar population has nurtured an exclusionist approach towards the Muslim Rohingya and other minority groups. This surfaced prominently after General Ne Win grabbed power in 1962. After the coup, all attempts previously made to recognise Rohingya's citizenship, including official documents and any such guideline to make citizenship inclusive in the 1948 constitution, were rejected by the regime, resulting in the Rohingya's statelessness. Later, in the 1974 Myanmar constitution, the ethnic groups lost their recognition. And the Citizenship Law of 1982 ensured that the Rohingya lost all claim to Myanmar citizenship, in any form (full, associate, or naturalised), although their existence in Myanmar could be traced back to before 1823. The 1982 law stated that only children of the "national races" will be considered full citizens of the country, and the Rohingya certainly did not fall under the category. Now, citing this infamous and controversial law, Myanmar is trying to deny the Rohingya their right to citizenship in their motherland. There is also the unresolved issue of guaranteeing the safety of Rohingya once they go back to their country. One might recall how the 1978 military operation against the Rohingya, termed Operation Dragon King, forced more than 200,000 Rohingya to flee Myanmar. Ever since then, thousands of Rohingya have fallen victim to the nefarious genocidal and ethnic cleansing drives of the Myanmar military, even during the so-called democratic regime of Aung San Suu Kyi. What guarantee is there that the Rohingya will not be subjected to slow, covert killing by the same military junta, after their return to Myanmar? Without legislative measures or a formal written guarantee – to Bangladesh and international bodies such as the UN and other global players with influence over the Myanmar junta – ensuring the security of the Rohingya post-repatriation, it would be highly irresponsible on the host country's part to agree to the repatriation of the refugees. As Bangladesh had suggested in 2017, to stop the ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Rohingya population and other minority groups, UN-monitored "safe zones" could be created in Myanmar. Perhaps even UN peacekeepers, consisting of troops from neighbouring countries – Bangladesh, India and China, who are well aware of geopolitical realities and the historical sensitivities involved – could be deployed to protect the minority civilians in these safe zones. They could be tasked with monitoring and observing peace processes in post-conflict areas, providing security to civilians and UN personnel, apart from other responsibilities. As per standard international protocol, the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees should be given free access to the returnees and the repatriation document outlining every essential detail should be reviewed and signed by the UNHCR. China deserves thanks for assuming a leadership role in driving the repatriation discussion with Myanmar, and the Bangladesh government's positive response in this matter should also be appreciated. However, we urge the Chinese and Bangladeshi governments to ensure the rights and security of the Rohingya population in Myanmar before their repatriation. And any such repatriation should be conducted under complete international monitoring and as per standard protocol. Myanmar's ruling junta must also be urged to be considerate of the current realities and give the Rohingya their right to citizenship and a dignified life in Myanmar. It is in the interest of the greater Asian region that the Rohingya be helped to return to their homeland, where they belong. And all of us must work together to ensure this..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Daily Star" (London)
2023-08-09
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-09
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Description: "More than 1.1 million Rohingya refugees are living in Bangladesh, and the UNHCR’s most recent news item, “Rohingya refugees face hunger and loss of hope after latest ration cuts,” raises questions regarding their nutritional status and food security. At the beginning of the year 2023, the World Food Program (WFP) shockingly lowered the amount of ration per person twice in the course of just three months. The WFP cut the value of monthly food vouchers from USD 12 to USD 10 per person in March and further reduced it to USD 8 per person in June 2023, highlighting the financing shortfall. Therefore, a Rohingya refugee’s daily budget for food and nutrition must not exceed 27 cents. Even the UN was had to reduce food rations for Rohingya refugees by 17%, which made the already dire situation worse. The WFP, on the other hand, is adamant that it needs an immediate USD 125 million to avoid further rationing. Are 27 cents enough for a Rohingya? is a million-dollar question. Morjina, a 27-year-old mother of three young children who is a single parent, said, “I had to cut the size of my children’s meals, but for how long? My family does not have access to enough food, and I am truly unsure of our future. (UNHCR, July 19 2023) Ironically, funders have already turned their focus to the crisis in Europe (Ukraine). They had previously issued a warning that 20 to 30 percent of financing will be cut in 2022, including funds for the UN. We are aware that geopolitics affects how much money is distributed for aid by bilateral and international donors. However, it is amazing how they came up with the idea of reducing the ration when you take into account all political and nonpolitical issues. Without food, it is possible to survive without shelter, clothing, or education, but it is difficult to battle hunger. One might infer from their strategy that they lack the foresight to recognize the disastrous effects of their choice. Rohingyas may resort to sex slavery, underage marriage, or the perilous boat passage to neighboring countries to feed their hunger, which may result in crime and gender-based violence. There is evidence that Rohingyas are considering joining armed organizations because they can earn Tk 5,000 per month. The decision will ultimately worsen the current situation of being trapped. The Bangladeshi people will also suffer as a result of their geopolitical choice, in addition to the Rohingya refugees. Nearly a million Rohingyas are already living in Bangladesh. Only to house the Rohingya, the nation sacrificed its environment and natural beauty, and Bangladesh’s motives were solely humanitarian. The Rohingya population will be forced to engage in criminal activity as a result of the lower ration, which will negatively impact Cox’s Bazar residents in the area. Local media reports that several Bangladeshis were slain by Rohingyas in the Cox’s Bazar region, and that this trend is likely to continue. The moment has come for the international community to reconsider its approach to the Rohingya refugee catastrophe. They were not to blame for their destiny, nor was the crisis brought on by the Bangladeshi administration or the state itself. They shouldn’t have to suffer as a result of something they did not do. The UN and the international community, who support human rights, ought to take the initiative to find a solution. Either they (the international community) provide sufficient financial contributions to support a sizable number of refugees in Bangladesh, or they take decisive action against Myanmar to put an immediate end to the issue. It’s time to eliminate their prejudice against the West. Both Ukrainians and Rohingyas are human beings. Thus, on a humanitarian level, these crises should receive equal attention. We cannot kill one in order to feed the other. In actuality, the media, particularly the international media, has a tremendous impact on raising money for the Rohingya refugees. For instance, the Washington Post’s lead item from March 15, 2023, “Aid dwindles for Rohingya refugees as money goes to Ukraine, other crises,” is important in gaining support for the Rohingya cause internationally. As a result, the international community’s resource allocation to the Rohingya refugees is decreasing, and local, regional, and international media outlets must broadcast more articles on this..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "EurAsia Review"
2023-07-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-31
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Sub-title: Indian authorities summarily imprison Rohingya refugees for years
Description: "(COX’S BAZAR and BANGKOK, July 28, 2023)—The Government of India should immediately and unconditionally release indefinitely detained Rohingya refugees and end the arbitrary arrest and detention of refugees, said Fortify Rights today. The government should also investigate violations within its detention facilities and hold officials found responsible to account. In a new investigation, Fortify Rights documented evidence of Indian authorities beating Rohingya refugees, denying them due process rights, and indefinitely detaining hundreds, in some cases for several years. Indian authorities have detained Rohingya refugees in at least New Delhi, Jammu, Manipur, and Assam for immigration-related offenses. “The Indian government must end its indefinite detention of refugees and investigate the violent crackdown and beatings of Rohingya refugees in detention,” said Zaw Win, Human Rights Specialist at Fortify Rights. “No one should be imprisoned for being a refugee – a status no one willingly chooses. Indian authorities must protect Rohingya who have fled an ongoing genocide in Myanmar.” Fortify Rights interviewed 14 people in India, including 12 Rohingya refugees, three of whom are currently detained in India. Fortify Rights also obtained and reviewed photographs and video footage from inside detention centers in India. On July 24, 2023, Indian police reportedly arrested more than 70 Rohingya refugees in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh. Earlier, in a separate incident, on July 18, 2023, hundreds of Rohingya refugees detained in Jammu protested their indefinite detention, including through a hunger strike. Indian authorities responded with tear gas and beatings, injuring several refugees. Two days after the incident, a Rohingya infant present during the incident reportedly died. Fortify Rights did not independently confirm the child’s cause of death. A Rohingya refugee, 30, originally from Buthidaung Township in Myanmar’s Rakhine State, has been detained in India for five years. He told Fortify Rights how Indian authorities arrested and beat him on May 1, 2018, at the India-Myanmar border in Manipur. He said: “[The Indian authorities] beat us with a rod asking us why we were ‘crossing the border illegally’ . . . They beat us very often. They beat my leg and knee. They beat us inside the custody [detention center].” Later, and without legal representation, the authorities brought the man to court, summarily convicted him, and sentenced him for entering India without permission. “I have been in detention for the last five years,” he told Fortify Rights. “It is hell here in detention . . . We want to be free.” Another detained Rohingya man (location withheld for security reasons) told Fortify Rights that Indian authorities arrested him in December 2020 for immigration offenses under Section 14 of India’s Foreigners Act, 1946. He remains in detention after being summarily convicted and sentenced to one year in prison. He said: [The Indian authorities] detained me . . . It was on the bus . . . in Karimganj District in Assam . . . they took us to prison . . . [I have] stayed in detention for more than two and a half years now. Going through the court like this, I have become so hopeless. Fortify Rights confirmed from the court documents that the court sentenced him to one year in prison. Despite serving this sentence and being a refugee recognized by the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the U.N. agency mandated to protect refugees, Indian authorities continue to detain him. He told Fortify Rights: “UNHCR provided us with their cards, which means, from what I understand, that they must protect and help their cardholders as refugees . . . If a UNHCR-recognized refugee has to continue to stay in jail even after finishing his sentence, he is not safe.” Another Rohingya refugee originally from Maungdaw Township in Rakhine State and now detained in India (location withheld for security reasons) told Fortify Rights how Indian authorities detained him while he was traveling in Assam: We showed [the Indian authorities] our [UNHCR] refugee identification card. The policemen told us that the Indian government does not accept refugee identification for travel. So, they took us to the court. It was in Assam that we were arrested. We were detained for nine months in a detention center in Assam. From 2021 to 2022, Indian authorities transferred this refugee between three different detention facilities. He said, “After three years, we were told that we would be moving [to a different facility] . . . We were told that our prison period had finished, and we were moved to the refugee camps, but it is not a camp; it is a detention center.” Indian authorities effectively denied him legal representation. At the time of writing, he remains in indefinite detention. Speaking about the conditions in the detention center, he told Fortify Rights: “UNHCR is not helping us in detention . . . We are not fed well in detention. They provide rice with lentils . . . There is no education for our children . . . We are hardly surviving.” Fortify Rights also spoke to relatives of those detained and some who fled to Bangladesh and other neighboring countries out of fear of arrest or being forcibly returned to Myanmar. A Rohingya man, 49, originally from Maungdaw Township, told Fortify Rights that he fled India to Bangladesh fearing arbitrary arrest by Indian authorities. Another Rohingya man told Fortify Rights that he witnessed Indian authorities arrest and separate a refugee family in Narwal, Jammu in May 2021. Fortify Rights obtained and reviewed video footage of the incident, which shows a Rohingya woman being arrested by authorities, put into a vehicle, and separated from her infant child. The Rohingya man who witnessed the incident said: In a family of a husband, wife, and four children, the police only arrested the mother and one child. A breastfeeding infant was not taken with the mother. The people are very traumatized by how the police forcefully separated the infant from the mother. Then the people tried to flee the area . . . I have videos of the breastfeeding child being left behind when the police arrested the mother. Fortify Rights also received and reviewed a mobile-phone audio recording from July 19, 2023, between a Rohingya relative and a family member inside a detention center—the location of which is withheld for security reasons. In the audio recording, a Rohingya woman explains that Indian authorities had beaten her, and she pleads with her relative to tell the authorities not to beat her, saying: “[A]t night, we will be beaten, and [I] already have been beaten so badly . . . Please ask my brother to ask [the police] not to beat me . . . Please tell them not to beat me.” She also pleaded in the audio recording to be granted bail and have a lawyer represent her. At the time of writing, she remains in detention. Indian authorities have also cracked down on Rohingya en masse in detention. Most recently, on July 18, 2023, Indian authorities violently cracked down on Rohingya refugees in Hiranagar Detention Center in Jammu. According to mobile-phone video footage obtained and reviewed by Fortify Rights and substantiated by interviews with refugees, Rohingya detainees staged a protest against their indefinite detention. Some took part in a hunger strike, calling for their release. Indian authorities responded with tear gas and beatings, injuring several refugees and reportedly killing a detained infant. Mobile-phone footage reviewed and on file with Fortify Rights shows the aftermath of the protest and crackdown by authorities in the detention center. On July 20, 2023, two days after the crackdown, Fortify Rights spoke to a relative of a detainee at the Hiranagar Detention Center. He said: “When I [spoke to] him, he told me, ‘There are people who got injured as [the authorities] fired teargas [at us]. . . We are doing a hunger strike here.” Media reports and Rohingya advocates allege that the Rohingya child who died in the Jammu detention facility died from injuries related to tear gas inhalation. Indian authorities denied the allegation to Indian media, claiming the death was unrelated to the crackdown. A Rohingya refugee community leader in India, knowledgeable of the incident, told Fortify Rights that some Rohingya in the Hiranagar detention facility “have been detained for more than two years.” On July 18, 2023, Superintendent of Kathua District Detention Center Koushal Kumar told journalists: “[Rohingya refugees] tried to break open the gate and come out, but we closed the gate . . . I cannot [say] the exact number of persons injured.” On July 19, 2023, the Rohingya Human Rights Initiative, a leading Rohingya organization in India, said they “strongly condemn” the Indian authorities’ crackdown on Rohingya refugees and called for “an immediate end to the human rights abuses and arbitrary detention.” India should conduct an independent investigation into the violent incident at the Hiranagar Detention Center and release those detained, Fortify Rights said today. “We’re concerned that the recent violence against Rohingya in India could lead to renewed calls to force them back to Myanmar, and that must be avoided at all costs,” said Zaw Win. “Refugees have rights, and India is obligated to respect those rights.” On March 5, 2021, the Government of Jammu and Kashmir invoked powers under Section 3(2)(d) of the Foreigners Act of 1946 and Section 2(d) of the Citizenship Act of 1955 to convert Hiranagar Detention Center in Kathua District to a “holding center” to detain Rohingya with immigration-related offenses. Section 2(b) of the Citizenship Act, 1955 defines “illegal migrants” as foreigners who entered India without a valid passport or travel documents or those who entered with a valid passport or travel document but remained in the country beyond the permitted period. The Foreigners Act regulates the entry of foreigners into the country, their presence, and departure. Section 3(2)(d) of the Foreigners Act empowers the central government to issue orders removing or restraining the presence of foreigners in specific areas. Customary international law and Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which India is a state party, forbids the arbitrary, unlawful, or indefinite detention of any person, including refugees and migrants. Refugees may only be detained as an exceptional measure of last resort following an individualized assessment and after the exhaustion of all alternatives to detention. Article 21 of the Indian Constitution protects this right stating that “No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.” Moreover, Article 22 of the Constitution protects all persons arrested and detained. These protections include the right to know the grounds of arrest and detention, the right to a lawyer, and the right to be presented before a court. India has also signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD). As emphasized by the UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance in 2019, Indian authorities’ discrimination against Rohingya, who are an ethnic minority, violates India’s obligations under the UDHR, ICCPR, and CERD. While the Foreigner’s Act empowers the Indian central government to place restrictions on groups of foreigners, such restrictions should not override its commitments under CERD. Any restrictions also should not violate refugee rights to equality before the law and the equal protection of the law guaranteed under Article 14 of the Indian Constitution. India has signed but has not ratified the U.N. Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (UNCAT). As a signatory, India is bound to follow the principle of non-refoulement, which is a peremptory norm of international law. Article 3 of UNCAT enshrines the principle of non-refoulement, prohibiting states from returning any person on its territory or under its jurisdiction to a country where they face persecution. India’s previous returns of Rohingya to Myanmar, which is committing genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya people, violated this peremptory norm. India should also sign and ratify the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, said Fortify Rights. In 2019, Fortify Rights documented Indian authorities beating and threatening to return Rohingya refugees to Myanmar while forcing dozens into Bangladeshi territory. All Rohingya in that instance were UNHCR-recognized refugees. “India should provide a safe haven for Rohingya fleeing genocidal attacks and other international crimes in Myanmar,” said Zaw Win. “Rather than continuing their persecution, the Indian government should allow Rohingya refugees access to legal status, education, livelihoods, and freedom of movement.”..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
2023-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-28
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Description: "London, UK - The Burma Human Rights Network is alarmed by ongoing reports of traffickers moving Rohingya from Bangladesh to India. While far fewer Rohingya are trafficked to India than Malaysia and Indonesia, it remains an overlooked area of concern. India’s treatment of Rohingya and other refugees is also a serious concern, with refugees staging protests, including hunger strikes, inside Hiranagar Jail, Kathua, Jammu and Kashmir. Eight refugees were reportedly injured when authorities intervened to stop the peaceful protest. BHRN calls on authorities in India to facilitate dialogue with Rohingya refugees and grant them full human rights. Refugees should be afforded the opportunity to work, go to school, and move freely. Furthermore, the international community should directly challenge the discriminatory policies of Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party. “The Rohingya are shuffled like merchandise all over the world by callous traffickers taking advantage of their desperate situation. India should end the indefinite detention of the Rohingya and other refugees and uphold its commitment to international legal obligations,” said BHRN’s Executive Director, Kyaw Win. Indian media is reporting an increase in Rohingya being trafficked into the country. The most recent arrest took place on 18 July, when Assam police arrested a man named Partha Sen in connection to the trafficking of 14 people, including four Rohingya. Rohingya trafficked from Bangladesh are frequently men looking for work or women trafficked for marriage because their families can’t afford a dowry. Rohingya, Bangladeshis, and immigrants in India are frequently referred to as ‘intruders’ and shown contempt by the government and many of the nationalists within the country. Much of the animosity towards the Rohingya intersects with the country’s widespread Islamophobia. India has a history of poor treatment of Burmese refugees, detaining them in poor conditions, and has sent some back to Burma in violation of the principle of nonrefoulment. Since 2017 India has repeatedly sought to send the Rohingya back to Burma, despite the genocide against them and ongoing conflict in the country. Political parties and media in India must address their use of incendiary language against migrant populations. Anti-Muslim rhetoric in India has created a deep division in the country, resulting in frequent targeted violence against minorities. The situation needs to be addressed and corrected for the sake of the Rohingya, minorities in India, and the country as a whole. Organisation’s Background BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher: Burma Human Rights Network
2023-07-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Legal Action Worldwide (LAW) is a non-profit human rights organisation led and managed by legal professionals. LAW works with individuals and communities who have suffered grave human rights violations to obtain justice. LAW’s Rohingya Crisis programme seeks to ensure meaningful Rohingya participation in the ongoing international justice mechanisms pertaining to their treatment in Myanmar. LAW represents more than 500 Rohingya clients, who are survivors of the 2017 “clearance operations.” One of the key pillars of our programme is our Survivor Advocates network who assist and support Rohingya community members, especially survivors of sexual and gender-based violence in the camps, and also provide legal information to the Rohingya about available mechanisms to seek international justice and accountability. This Guide provides information on the Rohingya crisis and the legal avenues available to Rohingya victims and survivors who want to bring the perpetrators in Myanmar to justice for international crimes committed against their people. The Guide also sets out an overview of the ongoing international justice mechanisms currently focusing on the crimes committed against the Rohingya mainly after 2010. It contains key messages, themes and practical tools to equip humanitarian actors to support the Rohingya and their pursuit for international justice. For ease of reading, the Guide uses a ‘Questions and Answers’ approach to provide humanitarian actors with clear information and explanations..."
Source/publisher: Legal Action Worldwide
2023-07-16
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "14 July 2023: The member States of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council and broader international community must do far more to support the struggle for human rights and democracy in Myanmar if they are genuine about wanting to facilitate the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable repatriation of Rohingya refugees, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The UN Human Rights Council adopted resolution A/HRC/53/L.30 on the “Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar” on 14 July 2023. The resolution urges “Myanmar” to immediately commence the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable repatriation of all forcibly displaced Rohingya from Bangladesh (OP32), among other calls. This contradicts earlier statements in the resolution that recognise the lack of tangible progress in creating conditions in Myanmar conducive to repatriation. “A UN Human Rights Council resolution should be concerned with human rights – in this case, the human rights of the Rohingya. Instead, resolution A/HRC/53/L.30 appears to be more concerned with normalising premature and dangerous initiatives to bring about their repatriation,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “Rohingya refugee communities have made it very clear that they do not want to return to Myanmar before their rights are guaranteed and their citizenship restored. That should be the focus of the Human Rights Council.” The Government of Bangladesh has recently been cooperating with the military junta in Myanmar to implement a so-called repatriation pilot scheme, that has involved members of the junta visiting the refugee camps in Bangladesh and several Rohingya refugees visiting a repatriation facility in Myanmar. Rohingya who took part in the so-called ‘go-and-see’ visit concluded they would not return to Myanmar under the arrangement as suitable conditions do not exist. UN agencies have provided practical assistance to the scheme, despite the UN Refugee Agency expressing a position that conditions for sustainable repatriation do not exist – an assessment also publicly stated by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights during the current 53rd Regular Session of the Human Rights Council. Rohingya living in Myanmar, primarily in Rakhine State, are subjected to a systematic violation of their rights that may amount to genocide. The discriminatory 1982 Citizenship Law effectively deprives the Rohingya of full citizenship. Rohingya are also denied freedom of movement, including 120,000 people who have been confined to camps in central Rakhine for eleven years. The military systematically denies international actors access to Rohingya communities in need of humanitarian assistance, most recently in the wake of devastation caused by Cyclone Mocha in May. “Myanmar is right now in the midst of a fully-fledged national liberation movement to free the whole country from the externally abetted tyranny of the military,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “That is the same military that perpetrated the atrocities against the Rohingya in 2016 and 2017, seeking to re-impose the same constitutional framework that enabled their persecution for generations. The cause of the Rohingya is the cause of Myanmar. The two cannot be divorced from one another.” The crisis in Myanmar has worsened throughout 2023. The military junta has increased its use of airstrikes against civilians and civilian infrastructure as it cedes control on the ground to the increasingly organised democratic resistance. The Myanmar people have received little support from the international community in their efforts to resist the military’s attacks and establish a peaceful federal democracy. The military junta, meanwhile, continues to receive weapons and strategic supplies from UN member States, financial support from its network of business interests and crony companies, and has control over when, where and how desperately needed international humanitarian relief can enter the country. “Any genuine initiative on the part of the international community to facilitate the repatriation of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar, and, indeed, all refugees and internally displaced persons that have fled the military’s decades of violence, will require a far greater effort to support the democratic movement inside the country,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “That means expediting accountability through the International Criminal Court, strengthening sanctions regimes and arms embargoes, and providing humanitarian, diplomatic, financial and technical support to the people through the National Unity Government, National Unity Consultative Council, Ethnic Resistance Organisations and civil society.”..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
2023-07-14
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Mukesh Kapila I clung atop a palm tree praying furiously while cyclonic winds threatened to whip me away. It was the early 1970s and I was a humanitarian volunteer on Moudubi island in the Bay of Bengal. I was teaching and living in the island’s ramshackle school. That first visit to Bangladesh was in the dark shadow of its 1971 Liberation War which saw three million killed in genocidal atrocities. It was soon after Supercyclone Bhola had already cost 0.5 million lives in 1970. Fully expecting that by now the island would have disappeared under rising seas, I am heartened to see just the opposite. A google-maps flyover reveals a bustling Moudubi and a lively Facebook page extols my former school’s many achievements. The plucky survival of this tiny speck is a metaphor for a nation once described as a “basket case” meriting just a two-hour stop-over by US Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger. Today Bangladesh is a lower-middle-income country. It’s 169 million people have seen poverty headcount halve and income jump to US$2500 per capita (in current dollars) from US$400 at the Millennium. Many more Bangladeshi children survive birth, grow up healthy and educated to live longer and productively. The nation has got better at coping with frequent disasters and its population will stabilise by mid-century as growth rate falls below 1% annually. But it still ranks modestly at 129th (out of 191 ) on the Human Development Index and its resilience is under test. It is the sixth most climate-vulnerable country, even as it confronts many social, economic, and political challenges, in common with other developing countries. I returned many times to see how Bangladesh navigates an increasingly perilous world. This was in different official capacities in the British government, International Red Cross Red Crescent, and United Nations I learnt that key was the grim determination and natural resourcefulness of its people. Also the supportive partnerships its government has built with many nations and international organisations to attract aid, trade, and financial investment. My latest visit took me to Cox’s Bazar. Recalling the darkest days of the 1970s when 10 million Bangladeshis found safety in India, it is Bangladesh’s turn now to provide a safe haven for one million Rohingya fleeing Myanmar. Cox’s Bazar is the world’s largest refugee settlement and the Rohingya live in some 33 heavily-congested camps that are frequently devastated by fires, cyclones flooding, and disease outbreaks. Nevertheless, it is an enterprising and energising place. Bangladeshis are naturally generous and the authorities have diverted significant national resources to help the Rohingya while facilitating some 100 countries, international organizations, philanthropies and NGOs to come and bolster Bangladesh’s own humanitarian endeavors. I saw that despite the challenging and fragile physical environment, commendable efforts addressed critical refugee needs starting with infrastructure for shelter, sanitation, and clean water. Healthcare facilities provide clinical services, immunizations, maternal and childcare. Tackling malnutrition and preventing communicable diseases get special attention. In an echo of Bangladesh’s own development journey, fostering hope, empowering communities, and rebuilding productive lives are recognised as important to enhance future prospects for the refugees. Learning centres provide basic education, vocational training and skills development to thousands of refugee children and youth. Bangladesh has also established legal aid services to guide refugees seeking justice and protection in collaboration with international partners. That includes registering and documenting all refugees to further safeguard their rights. The Rohingya have been fleeing Myanmar for at least 50 years, with big purges in 1978, 1992, 2012, and the biggestever exodus in 2016. No one becomes a refugee out of choice, and none want to stay exiled longer than necessary. Neither do they wish to depend on the charity of others. “We don’t want to be confined in camps. We want to get back our land, and we will build our own houses there,” said Oli Hossain. Another refugee, Abu Sufian, added that “We want nothing but a safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable repatriation.” Rohingya prospects were discussed recently in Geneva between Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi. Long-term solutions require most refugees to eventually return home with a minority settling permanently in Bangladesh or third countries. The Muslim Rohingya fled their Buddhist-dominated homeland in Rakhine state where they had lived for centuries because the Myanmar state and military denied their ethnic identity, cancelled their citizenship and inflicted terrible violence and atrocities that are alleged as genocide in a case working its way through the International Court of Justice. There are no prospects of meaningful Rohingya returns while Myanmar’s repressive regime continues and the nation remains embroiled in other internal conflicts. Overall, these have forcibly displaced around 3 million Myanmar people, mostly minorities living at the periphery of this vast nation. Re-settlement in other countries is relatively modest. Malaysia hosts around 150,000 Rohingya, Thailand nearly 100,000, and small numbers live precariously in India, Nepal, and Indonesia. Hundreds of fleeing Rohingya have lost their lives in perilous sea crossings. Safer migration and re-settlement in Asia-Pacific or in the West should be possible if nations act in solidarity according to their Refugee Convention obligations. The energy and enterprise of the Rohingya make them an asset to any country that admits them. The global refugee system is heavily-stretched, and a refugee may, on average, spend twenty years in limbo before finding a durable solution. That is both inhumane and a waste of human resources. Recognising that most of the Rohingya are likely to stay in Bangladesh for some time before returning home means helping the Bangladesh authorities and international agencies to care for them in a more sustained manner. Also, enabling the refugees to depend less on humanitarian aid and contribute more to their host country’s economy and development. Fairness also requires helping the approximately 538,000 local Bangladeshi population to benefit equitably from hosting their Rohingya guests. De-congesting Cox’s Bazar by voluntarily relocating some of the Rohingya to safe parts of the country can ease and distribute the burden. But the challenges are considerable. The Rohingya Humanitarian Response Plan of the United Nations and partners seeks US$875.9 million for 2023 of which only 28% had been received at mid-year. Recently, Rohingya food rations have had to be cut… again and again. Discontent and insecurity are to be feared in a geopolitically sensitive part of the world. Of course, there is also much pain and suffering in other parts of the world. But there are still enough resources to go around even under current difficult global scenarios. The world’s dispossessed should not be put into undignified competition with each other. Neither Bangladesh nor the Rohingya should be left alone and the international community must be more generous in playing its part. This can be a collective win-win and breathe genuine meaning into this year’s World Refugee Day slogan to bring “hope away from home”..."
Source/publisher: E-International Relations
2023-07-13
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On June 19, 2023, a Rohingya youth, identified as Iman Hossain, was killed and another was injured in a gunfight between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) at Balukhali Rohingya Camp-8 in the Ukhiya Upazila (Sub-District) of Cox’s Bazar District. On June 13, 2023, one person, Bashir Ullah, was killed in a gunfight between ARSA and RSO at the H/32 block of Camp-10 in Ukhiya. On June 5, 2023, a group of eight to ten ARSA operatives shot dead a madrassa (seminary) student, Mohammad Bashir, at Kutupalong refugee camp in Ukhiya. According to partial data compiled by the by the Institute for Conflict Management (ICM), at least nine persons have been killed in ARSA-linked violence in 2023 (data till July 2), including four ARSA cadres. There were four such fatalities in 2022 (including one ARSA cadre) and one (ARSA cadre) in 2021. Meanwhile, SFs have arrested at least 31 ARSA operatives in Bangladesh in 2023, four in 2022 and 10 in 2021. Some of the recent arrests included: June 12, 2023: An ARSA operative and also an accused in six murders, Sabbir Ahmed aka Lalu, was arrested by the Armed Police Battalion (APBn) from Balukhali camp in Ukhiya. May 21, 2023: A suspected ARSA operative, Rahmat Kabir, was arrested with a firearm by the APBn from Camp-9 in Ukhiya. May 10, 2023: A top ARSA ‘commander’, Mohammad Zubair, was arrested by the APBn in Ukhiya. ARSA was formed following the riots in the Rakhine State of Myanmar in 2012, in which ethnic Rohingya Muslims were targeted by ethnic Rakhine Buddhists. It, however, first came into prominence in October 2016 when it attacked three police outposts in the Maungdaw and Rathedaung townships in Myanmar, killing nine Police officers, provoking massive retaliatory violence by state Forces and fuelling a wave of distress migration of Rohingyas into Bangladesh. Reports in 2018 indicated ARSA was responsible for two 2017 massacres in which up to 99 Hindu residents in the northern Rakhine state of Myanmar were murdered, including children. Further, reports of ARSA targeting the small Christian Rohingya community living in the Bangladeshi refugee camps as well as Rohingya civilians working with international humanitarian organisations surfaced throughout 2019 and 2020. ARSA has also come under fire for its claimed role in the 2016–2017 killings of moderate Rohingya community leaders in Rakhine State, a trend that continues in the camps in Bangladesh. ARSA was widely implicated in the high-profile September 2021 murder of Mohib Ullah, a moderate Rohingya leader who was shot dead outside the office of the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, the organisation he led. However, ARSA denied any involvement in the killing. During 2016 and 2017, ARSA leaders had started visiting certain Rohingya areas in Myanmar to recruit locals. They would then ask each community to ‘contribute’ five to ten individuals for ‘basic training’. After completing their initial training, new ARSA members went back to their communities to carry out ‘security responsibilities’, promote active religious observance, and allegedly use violence to silence Rohingyas who opposed their actions or were seen as being too close to the authorities. For internal communications and recruiting, ARSA used text messages from mobile phones and shortly, the encrypted WhatsApp, while it used Facebook and Twitter to spread its message more publicly. In 2017, Facebook classified ARSA as a “dangerous organisation,” which basically put an end to the group’s Facebook activity. ARSA maintained a consistent posting schedule on its @ARSA_Official Twitter account, which is still active on the social media site. Myanmar’s Anti-Terrorism Central Committee, meanwhile, declared ARSA a terrorist group on August 25, 2017, in accordance with the country’s counter-terrorism law. ARSA is also considered a terrorist group in Malaysia. ARSA is led by Ataullah abu Ammar Jununi aka Hafiz Tohar, a Rohingya born in Karachi, Pakistan, who grew up in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. Bertin Linter in the report “ARSA linked to foreign extremist groups”, mentions ARSA’s second-ranking leader, as a person known only as ‘Sharif’, who comes from Chittagong in Bangladesh and does not appear in any of the group’s propaganda videos. Sharif reportedly speaks with an Urdu accent, the official language of Pakistan. Other members of the ARSA leadership include a committee of Rohingya émigrés in Saudi Arabia. ARSA claims it is fighting on behalf of more than a million Rohingya, who have been denied the most basic rights, including citizenship, in Myanmar; as well as against the ‘inhuman’ condition of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. In a statement on May 10, 2023, Ataullah declared, ARSA’s ultimate objective is to repatriate the entire Rohingya community to their Ancestral land. Yet the current repatriation plan of the Genocidal Burmese Territory Military Regime is nothing but a scheme to mislead both the Rohingya and the International Community. The proposed establishment of temporary camps for a limited number of people only serves to relieve them from international pressures and avoid accountability for the Genocide committed against the Rohingya people. The statement maintains that the only viable option for the safe repatriation of the Rohingya people is the establishment of a ‘Safe Zone’ under the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P). ARSA operates in the Rakhine State and inside Bangladesh refugee camps. A February 15, 2023, report placed before the Parliamentary Standing Committee of the Defence Ministry of Bangladesh, stated that ARSA was among 10 terrorist and dacoit gangs active in the Rohingya camps. The report added that Tambru’s Konapara Camp, on the ‘zero line’ (Bangladesh-Myanmar border), had become the centre point for ARSA’s organisational operations, training, and control of drug smuggling and terrorist activities, due to a lack of regular patrolling and surveillance. The report stated that ARSA is active in Ukhia, Balukhali, Palangkhali (Ukhiya Sub-District) and Whykong (Teknaf Sub-District) of Bangladesh. Noting that ARSA controlled most of the camps, the report stated that ARSA and the Nabi Hussain dacoit gang often engaged in clashes over dominance and control, resulting in a series of murders. In a February 24, 2022, interview, ARSA leader Ataullah claimed that his group had a cadre strength of 14,000 in Bangladesh and 2,000 in Myanmar. Little is known about the financial backers of ARSA, but the International Crisis Group believes funding originates from an unnamed group of supporters in Mecca and Medina in Saudi Arabia. Four banks, including the Islami Bank, Al Arafa Islami Bank, Western Union, and Pubali Bank, which are located in the Rohingya refugee camps in the Cox’s Bazar District, have been used by ARSA to receive international funding. According to a recent report, Rohingya Camps Near the Border — a New Source of Insecurity? released on May 26, 2022, the Bangladesh Police described ARSA as the ‘kingpins’ of the illegal trade across the Bangladesh–Myanmar border. The report added that, though ARSA was a Burmese terrorist organization, the group uses Bangladesh for their arms and Yaba trade (drugs trafficking), to raise revenues. Interestingly, ARSA has revealed that it had received training from Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). ARSA and the Bangladesh-based Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) are also linked and videos of joint undergoing arms training have surfaced on social media. Indeed, a statement by Ambassador Hau Do Suan, Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations, on Agenda Item 109 “Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism”, at the Sixth Committee of the 74rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly, read: We are concerned about the link between ARSA and international terrorist groups, including FTFs (Foreign Terrorist Fighters). Since its inception, ARSA has been reportedly guided and supported by foreign terrorists such as Al-Qaeda, ISIL, and Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The threat to security from ARSA in Bangladesh, principally in the Rohingya refugee camps and surrounding area in Cox’s Bazar District, has increased manifold in the recent past, as this group has intensified its efforts to establish its dominance in these areas. The resultant clashes with Rohingya camp leaders as well as other insurgent/criminal groups, have enormously vitiated the security environment, and it is likely that this sort of violence will continue..."
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Source/publisher: "Eurasia Review"
2023-07-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "19 June 2023, Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh; Bangkok, Thailand: After decades of sexual and gender-based violence and other atrocity crimes perpetrated by the consecutive Myanmar military regimes, victims and survivors are still waiting for justice. Myanmar’s judicial system is designed to protect the perpetrators instead of bringing them to justice. This culture of impunity has left survivors with little to no trust in Myanmar’s national justice system. For survivors speaking out and seeking justice can create real and significant risks to their personal safety and wellbeing – this is especially true in the context of Myanmar. Fear of retaliation, harassment, arbitrary arrest, and physical violence continues be cited by the survivors of crimes perpetrated by the Myanmar military as a key barrier to seeking justice, nationally or internationally. In the Bangladesh camps, courageous group of Rohingya women, most of whom are survivors of brutal violence perpetrated during the 2016 and 2017 “clearance operations”, created ‘Shanti Mohila’ – a network of Survivor Advocates who continue to play a leading role in the fight for justice. Through community-based counselling and knowledge-sharing, Shanti Mohila empowered the Rohingya community members to speak out and take the first steps in seeking justice, supporting national and international justice initiatives. Shanti Mohila offers a clear example of how legal support can empower victims to become advocates for justice and bring hope to their communities. In absence of domestic justice options, survivors of crimes perpetrated by consecutive regimes in Myanmar are increasingly turning to international and foreign courts in search of justice for their communities and an end to decades of military impunity. International investigations, such as that by the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, should be escalated and strengthened, with a view to ensuring justice for survivors of SGBV and accountability for its perpetrators. States must effectively utilise universal and extraterritorial jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute conflict related sexual violence and other atrocity crimes that take place in Myanmar, removing legislative and policy barriers to doing so. As an increasing number of survivors face displacement from Myanmar into third countries, we urge the international community and neighbouring states to ensure adequate survivor support measures including access to healthcare and psychosocial support for survivors, as well as relevant witness protection for those who wish to share their experience with international courts and justice mechanisms. Sexual and gender-based violence has consistently been used by the Myanmar military to terrorise communities – to destroy populations by shattering lives and corroding familial and social ties. Survivors and their communities are vulnerable to illicit criminal enterprises including human trafficking, sexual exploitation, and external displacement that have deeply destabilising effect within Myanmar and broader ASEAN region. Longstanding impunity for these acts must end now..."
Source/publisher: Legal Action Worldwide (Genève)
2023-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "London, UK/ Sittwe, Burma – Burma Human Rights Network is marking the solemn anniversary of the confinement of Rohingya to IDP camps in Rakhine state following the anti-Rohingya pogroms in Burma that occurred in 2012. This day serves as a reminder of the urgent need for justice, accountability, and a steadfast commitment to upholding the rights of all individuals, regardless of their ethnicity or religious background. The anti-Rohingya pogroms in Burma resulted in the loss of countless lives, widespread displacement, and unimaginable suffering for the Rohingya community. Over 100,000 Rohingya displaced in the 2012 riots remain in squalid camps for internally displaced people. BHRN Executive Director, Kyaw Win, stated, "The anniversary of the anti-Rohingya pogroms in Burma is a stark reminder of the urgent need for action. We cannot ignore the ongoing human rights violations against the Rohingya and all of Burma’s people. The international community must come together to demand justice, accountability, and lasting solutions for the Rohingya community." BHRN calls on the international community to renew its commitment to the Rohingya in Burma and Bangladesh and work towards a future where they can enjoy full human rights and citizenship. The Burmese military remains the greatest obstacle to peace and justice in the country, and change will not come as long as they retain their illegitimate power. Organisation’s Background BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher: Burma Human Rights Network
2023-06-13
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: UN, Donors Should Urge Protection, Freedom of Movement on Bhasan Char
Description: "(New York) – The Bangladesh government has relocated nearly 20,000 Rohingya refugees to a remote island without adequate health care, livelihoods, or protection, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The United Nations and donor governments should urgently call for an independent assessment of the safety, disaster preparedness, and habitability at Bhasan Char during the impending monsoon season and beyond. The 58-page report, “‘An Island Jail in the Middle of the Sea’: Bangladesh’s Relocation of Rohingya Refugees to Bhasan Char,” finds that Bangladesh authorities transferred many refugees to the island without full, informed consent and have prevented them from returning to the mainland. While the government says it wants to move at least 100,000 people to the silt island in the Bay of Bengal to ease overcrowding in Cox’s Bazar refugee camps, humanitarian experts have raised concerns that insufficient measures are in place to protect against severe cyclones and tidal surges. Refugees on the island reported inadequate health care and education, onerous movement restrictions, food shortages, a lack of livelihood opportunities, and abuses by security forces. “The Bangladesh government is finding it hard to cope with over a million Rohingya refugees, but forcing people to a remote island just creates new problems,” said Bill Frelick, refugee and migrant rights director. “International donors should assist the Rohingya, but also insist that Bangladesh return refugees who want to return to the mainland or if experts say island conditions are too dangerous or unsustainable.” Human Rights Watch interviewed 167 Rohingya refugees between May 2020 and May 2021, including 117 on Bhasan Char and 50 in Cox’s Bazar, 30 of whom were later relocated to Bhasan Char. Primary responsibility for the Rohingya’s situation lies with Myanmar. On August 25, 2017, the military began a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims involving mass killing, rape, and arson that forced over 740,000 to flee to neighboring Bangladesh, which was already hosting an estimated 300,000 to 500,000 unregistered Rohingya refugees who had fled previous persecution. Myanmar has failed to end widespread abuses against the Rohingya and has refused to create conditions for their safe, dignified, and voluntary return. While Bangladesh commendably opened its borders to the Rohingya, the authorities have not made camp conditions truly hospitable, increasing pressure to relocate to Bhasan Char. The authorities shut down internet access for almost a year in the refugee camps, denied formal education to children, and built barbed wire fencing restricting movement and access to emergency services. Security forces face allegations of arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings. In May 2020, Bangladesh first brought over 300 Rohingya refugees rescued at sea to Bhasan Char. Although the government initially said they were being quarantined on the island to prevent the spread of Covid-19 in the camps, they have yet to be reunited with their families. In December, Bangladesh authorities started relocating thousands of refugees from the camps to the island, reneging on promises to allow an independent technical assessment of the protection needs, safety, and habitability on the island. Now, after an 18-member United Nations team was taken to see the island from March 17 to 20, the authorities are pressuring the UN to start delivering humanitarian assistance. Refugees said that during the UN visit they were only allowed to speak in the presence of Bangladesh government officials and were compelled to make it appear there were no problems on the island. On May 31, 2021, thousands of refugees gathered to try and meet with a delegation of UN officials that were visiting Bhasan Char and to protest conditions, many saying that they do not want to remain on the island. Bangladesh authorities had earlier warned the Rohingya against complaining, some refugees told Human Rights Watch. There were clashes with security forces after the refugees disregarded those instructions, eyewitnesses said, and several Rohingya, including women and children, were injured. The Bangladesh government should urgently begin consultations with UN officials to discuss any future humanitarian operational engagement on Bhasan Char, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should also act on recommendations by the UN after their visit to improve the wellbeing, safety, and protection of Rohingya refugees already on the island. The Bangladesh government has informed Human Rights Watch in a letter that it had “ensured adequate supply of food along with proper sanitation and medical facilities for Rohingyas on Bhasan Char” and that all relocations were based on informed consent. However, refugees widely refuted these claims. A 53-year-old man said he went into hiding to avoid being transported after the camp administrator threatened him: “He said, even if I die, they will take my body there. I don’t want to go to that island.” Others said they volunteered based on false promises. Refugees also described the inadequate health facilities on the island. Human Rights Watch interviewed 14 people who said they had sought treatment for a range of conditions, including asthma, pain, fever, arthritis, diabetes, ulcers, and malaria, but most were handed paracetamol (acetaminophen) tablets and sent away. Four of the fourteen later died, as a result of inadequate emergency health care, their family members believe. The island has no emergency medical care services. If referred by a doctor and permitted by the island authorities, refugees have to travel three hours by boat and then two hours by road to the nearest mainland hospital for emergency care. This includes pregnant women needing lifesaving medical intervention. A refugee who lost his wife during childbirth said that after complications, when doctors recommended moving her to a mainland hospital, getting permission took two hours, by which time she had died. Refugees said that they were promised teachers, schools, and formal accredited education for their children on the island. However, an aid worker said that although an estimated 8,495 children are on Bhasan Char “at best four NGOs are providing education to no more than 1,500 children.” Mizan, 35, said the education her 7- and 9-year-old daughters were receiving was actually less than in the camps: “We have been here now for six months and my daughters brought all their belongings, bags, and books, to continue studying, but there aren’t even learning centers here.” With monsoon season due to start in June, the island is at risk from high winds and flooding. Embankments around the island are still likely inadequate to withstand a category three storm or worse. Although the government says that there are adequate storm shelters, there is the risk that refugees, Bangladeshi security personnel, and humanitarian workers, could end up marooned on the island with limited supplies as sea or air transport are restricted in inclement weather. The authorities stopped a recent relocation to Bhasan Char due to the bad weather. “Putting unwilling refugees on a remote, low-lying island where cyclones are common is a bad idea,” Frelick said. “Rohingya refugees who have lost and suffered so much need to be treated with dignity and respect for their safety and well-being and be allowed to make informed, voluntary choices about their living conditions until long-term solutions can be found.” Accounts by Refugees All refugees quoted are identified by a pseudonym given the high risk of retribution by Bangladesh authorities for speaking out about the conditions on Bhasan Char. Informed Consent, Freedom of Movement, Livelihoods Taslima, who is living in Cox’s Bazar but whose 13-year-old son is on Bhasan Char after being rescued at sea in May 2020, said: My son has been confined on Bhasan Char for one year. He is not even an adult. My son kept asking the navy officials to send him back to the camps, but every time he is given false promises. I also contacted the CiC [Camp-in-Charge, an administrator] here in the camp to get my son back but they said the only way I can meet my son is if I relocate to Bhasan Char. But my son keeps telling me not to go over there because it is like a jail. Yusuf Ali, 43, who also lives in Cox’s Bazar and whose two daughters are being held on Bhasan Char, said, “the CiC told us that our daughters would never be returned to us here. They said ‘You still have time to choose to go there [to Bhasan Char], otherwise forget about your children.’” Anjul, 40, a refugee on Bhasan Char, said: They trapped us with promises of good food and plenty of livelihood opportunities, like tending livestock or fishing. Most important, when we boarded the bus they gave us 5,000 taka [US$60] each, promising that we would be given 5,000 taka each month. But after arriving, there are no such opportunities, and now we are facing a food shortage. He said that when the refugees left for Bhasan Char, some officials falsely assured them that they would be able to travel freely between the island and mainland, but that was not happening. “My older parents are in the camps. I would at least want to attend their funeral,” he said. “But even that will not be possible as long as I am held here.” Inadequate Health Care Amdad’s 18-month-old daughter died of pneumonia less than a month after arriving on Bhasan Char. He said that the child had developed pneumonia while they were still in the camps in Cox’s Bazar, but there they were able to get oxygen at the Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) hospital. He said that when they arrived on Bhasan Char, his daughter again began having trouble breathing, the doctors rebuffed his concerns: [O]n March 11, [my daughter] was having the breathing problem again and I rushed her to the government healthcare facility here. The doctor prescribed a cough syrup and sent us back home, but she did not improve. The next morning, I took her to the healthcare facility again and requested that the doctor give her oxygen support since I could see the cylinder in his office, and she had received that cure back in the camps. I even tried to show him the prescription that the MSF doctors had provided for her, but he refused to look. He said to me, “Do you think we are sitting here with enough oxygen to support your daughter? I am giving her more medicines, she will be fine,” and asked us to leave the healthcare facility. Soon after I came back to my shelter, her situation deteriorated. After two hours my daughter died. Amdad said that after his daughter died the authorities came to his shelter and took away all documentation of her medical history including documentation from MSF, and they refused to issue a death certificate. The husband of Bibi, 58, died from complications after being denied respiratory support and asthma medication: I took my husband to the healthcare facility here three to four times. They could not give proper treatment or medication. The last time I took him to the healthcare facility when his situation deteriorated again, I requested the medical staff to take us outside the island or take us back to Cox’s Bazar to go to the MSF hospital or Turkish hospital, but they did not allow it. Instead, they discharged my husband from the healthcare facility and said he would recover at home. He died the next morning. Zubair, 62, who arrived on Bhasan Char in February, suffered from a stomach ulcer, digestive difficulties, and severe abdominal bloating. “While I was in the camp [in Cox’s Bazar], aid workers would come to my shelter to give health care because I am an older person and I cannot go to the healthcare facility on my own. Sometimes those volunteers helped take me to the MSF hospital or IOM hospital where I could get medicine or treatment, which would help most of the time.” But when Zubair went to the healthcare facility on Bhasan Char, the medicine they offered did not help. The health workers recommended that he be transferred to a hospital on the mainland, but that he would have to pay. He said: I went to the healthcare facility here after 10 to 15 days of arrival with severe pain in the abdomen. The doctors here prescribed some medicines. When there was no progress and I was unable to move any more, family members and neighbors helped me to get to the healthcare facility twice. But the doctors gave me the same medicines. The last time I went to the healthcare facility, they told me to come up with the money to go to the hospital in Noakhali [on the mainland] as my situation had deteriorated very badly. I do not have my own money and I feel shy to ask for help from the neighbors. It’s better now I die here with my family..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "London, UK - Rohingya refugees will face increased food insecurity as the World Food Program (WFP) issued further cuts to food rations for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, said Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN). Refugees' food stipends were reduced significantly in March 2023, and further cuts were made starting 1 June. The cuts will reduce the value of rations provided to Rohingya refugees to US$8 per month, or 27 cents per day. An earlier reduction was implemented in March 2023 from US$12 per month to US$10 per month. The food aid cuts are severely impacting refugees, many of whom are survivors of genocide in Burma and face hardships in Bangladesh,”said BHRN’s Executive Director, Kyaw Win. “Restrictions on refugees in Bangladesh and aid cuts may push Rohingya back to Burma. Repatriation at this time is dangerous, and there is still an ongoing genocide in Burma against the Rohingya. Donor governments must provide funding to meet the shortfalls in the humanitarian response in Bangladesh. The Rohingya Humanitarian Joint Response Plan budget of US$876 million remains underfunded. BHRN calls on donor governments to fund and develop a plan to reinstate full rations for refugees. While funding shortages impact refugees worldwide, more must be done to counteract and prepare for them. The international community must develop a plan for the Rohingya that will ensure humanitarian assistance is not cut, including food aid. Organisation’s Background BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher: Burma Human Rights Network
2023-06-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Bangladesh and Myanmar are planning a pilot project to repatriate more than 1,000 Rohingya refugees. In May, Bangladesh camp officials led a group of 20 Rohingya refugees on a visit to Rakhine State in Myanmar. Refugees International Director for Africa, Asia, and the Middle East Daniel P. Sullivan released the following statement: “Refugees International is extremely concerned about plans to repatriate Rohingya refugees to Myanmar. The returns would come at a time when the Rohingya homeland is ruled by a military junta that continues to commit atrocities across the country and that is made up of the same people that led the genocide against the Rohingya in 2017. More than 130,000 Rohingya in Myanmar remain confined to internal displacement camps, while others face serious constraints on their freedom of movement. The junta’s response to the recent cyclone that killed hundreds of Rohingya, including denial of much needed aid, only further highlights the vulnerability of Rohingya in the country. Two previous repatriation exercises resulted in no volunteers coming forward, but—as Refugees International has documented—did spread fear widely among the Rohingya refugees. That fear is being echoed in the latest talks of repatriation. While most Rohingya with whom Refugees International has spoken want to return home, they simply do not feel that the conditions are currently safe. Not only is the safety of any returnees in serious question, but Rohingya are already reporting deception and coercion in the process. This includes camp officials allegedly veering from official public policy by promising payments for those who volunteer to repatriate while at the same time threatening to confiscate ration cards of those who do not. The reduction of aid, specifically cuts in daily rations by the World Food Program, from $12 a day a couple of months ago to just $8 a day as of June 1, is also worrisome as it may indirectly further incentivize Rohingya to make dangerous and uninformed decisions to return. Any return of Rohingya refugees must be safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable, in line with international standards. UN leadership and donor countries must make clear that conducive conditions for legitimate returns do not currently exist and demand that Bangladesh and Myanmar refrain from further endangering this community of genocide survivors.” Refugees International has been covering the conditions facing Rohingya for several years, including a report in December 2022, Hope Amid Despair: Finding Solutions for Rohingya in Bangladesh, highlighting the deteriorating conditions in the refugee camps, recommending solutions, and calling for Bangladesh to refrain from repatriation. To schedule an interview, please contact Refugees International’s Vice President for Strategic Outreach Sarah Sheffer at  [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Refugees International
2023-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-02
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Sub-title: Harsh Conditions Could Force Refugees Back to Danger in Myanmar
Description: "On Thursday, the United Nations World Food Programme dealt Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh a new round of deep cuts in food rations, from US$12 per month several months ago to just $8 a month, building pressure to return to dangerous conditions in Myanmar. UN special rapporteurs warned that the cuts will have the “devastatingly predictable” consequence of “spiking rates of acute malnutrition, infant mortality, violence, and even death.” Some refugees, they said, might be compelled to “risk their lives at sea, [rather] than to face hunger and even death in the camps.” These food ration cuts, along with escalating restrictive measures imposed by Bangladesh authorities and violence in the squalid, overcrowded refugee camps, are increasing pressure on the refugees to repatriate. This is not the first time slashes in food rations have accompanied other pressures on Rohingya refugees to leave. In 1978, the Bangladesh government weaponized food to force starving Rohingya refugees back to Myanmar, which remained intent on persecuting them. Then, as now, the Rohingya refugees were confined to camps in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar area and were not allowed to work, so they depended on food rations to survive. A 1979 report by Alan C. Lindquist, then-head of the UN Refugee Agency’s Sub-office in Cox’s Bazar quoted Bangladesh’s then-secretary of the Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation, Syed All Khasru, as saying, “It is all very well to have fat, well-fed refugees. But …we are not going to make the refugees so comfortable that they won’t go back to Burma [Myanmar].” The Lindquist report said that by December 1978 between 80 and 85 people were dying daily in Bangladesh’s camps. “More and more showed themselves ready to go back to escape the terrible conditions in the Bangladesh camps,” Lindquist wrote. “From November 15th onwards, at least 2,000 were returning every three days, the maximum rate specified in the July [1978] agreement between the two countries.” By the end of March 1979, more than 107,000 Rohingya had returned to Myanmar – and more than 11,900 had died. This time around, the World Food Programme, facing donor shortfalls, is making the cuts. International donors, no less than Bangladesh, have a responsibility not to repeat history. Myanmar is far from safe for Rohingya. But Bangladesh should also ease restrictions and allow refugees to earn money to buy food and help prevent another horrible death toll..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Special rapporteur Olivier De Shutter calls for action on neglected crisis after finding ‘absolutely terrible’ conditions on visit to Cox’s Bazar camps in Bangladesh
Description: "Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh are at risk of becoming “the new Palestinians”, according to a UN head, who said they are trapped in a protracted and increasingly neglected crisis. Olivier De Schutter, UN special rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, said the almost 1 million people living in overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar should be given the right to work in their host country of Bangladesh, and that forcing them to rely on dwindling international support was not sustainable. De Schutter, who spoke to the Guardian after a recent visit to Cox’s Bazar, said conditions were “absolutely terrible”, and that he had rarely spoken to people in “such a state of desperation”. The refugees – most of whom fled brutal crackdowns by the Myanmar military in 2017 – are fenced off from the local community and live in squalid and cramped shelters. The violence against Rohingya provoked international outrage more than five years ago and led to a genocide case at the UN’s top court, but international donors are now increasingly distracted by crises elsewhere, said De Shutter. The World Food Programme recently announced it was forced to cut Rohingya refugees’ food allowance to just $8 (£6.50) a month per person, due to a lack of funding. “If you combine this with the high food-price inflation in recent months, it means that in comparison to the start of the year, the calorie intake and the quality of nutrition for the refugees will degrade significantly. The rate of under-nutrition and malnutrition for children will grow significantly and stunting will continue,” De Schutter said. “But worst of all is the fact that these people depend entirely on humanitarian support.… They are prohibited from working. They are completely stuck,” he said. “People spend their days in complete idleness. As a result, gender-based violence is mounting. Security in the camps is very problematic, with armed gangs controlling drug trafficking across the border of Myanmar, leading to exchange of fire of gangs in the evening,” he said. “It’s extremely worrying, and the state of desperation of the families should not be underestimated.” People also face the continual threat of extreme weather events – a danger made worse by rules that ban them from building concrete structures, leaving them in bamboo and tarpaulin shelters. “These camps are in a very vulnerable situation,” said De Schutter. De Schutter said the Bangladesh government’s fear that allowing people to work will encourage Rohingya to stay longer in the country, burdening public services and reducing job opportunities for others, was misplaced. “If they can work, they can pay taxes, they can start small businesses that can create employment opportunities for others,” he said, adding that people had a right to livelihoods. The Bangladesh government has criticised the international community for failing to press the Myanmar junta to let Rohingya return safely to their homeland, and has pointed to the lack of international funding to support refugees it has hosted. Earlier this month, a Rohingya delegation visited Myanmar as part of long-stalled efforts to repatriate people. Hopes of returning have dwindled even further after the Myanmar military coup in 2021. “Myanmar should be held accountable for creating the conditions that will allow safe repatriation under the right conditions. For the moment, no one believes that these conditions are met,” said De Schutter. The crisis had fallen below the radar, he said, adding that greater international attention was needed. “Otherwise, these people, in 10 years’ time, they will be the new Palestinians.”..."
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Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2023-05-30
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Ahead of Meta’s Annual Shareholder Meeting on Wednesday (31 May 2023), Pat de Brún, Head of Big Tech Accountability and Deputy Director of Amnesty Tech, said:  “It is way beyond time that Meta fulfilled its responsibilities and provided an effective remedy to the Rohingya people of Myanmar. It is reprehensible that Meta still refuses to repair the harms it contributed to despite the overwhelming evidence that the company played a key role in 2017’s ethnic cleansing.  “The Rohingya people were killed, tortured, raped, and displaced in their thousands as part of the Myanmar security forces’ campaign of ethnic cleansing. In the months and years leading up to the atrocities, Facebook’s algorithms were intensifying a storm of hatred against the Rohingya, which contributed to mass offline violence. “Today, the vast majority of Rohingya survivors remain stranded in squalid refugee camps and internment camps under conditions of severe deprivation. Pat de Brún, Amnesty Tech “Today, the vast majority of Rohingya survivors remain stranded in squalid refugee camps and internment camps under conditions of severe deprivation. Meanwhile, Meta continues to reap enormous profits from the same toxic business model that contributed to so much destruction for the Rohingya.   “Meta shareholders should utilise this shareholder meeting to demand that Meta’s leadership fulfils its responsibility under international human rights standards to provide reparations to the Rohingya.   “Meta shareholders should also insist that the company overhauls its overall approach to human rights, lest the company yet again be implicated in the recurrence of violence and atrocities elsewhere. As a first step, it should undertake a comprehensive review of human rights due diligence, including by mainstreaming human rights considerations throughout all its platforms’ operations, especially in relation to the development and deployment of its algorithmic systems. “It is shameful that Meta’s board has recommended that shareholders reject proposals to improve human rights oversight and transparency in the company. We are calling on Meta shareholders to defy these recommendations and do their part to ensure the protection of individuals and communities across the world who remain at risk from Meta’s reckless business practices.”    Amnesty International is handing in a petition demanding Meta pays the Rohingya community reparations. The petition has been signed by thousands of Amnesty International members and supporters.  Background Meta’s annual shareholder meeting will take place on 31 May 2023. A number of shareholder resolutions have been filed, which challenge Meta’s business practices, including several seeking to enhance the company’s human rights oversight practices. One resolution calls for an independent human rights impact assessment on Meta’s use of targeted advertising and another resolution cites Meta’s failure to publish its human rights impact assessment on India.  In September 2022, Amnesty International found that Meta’s dangerous algorithms and reckless pursuit of profit substantially contributed to the atrocities perpetrated by the Myanmar military against the Rohingya people in 2017.   In November 2019, Amnesty International released a report outlining how the surveillance-based business model of Big Tech companies such as Meta is inherently incompatible with the right to privacy and poses a systemic threat to a range of rights including freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of thought, and the right to equality and non-discrimination..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
2023-05-29
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) today published its latest report ‘Preventable deaths in Cyclone Mocha and the Rohingya genocide’, on the Burmese junta’s continued defiance of the provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the Gambia’s genocide case against Myanmar. The order is aimed at protecting the Rohingya, who the ICJ described as ‘extremely vulnerable’. Until the case concludes, Myanmar is obliged to report on its compliance with the ICJ’s order every six months, with its latest report due on 23 May 2023. On 14 May, Cyclone Mocha struck Myanmar’s Rakhine State, leaving a trail of destruction. BROUK’s new report examines the circumstances which led to the preventable deaths of hundreds of Rohingya in Cyclone Mocha, in the context of the ongoing Rohingya genocide. Hundreds of Rohingya have been killed and injured after Rohingya were left behind in internment camps in Rakhine State. To date, the junta continues to block vital humanitarian aid from reaching impacted Rohingya communities. “In the context of the regime’s policies of persecution towards the Rohingya, what the United Nations describes as ‘waiting for access’ is genocide right in front of our eyes,” said Tun Khin, President of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK. The report focuses on the regime’s ongoing commission of the genocidal act of ‘deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of a group in whole or in part’, in this case the Rohingya. The authorities instigated and participated in the 2012 violence which forcibly displaced more than 140,000 Rohingya, then detained them in overcrowded, flood-prone internment camps surrounded by barbed wire where they have remained for over a decade. The junta’s response to Cyclone Mocha was willfully negligent. The regime failed to evacuate all the Rohingya who were in danger from the cyclone and has blocked humanitarian aid. BROUK points out that the regime’s obstruction of humanitarian aid may cause additional preventable deaths among extremely vulnerable Rohingya survivors. The Rohingya community in Thet Kay Pyin camp in Sittwe are already reporting an outbreak of diarrhoea among children in the camp due to unclean water sources, which can quickly spread and prove fatal if left untreated. BROUK’s report finds that the Burmese military are continuing to violate the provisional measures ordered by the ICJ amid an ongoing genocide. The British government, penholder on Myanmar at the United Nations Security Council, has not yet convened a meeting of the UN Security Council to discuss the violation of the provisional measures. “The International Court of Justice and the UN Security Council are fully aware that the Burmese military are violating the provisional measures but are not even talking about it, let alone taking action,” said Tun Khin. “What was the point of imposing provisional measures to prevent genocide if there are no consequences if they are ignored? This sets a dangerous precedent that will be watched by authoritarian regimes worldwide. We don’t just have ongoing genocide of the Rohingya, we also have ongoing failure of the United Nations Security Council and the rest of the international community to do anything about it.” BROUK urged the British government and the wider international community to secure public hearings at the UN Security Council on the junta’s breaches of the ICJ’s order and to coordinate concrete follow-up actions. BROUK also renewed its calls to the ICJ to amend or issue further provisional measures to order Myanmar to allow all humanitarian actors immediate, unrestricted, and sustained access to Rakhine State and the rest of the country. This would benefit not only Rohingya survivors of Cyclone Mocha, but all the people of Myanmar who are suffering due to the regime’s obstruction of humanitarian aid. The Burmese military are violating the provisional measures in many other ways, including through denial of the Rohingya identity and citizenship, restrictions on travel and access to essential services, and deliberate blocking of humanitarian assistance, leading to mental and bodily harm and preventable deaths. The junta criminalises and imprisons Rohingya who attempt to flee these appalling conditions of life, including children. The report concludes that the proactive attempts by the junta to prevent the Rohingya from escaping the conditions of life inflicted on them demonstrate its ongoing genocidal intent..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
2023-05-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: On January 18, prominent advocate Dil Mohammed was abducted from a Rohingya camp in No Man’s Land. He has not been heard from since.
Description: "A steadfast Rohingya advocate emerged amid the chaos in the volatile borderlands between Myanmar and Bangladesh. Dil Mohammed, a Rohingya refugee who became the de facto spokesperson for the No Man’s Land Rohingya encampment, navigated a complex web of political and military forces to champion the cause of his people. But on January 18, as the encampment burned to the ground in a harrowing attack, Dil Mohammed was apprehended by the long-dormant Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), which had recently re-emerged. No news of his fate has emerged since. Dil Mohammed’s life was not always marked by strife. Born on January 2, 1966, in Mae Dee Village, Qunthi Bin Village Track, Maungdaw Township, Arakan State, Myanmar, to parents Nazumiya and Hazara Khatun, his early years were filled with education and – despite the difficult context for Rohingya in Myanmar – opportunity. Dil Mohammed matriculated at the University of Yangon in 1987 and graduated with a degree in psychology. He then worked as an interpreter and field manager for the World Food Program for five years, later starting his own shrimp and agricultural businesses. His linguistic skills caught the attention of officials, and he began working as an interpreter at “flag meetings” between the Myanmar and Bangladesh border guards. In 2014, he played a pivotal role in the high-profile retrieval of a Bangladeshi border guard’s body. However, his life took a drastic turn in 2017 when he became a refugee for the second time amid a harrowing military crackdown on the Rohingya population. Instead of entering Bangladesh, Dil Mohammed chose to stay in the No Man’s Land (NML) between the two countries. The NML was a precarious place, where Rohingya refugees like Dil Mohammed found themselves caught between the forces of Myanmar and Bangladesh, facing harassment, flooding, ration reductions, and the infiltration of armed groups. Despite the dangers, Dil Mohammed emerged as a prominent spokesperson for the NML residents, frequently speaking to the press and meeting with international delegations, including U.N. Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee and Nobel peace laureates Tawakkol Karman and Mairead Maguire. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. Dil Mohammed’s second son, Shuiab, described his father as “a kind and easygoing man, both as a parent and as a community leader.” He emphasized that Dil Mohammed was “always approachable and understanding,” but when confronting Myanmar authorities like the Border Guard Police (BGP), Tatmadaw, and NASAKA (Myanmar’s much-maligned former border security force), he was “firm and resolute.” Shuiab added that many Rohingya knew his father never hesitated to stand up to these forces for the rights and dignity of their people. And there was much to threaten the Rohingya. Dil Mohammed and the NML population found themselves caught in the midst of intense fighting between the Arakan Army (AA), the Myanmar military, and the presence of armed organizations like the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in the borderlands, especially in 2022. The AA’s ambition to establish autonomy has driven their strategy to seize control of Myanmar’s borders with Bangladesh and India. Dominating these border areas would enable the AA to play a crucial role in trade with the neighboring countries and potentially open a new overland arms supply route from areas in Bangladesh where insurgent groups, including ARSA, have long operated. As a result of these strategic objectives, the borderlands became a battleground, with the AA and the Myanmar military as the dominant forces, while ARSA strived to retain its foothold. According to Myanmar government documents, ARSA engaged in skirmishes with the Myanmar military in 2022 and became a target for both Bangladesh’s and Myanmar’s border forces. This intense fighting led to casualties, injuries, and unexploded ordnance that threatened the safety and stability of the NML population. Despite being overstretched by conflicts in other regions, the Myanmar military showed no signs of conceding the lost border territories to the AA. Troop movements in the area indicated that the military had not abandoned its efforts to regain control of the border areas. Consequently, the specter of renewed fighting in the region continued to loom over the NML population, forcing them to navigate a dangerous and uncertain existence. This context made Dil Mohammed’s advocacy efforts even more crucial for his community. But the very same prominence that made Dil Mohammed a lifeline for his community also put him in the crosshairs of powerful factions. Rumors circulated that he was a member of ARSA, casting a shadow over his reputation. Dil Mohammed’s family and close associates vehemently denied these claims, arguing that while he had to engage with ARSA, he was never a supporter. They also pointed out that if his interactions with ARSA were enough to consider him a member, then he could be seen as working for Bangladesh as well, given his equal contact with their authorities. In January 2023, the Rohingya Solidarity Organization targeted the NML encampment. The attack left the settlement in ashes, and Dil Mohammed was taken into custody. Since then, his whereabouts and fate have remained a mystery. For more than three months, his family and former residents of No Man’s Land have waited in mournful anticipation for news of the man who once bravely championed the cause of his people. In an ironic twist, Dil Mohammed’s friendship with Ko Ko Linn, the leader of RSO, put him at risk. The two men had been classmates and maintained a close relationship. Ko Ko Linn had urged Dil Mohammed to leave NML and join him in Bangladesh as recently as 2022, warning him of the dangers in the border zone. However, unbeknownst to Dil Mohammed, it would be Ko Ko Linn’s own forces that would ultimately pose the greatest threat to his safety. Strangely, diaspora Rohingya organizations have remained reticent about his capture and the devastating attack on the NML camp. Their silence has been particularly conspicuous given the deaths of a Rohingya woman and a Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) officer during the November 14, 2022, attack on the NML and the deaths of several Rohingya in the attack of January 18. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. The Arakan Rohingya National Alliance, a recently established Rohingya organization seeking to become the sole representative of the Rohingya people, expressed condolences for the Bangladeshi DGFI officer but remained silent about the Rohingya woman, the destruction of the camp that displaced 4,500 people, and the multiple fatalities that occurred during the January attack. This reticence has been taken by NML residents as evidence of the organization’s lack of validity in the lives of the Rohingya. This silence can also be seen in the context of a shifting political landscape in the region. In recent years, significant changes have occurred in the political climate and power dynamics involving the RSO, ARSA, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. Two key moments that triggered these changes were the coup in Myanmar on February 1, 2021, and the murder of Mohibullah, a prominent Rohingya leader, in September of that same year. Consequently, ARSA fell out of favor, prompting Bangladesh to search for a cohesive strategy to cultivate a Rohingya force capable of advancing its interests in both the refugee camps and Myanmar. It is within this shifting landscape that the RSO resurfaced to prominence after a period of dormancy. Meanwhile, despite the Bangladeshi authorities frequently dismissing the existence of ARSA within Bangladesh, the organization progressively found itself implicated in various criminal activities, as indicated by police charge sheets. These charges ranged across a wide spectrum of crimes, ultimately leading to the erosion of ARSA’s influence and standing in the region. Today, Dil Mohammed’s tireless advocacy for his people is remembered by his former NML community members, now dispersed in the camps inside Bangladesh. They lament the tragic silencing of a champion for the Rohingya. As they search for answers, they are left with several questions. First, is Dil Mohammed in the custody of the RSO or Bangladeshi authorities? Leaked documents suggest that Bangladesh undertook a joint operation with Myanmar’s military to raid the NML back in November 2022. Eyewitness accounts of the raid on January 18, when Dil Mohammed was abducted, suggest that the RSO forces had powerful backing, as the duration and intensity of the attack surpassed anything seen before. Second, why has Dil Mohammed been held for four months with no communication with his family? They are uncertain about his well-being and whether he is even alive. One possible reason for his continued detention could be his prior key role in the borderlands of the Maungdaw region of Myanmar, both before and after 2017, which may have made him privy to sensitive information. Dil Mohammed’s unique position in the borderlands might make him a liability for some factions, who fear the consequences of his release. Meanwhile, his former community members are left to grapple with the silence of the very organizations meant to support them..."
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Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2023-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Junta says 100 Rohingya died from Cyclone Mocha, but others have counted more than 400.
Description: "Myanmar’s junta says that 100 Rohingya died from last weekend’s Cyclone Mocha – and that news outlets that say it’s higher will be sued. The shadow National Unity Government, made up of former parliamentarians and opponents of the military, which took control of the country in a 2021 coup, puts the number at 455 – more than four times higher. Reports by media that more than 400 were killed “were baseless and have frightened the public,” a junta statement Friday said. “We will take action against those media using existing laws.” The storm that hit the coast of Rakhine state and parts of Bangladesh last weekend, flooded villages and battered camps where displaced Rohingya have lived for years. Authorities evacuated the Rakhine population before the storm and accommodated 63,302 of the 125,789 Rohingyas from 17 refugee camps who needed to be evacuated, the junta statement said. Those who died in the storm were people who didn’t comply with the authority’s evacuation procedure and remained in their homes on their own accord, the military said. Radio Free Asia reported earlier this week that many people couldn’t evacuate because emergency shelter centers quickly became overcrowded. Some 130,000 Rohingya have lived for more than a decade in internally displaced persons camps in and around Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine. The deaths of so many villagers from the storm was a result of their poor living standards in restricted camps near the seashore, Rohingya activists told RFA. Many villagers weren’t properly informed of the coming cyclone, they said. Two Rohingya villagers told RFA that it has been difficult to collect every dead body that was washed into the sea after the storm struck the coast. The junta said Friday that 18 army officers would be assigned to each township to oversee rehabilitation work for the 18 townships in Rakhine and Chin state that were affected by the storm. In those areas, transportation infrastructure and some telephone networks have been out of service, and there are still areas where food, medicine and shelters haven't arrived. NUG’s statement on Wednesday said more than 42,000 acres of agricultural land in four states and regions were destroyed by the storm..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2023-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-19
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Sub-title: Returnees to Myanmar Would Face Junta’s Crimes of Apartheid, Persecution
Description: "(Bangkok) – Bangladesh and Myanmar are organizing returns of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar’s Rakhine State without consulting the community or addressing the grave risks to their lives and liberty, Human Rights Watch said today. On May 5, 2023, Bangladesh officials, in coordination with Myanmar junta authorities, took 20 Rohingya refugees to Rakhine State to visit resettlement camps as part of renewed efforts to repatriate about 1,100 Rohingya in a pilot project. Donor governments and United Nations experts should call for a halt to any Rohingya repatriation until conditions are in place for safe and sustainable returns. “Bangladesh authorities shouldn’t forget the reasons why Rohingya became refugees in the first place, and recognize that none of those factors have changed,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Bangladesh is frustrated with its burden as host, but sending refugees back to the control of a ruthless Myanmar junta will just be setting the stage for the next devastating exodus.” About 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, confined to squalid camps and villages that leave them exceptionally vulnerable to extreme weather events such as Cyclone Mocha, compounded by the junta’s severe restrictions on humanitarian aid. Human Rights Watch spoke with five Rohingya refugees who were part of the go-and-see visit. They said that the detention-like conditions and lack of full citizenship rights were not conducive to a safe return. “We aren’t at all satisfied seeing the Rakhine situation,” a Rohingya refugee said. “It’s another trap by Myanmar to take us back and then continue the abuses like they have been doing to us for decades.” Rohingya refugees have consistently said they want to go home, but only when their security, access to land and livelihoods, freedom of movement, and citizenship rights can be ensured. The Rohingya delegation visited the Hla Poe Kaung transit camp and Kyein Chaung resettlement camp in Rakhine State’s Maungdaw township. The camps were built by Myanmar authorities on Rohingya land that Myanmar security forces burned and bulldozed in 2017 and 2018. The transit camp is surrounded by barbed-wire perimeter fencing and security outposts, similar to the confinement in the Rohingya detention camps in Sittwe and other townships in central Rakhine State. “I could see my village,” a Rohingya refugee said of the visit. “The Hla Poe Kaung transit camp land used to be my home. My house was destroyed, my school is now a health center. Three whole Rohingya villages used to be where the transit camp is now. Myanmar authorities are trying to confine us in camps like in Sittwe.” Myanmar authorities have held about 140,000 Rohingya arbitrarily and indefinitely in camps for more than 10 years. Recent measures to ostensibly close the camps appear designed to make the Rohingya’s segregation and confinement permanent. The camps, which have been in constant disrepair due to Myanmar authorities’ restrictions, were severely damaged by Cyclone Mocha on May 14. “We asked the Myanmar authorities why our villages were turned into displacement camps,” one Rohingya refugee said. “They said they didn’t have any other options. They didn’t answer our questions about whether we would ever be given back our land. If these camps are temporary, then why haven’t the Rohingya living in the central Rakhine camps been able to return to their original villages?” Conditions in Rakhine State have not been conducive to voluntary, safe, or dignified returns of Rohingya refugees since 2017, when more than 730,000 Rohingya fled the Myanmar military’s crimes against humanity and acts of genocide. The prospect of safe returns has decreased since the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, carried out by the same generals who orchestrated the 2017 mass atrocities. Myanmar junta officials provided the visiting Rohingya with booklets titled, “Facts on the Arrangement of the Myanmar Government for Reception and Resettlement of Displaced Persons on their Return under the Pilot Project,” dated April 2023. The booklet, written in Burmese, English, and Bangla, states that returnees will be housed at the Hla Poe Kaung transit camp for up to two months, then relocated to one of two resettlement camps with prefabricated houses or a land plot in one of 15 “designated villages,” where they can build a home through a cash-for-work program. The booklet states that security personnel will be deployed “to ensure the rule of law and security in the areas where the returnees reside or pass through.” Myanmar authorities have long invoked “security concerns” as the rationale for violating the rights of Rohingya to travel outside of their camps and villages in Rakhine State. The junta claims in the booklet that the UN Development Programme, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations will be involved in the pilot project. The UNHCR said in a recent statement that “visits are an important part of voluntary refugee returns, providing a chance for people to observe conditions in their home country first-hand ahead of return and contributing to the making of an informed decision on return.” However, the agency reported in March that it is not involved in the pilot repatriation discussions and that “conditions in Myanmar’s Rakhine State are currently not conducive to the sustainable return of Rohingya refugees.” The junta’s systematic abuses against the Rohingya amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and deprivation of liberty. Since the 2021 coup, security forces have arrested thousands of Rohingya men, women, and children for “unauthorized travel.” The junta has imposed new movement restrictions and aid blockages on Rohingya camps and villages, increasing water scarcity and food shortages. A major concern among Rohingya on the trip was the booklet’s reference to National Verification Cards (NVCs), documentation that does not grant Myanmar citizenship. Rohingya have widely rejected the NVC process, seeing it as marking them as foreigners in their own country. NVC-holders have not been granted meaningful freedom of movement, while threats and coercion to force Rohingya to accept the card have been hallmarks of the process. “Why do we have to apply for NVCs when we’re born there and have proof of being from Myanmar,” a Rohingya refugee on the visit said. “Rohingya who have NVCs are still not granted freedoms like the other ethnicities. They are linking every right like freedom of movement, access to livelihoods, education, health care, with accepting the NVC. But that would make us aliens in our own land. They should grant us full citizenship and accept us as Rohingya.” Rohingya are effectively denied citizenship under Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Law, leaving them stateless. In March, a delegation of Myanmar junta officials visited the Cox’s Bazar camps in Bangladesh, which house about one million Rohingya refugees, to interview Rohingya for “verification” for the “pilot repatriation” process. Rohingya told Human Rights Watch that they were deceived or coerced by Bangladesh administrators into meeting with the delegation. Another visit by junta officials reportedly scheduled for mid-May was postponed due to Cyclone Mocha. In April, China held tripartite talks in Kunming with Bangladesh government and Myanmar junta officials on restarting repatriation ahead of the monsoon season. Some refugees said Bangladesh authorities coerced them to join the go-and-see visit and told them to speak positively to the media about the conditions in Rakhine State. Bangladesh intelligence officers have harassed at least two refugees who publicly criticized the Maungdaw camps. Security forces have increased surveillance of Rohingya on the pilot repatriation list, with officers informing them to prepare for returns. Mohammed Mizanur Rahman, Bangladesh’s refugee relief and repatriation commissioner in Cox’s Bazar, told BenarNews that they plan to start repatriations in May, but will not force any refugees to return. Junta officials have also been visiting Rakhine State in preparation for their submission to the International Court of Justice in the Genocide Convention case brought by Gambia, initially due April 24. In March, the junta requested a 10-month extension, claiming, among other reasons, that it “needed more time in order to take statements from witnesses who were presently living in camps in Bangladesh or would soon be repatriated to Myanmar.” The court extended the deadline only one month, to May 24. The timing of the pilot repatriation project appears to be part of the junta’s broader efforts to feign progress in its treatment of the Rohingya to the court, Human Rights Watch said. Since 2017, the Bangladesh government has respected the international principle of nonrefoulement, the right of refugees not to be returned to a country where their lives or freedom would be threatened. But Bangladesh authorities have also been intensifying restrictions on livelihoods, movement, and education, creating a coercive environment designed to force people to consider premature returns. “Bangladesh should continue to uphold its policy of not forcing Rohingya refugees to return to Myanmar under current conditions,” Bauchner said. “Donor governments should help ease this difficult situation by supporting Bangladesh to create opportunities for Rohingya to learn and work so that they’re better prepared to go home when that day comes.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-05-18
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-18
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Description: "When Myanmar’s Rakhine, Bangladesh edging closer day by day, trying to resolve Rohingya crisis through a ‘Rohingya return pilot project’, there is an another news of hope for the people of Myanmar and Bangladesh specially Rohingyas. The Bangladesh Consulate in Sitwest, Rakhine, Myanmar organized an exchange and prayer meeting with senior Buddhist monks and Buddhist religious leaders of various pagodas on Thursday (May 4). At that time, the students of Sittwe University’s Rakhine and Muslim Students’ Union along with members of the consulate and their families were present at the event. Along with discussions on Buddhist theology and Buddha’s words, prayers were offered for the country’s people and communal harmony and peace in the region. Mission chief Zakir Ahmed gave chivara to senior Buddhist monks. All present were entertained with lunch. According to the Bangladesh Consulate, the Bangladesh Consulate is in close contact with important religious leaders in order to maintain peace and communal harmony in Rakhine. In continuation of this, this discussion and prayer meeting was organized with very influential Buddhist monks and Buddhist religious leaders. However, discriminatory policies of Myanmar’s government since the late 1970s have compelled hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingya to flee their homes in the predominantly Buddhist country. Most have crossed by land into Bangladesh, while others have taken to the sea to reach Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. Beginning in 2017, renewed violence, including reported rape, murder, and arson, triggered an exodus of Rohingya, as Myanmar’s security forces claimed they were carrying out a campaign to reinstate stability in the country’s western region. We saw the mass Rohingya exodus to Bangladesh from Myanmar’s Rakhine in 2017. The prolonged refugee crisis was started then. The reason for Rohingya’s exclusion is the so-called political Buddhism in Myanmar. Political Buddhism is when excluding Buddhism, the Burmese ethnicity and aggressive nationalism are used to exclude and persecute minority groups perceived as non-Burman. political Buddhism was an important element to Rohingya’s exclusion in Myanmar. But Rohingya’s persecution can somewhat be explained by the influence of political Buddhism, however that was not the complete story. For many, popular images of Buddhism have often included those of monks in saffron-colored robes, meditating peacefully on windswept mountains, revering all forms of life while seeking higher states of enlightenment. Often spurred on by Buddhist monks, local mobs and government forces have reportedly burned hundreds of Rohingya villages to the ground in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, slaughtering many of their Muslim inhabitants as hundreds of thousands have fled to neighboring Bangladesh. Many of the country’s Buddhists are afraid their own faith is in jeopardy, viewing the Rohingya Muslims as a threat. The military, as well as many monks, have used this fear to stoke a “Buddhist nationalism” that combines religious and civic identities. In the context of such clichés, it has been jarring, many say, to see very different images coming out of Myanmar. Many monks, barefoot and clothed in the traditional robes of Burmese Buddhist monasteries, have been at the forefront of the violent repression of the Rohingya Muslim minority, which the United Nations has characterized as ethnic cleansing. However, it is a very good initiative taken by Bangladesh and Myanmar in a sense that it is a trust building measurements between Bangladesh and Myanmar utilizing public diplomacy. The religious element will be crucial in resolving the conflict in Myanmar. We don’t have to get into the political issues but focus on bringing back peace. The influential Buddhist community in Myanmar can take the initiative to settle political issues and restore democracy, solve Rohingya refugee crisis. They can help dispel hatred of Burmese people towards Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar through social media activities, religious ceremony, public ceremony etc. When the Rohingyas could enter Rakhine state under the recently taken Rohingya return pilot project, a glimpse of hope that the precarious situation for Rohingya could be resolved emerged. Obviously, a tremendous amount of work remains integrating Rohingya into the Burmese society. Clearly, the infected conflict between Buddhists and Muslims in Myanmar will not end if the divisive climate of political Buddhism persists. The Buddhist community must play role in this regard. It is true that even Myanmar Junta has deep and stable respect for the Buddhist monks in Myanmar. Using this opportunity, Buddhist monks must play role in promoting communal peace in Myanmar for ensuring greater interreligious peace and harmony. Rakhine’s Buddhist society can play an effective role in this regard. The relations of Buddhists between Myanmar and Bangladesh are well established. Burmese Buddhist can do it very easily. Buddhism is more related to establishment of Peace and non-violence. Buddhists can play a significant role in this regard. They can exercise the path shown by the founder of Buddhism, Gautama Buddha. Buddhist will be recognized as the Avatar of human rights if the Buddhist community plays a role in solving the Rohingya crisis. It will ensure the regional, to some extent world, peace and communal harmony. The jarring images coming out of Myanmar, too, seem ironic, since Buddhist monks have been one of the primary forces of democratic change. In 2007, many helped lead what is now known as the “Saffron Revolution,” a movement of mostly nonviolent protests against Myanmar’s long-standing military dictatorship. Nearly a decade later, their efforts helped Aung San Suu Kyi, the dissident who spent years under house arrest and who won the Nobel Prize in 1991, to become the country’s first democratically-elected leader in 2016. The Rohingya crisis is a complex issue involving a range of political, economic, and social factors. While Buddhism is the dominant religion in Myanmar, it is important to note that the Rohingya crisis is not a religious conflict, but rather a humanitarian crisis. But it is true that Buddhists form a majority in Myanmar and that they are supposed to practice self-restraint against killing any lives if they truly follow the philosophy of Buddhism. However, Buddhism can play a significant role in finding a solution to the crisis by promoting peace, compassion, and understanding. One of the core teachings of Buddhism is the concept of non-harm and compassion towards all sentient beings, including those who may be perceived as enemies or different. Buddhist leaders and organizations can use their influence to promote dialogue and reconciliation between different communities, and to advocate for the rights of the Rohingya people. Buddhist teachings can also be used to promote mindfulness and awareness of the suffering of others, which can help to foster a more empathetic and compassionate response to the crisis. In addition, Buddhist organizations can provide support to Rohingya refugees, including food, shelter, and healthcare. They can also work to promote education and economic opportunities for refugees and displaced persons, which can help to build resilience and self-sufficiency. Overall, while Buddhism alone cannot solve the Rohingya crisis, it can play a positive role in promoting peace, compassion, and understanding, and in providing support and aid to those who have been affected by the crisis. If the Rohingyas is repatriated finally in Rakhine under the pilot project, the Buddhist monks must play their responsible due role..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Eurasia Review"
2023-05-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Rohingya are the most persecuted minority group in the world. Such persecution has forced Rohingyas into Bangladesh for many years, with significant spikes following violent attacks in 1978, 1992, and again in 2016. More than 700,000 Rohingya were forced to flee from Myanmar following a brutal military crackdown in 2017. Currently, Bangladesh has been hosting nearly 1.2 million Rohingya refugees for six years. At this point, there are more Rohingyas in Bangladesh than in Myanmar. Due to this massive refugee crisis, the socio-economic and security situation of Bangladesh is worsening and there seems to be no other way except a repatriation, which has been a hanging case for the last six years. The issue remained at a deadlock and to bring momentum, Bangladesh needed an initiative from Myanmar. A breakthrough finally happened on May 05, when a team of 20 Rohingya accompanied by seven Bangladesh government officials visited two of 15 villages in Rakhine State, at the invitation of the Myanmar government. Bangladesh welcomes the pilot project The Rohingya team left for Myanmar on Friday via the transboundary Naf River to visit a settlement in Rakhine State. The visit was considered a part of a “confidence-building measure” for repatriation to encourage Rohingyas for a self-willing return. This is the first time any Rohingya delegation visited Rakhine to assess the situation there as the Rohingyas have not volunteered to return home despite two attempts, arguing that the situation was not conducive. Earlier, Bangladesh and Myanmar signed an agreement to repatriate this huge number of Rohingyas to Myanmar in 2017 and 2019. These attempts failed to repatriate the Rohingyas because the Rohingya refused to return to their homeland for fear of fresh persecution and lack of a congenial environment for repatriation. Bangladesh has raised the issue at every international forum, with the support of many countries. But Myanmar had been indifferent to international laws and norms. Finally, it is taking this symbolic step, most possibly to “lighten the responsibility” in its next submission to the International Court of Justice in May regarding the Rohingya genocide. The foreign ministry of Bangladesh welcomed this effort and appreciated Myanmar’s willingness. The development comes amid a series of events that took place for Rohingya justice and repatriation. The UN refugee agency said it was aware of Friday’s trip, which was taking place “under a bilateral arrangement between Bangladesh and Myanmar”. Some experts and rights activists have observed that the UN’s involvement in the visit would be more conducive for the parties involved in the pilot project to initiate the repatriation. However, Refugee returns must be voluntary, in safety and dignity and no refugee should be forced to do so. And this pilot project is following those steps sincerely. Facilities offered by Myanmar Upon their arrival, Myanmar authorities briefed the team about the possible benefits they would likely get in the villages. After the Rohingyas return, each family will be given a house in the model village, land for agriculture, fertilizer, and seeds. The government will provide Rohingyas ‘with national verification cards (NVC)’ and within half a year would be able to travel outside Maungdaw Township. Hospitals, mosques, and playgrounds are being housed in the model villages, which were not present in Rohingya settlements in the past. The model village of Mangdu is much better than the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh in every possible way. For those who will stay in the model village, each family will be allocated one acre of land for cultivation. Those families who wish to build their own homes can do so and the regime will pay for them. There will be no barbed wire fence around the villages. A Maungdaw official informed the team that Rohingya children will be allowed to study and go to Sittwe University. Most Rohingyas who are now living in Maungdaw, are working, and moving freely in Maungdaw city, the returnee will enjoy the same. Response from the Rohingya It is undeniable that this visit by the Rohingya team marks a new beginning of the Rohingya repatriation. Rohingya repatriation will largely depend on the voluntariness of the Rohingyas, and their confidence in security and equal rights as citizens of Myanmar. The purpose of the visit was to inspect infrastructure built in Rakhine’s Maungdaw Township with grants from the governments of Japan, India, and China for the “repatriation and resettlement of refugees”. Regarding that, no member of the delegation team had any complaints. Rohingya refugees, who have spent nearly six years living in overcrowded and squalid camps in Cox’s Bazar, have been hopeful of the scheme since it became public knowledge in March. Though their queries about security or recognition of their right to citizenship in Myanmar has not been answered. But the bilateral talks have just begun, so there is always room for bargaining as Rohingyas have international support. Soon a team from Myanmar would visit the Rohingya in Cox’s Bazar to try and convince them to be repatriated. Bangladesh and international concerned communities are optimistic about Rohingya repatriation this time. There was a need for a ‘pilot repatriation project’ to send back refugees where both countries have historical experience and references to repatriate Rohingyas. Through this initiative and China’s mediation, both countries can resolve the long-pending Rohingya crisis. As every refugee has an inalienable right to return to their place of origin and such returns must also be voluntary, this confidence-building measure will play a crucial role to encourage Rohingyas to return their home..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Eurasia Review
2023-05-08
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On 5 May, 20 Rohingya refugees, accompanied by Bangladesh officials, travelled from camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, to Maungdaw township in Myanmar, to view facilities built by Myanmar authorities and assess preparations ahead of a pilot repatriation reportedly planned for later this month. After the visit, Bangladesh officials shared overall positive impressions, while refugees expressed unwillingness to return to camp-like conditions in Myanmar and reiterated their demand to be granted citizenship rights ahead of any return. Myanmar continues to deny the Rohingya people citizenship, rendering them stateless and curtailing access to basic rights such as freedom of movement and education. Almost 1 million Rohingya refugees live in camps in Cox’s Bazar, the majority of whom fled Rakhine State following a brutal campaign by Myanmar’s security forces in 2017..."
Source/publisher: European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
2023-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Executive Summary: Since the 1 February 2021 coup, Rohingya communities in Rakhine State have endured tightening movement restrictions, a lack of job opportunities, rising living costs, and even greater precariousness in terms of their legal status. The nearly 1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have not fared much better, facing such a sharp deterioration in conditions that some told this analytical unit they suspect authorities to be deliberately destroying any prospect for a dignified life in order to force Rohingya to leave Bangladesh by whatever means possible. Rohingya people in both countries — especially youth — resort to high risk, illegal travel to third countries like Malaysia, where they reportedly believe that increased access to education and opportunities will result in a more secure and fulfilling future. Respondents in Bangladesh and northern Rakhine State still report significant numbers of individuals in their communities undertaking dangerous journeys abroad; however, it is difficult to verify whether the number of Rohingya doing so has increased, because exhaustive data on successful arrivals at intended destinations is not available. While large-scale Rohingya movement away from Myanmar and Bangladesh and on to Malaysia and elsewhere has been ongoing for at least the last 10 years, several significant shifts have taken place recently. Checkpoints have proliferated across Myanmar as the State Administration Council (SAC) struggles to secure control over the country, increasing the risk that Rohingya people will be caught if they violate movement restrictions by travelling beyond their state or township boundaries. Indeed, there are regularly 20–30 arrests per week.[1] Despite this, crackdowns on maritime trafficking and disastrous, high-profile pushback incidents involving boats carrying desperate Rohingya people[2] have led overland routes to become more prevalent relative to the sea routes favoured in the past. Those facilitating these journeys are reported to include, at a minimum, members of the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military–affiliated Border Guard Police (BGP). Women and girls are the most likely members of the Rohingya community to undertake the journey abroad by any route, and they are also at the highest risk of experiencing a range of abuses en route and upon arrival, including rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). Moreover, research by this analytical unit has found that, due to their dire circumstances in Bangladesh and Myanmar, many — if not most — Rohingya people likely lack the agency, options, and information to make a fully volitional, informed choice with respect to high-risk migration to Malaysia or beyond. With conditions likely to deteriorate further in the near term across Rohingya communities in both Bangladesh and Myanmar, the pressure and push factors that render Rohingya individuals prime targets for exploitative migration schemes will only continue to intensify over time. Acutely vulnerable on both sides of the border, Rohingya people will be at critical risk of further victimisation by transnational criminal networks for the foreseeable future. Upon examination of the facts and circumstances pertaining to Rohingya movement as conveyed to this analytical unit in over 160 interviews in 2022, it appears that the experience of many — perhaps most — Rohingya individuals seeking to reach Malaysia and other countries fits one basic fact pattern. First, these individuals are coerced or otherwise deceived into making the journey; second, they are clandestinely harboured and transported along perilous routes over a period of several months; third, they are subjected to exploitation upon arrival to their destination, in line with the apparent intentions of those facilitating their movement.[3] These steps appear to fulfil each of the three elements of the crime of trafficking in persons as defined and proscribed under international law.[4] In instances where various actors facilitate Rohingya persons’ unlawful crossing of one or more international borders simply in exchange for financial or material benefit — in other words, where movement is facilitated for purposes other than exploitation — the fact pattern would fulfil the criteria of migrant smuggling, rather than trafficking.[5] In prosecuting any crime that is defined, in part, by a specific intent on the part of the perpetrator, that intent element is often the most difficult to establish. Trafficking is no different; as regards ongoing Rohingya movement, establishing the intent of the actors facilitating that movement — in order to determine whether it is facilitated for the purpose of exploitation — is a challenge.[6] A definitive account of the facts and circumstances surrounding each journey is unavailable; although this analytical unit has conducted over 160 interviews with Rohingya community members with varying degrees of knowledge and direct experience of exploitative migration schemes, this analytical unit has not undertaken a broader investigation to identify the specific intent of those facilitating Rohingya movement or to establish their potential criminal liability. Such an investigation lies beyond the scope of this research and beyond the expertise of this analytical unit. However, consistent statements shared with this analytical unit by Rohingya community members suggest intention to exploit travellers is, in many if not most cases, contributing to the trend in Rohingya outflows from Myanmar and Bangladesh. Based on these statements, it would seem the movement of Rohingya individuals from these countries to Malaysia and elsewhere is best generally categorised as ‘trafficking’ rather than ‘smuggling.’[7] Wherever trafficking is suspected to occur, identifying the criminal activity as ‘trafficking’ rather than ‘smuggling’ can help enable the recognition and protection of the rights of victims. In part, this is because the most widely ratified international protocol that defines and prohibits human trafficking outlines a broad range of support to be provided to victims,[8] while the protocol outlawing migrant smuggling merely affords victims protection from prosecution.[9] Regardless of which criminal definition is most pertinent in the case of those facilitating Rohingya people’s movement, interviews indicate that Rohingya individuals transferred to Malaysia and elsewhere experience a range of serious abuse over the course of their journeys. International human rights law stipulates that all victims of such abuse be provided with appropriate assistance, protection, and remedies.[10] Rohingya individuals who have been subjected to abusive migration schemes should thus be afforded a far higher level of support than they are now receiving. This paper aims to contribute to a clearer understanding of the experiences of Rohingya individuals who have attempted perilous international journeys, as well as the pressures facing Rohingya individuals remaining in Myanmar and Bangladesh, in order to help to inform a stronger, better coordinated, and more comprehensive response to the crisis of exploitative migration schemes targeting Rohingya people..."
Source/publisher: Center for Operational Analysis and Research, Danish Refugee Council, Durable Solutions Platform
2023-03-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "[Nandini Shinde is a Catalyst for Change Fellow at Migration and Asylum Project, an initiative of the Ara Trust, where she works as a legal representative for refugees in their refugee status determination. She has a background in international criminal and humanitarian law. Radhika Goyal is a Policy Associate with Accountability Counsel where she advocates for international financial institutions to be more accountable to the communities they impact. She has previously worked with forcibly displaced populations.] Six years into one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, where 700,000 Rohingya refugees fled Myanmar for safety, the Rohingya refugee crisis has become a ‘protracted situation’ according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ (UNHCR) given definition. Various efforts have been made by the international community in the past years to settle the issue, including recent efforts at repatriation despite the lack of safe conditions in Myanmar. But without a sustainable solution in sight, the Rohingya community continues to live in uncertainty as refugees in countries around the world, particularly in South and Southeast Asian States including Bangladesh, Malaysia, Pakistan, Indonesia, India and Thailand. A uniting factor in this region is the non-ratification of the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees, resulting in ad-hoc policies that govern refugee status and protection. Countries in the region have adopted different responses towards the Rohingya refugee crisis. The States’ varied response has also resulted in a lack of uniformity in the strategy adopted by country specific UN agencies working on this issue; while Bangladesh co-leads the Joint Response Plan, which coordinates aid by multiple agencies including UNHCR, IOM and UNFPA, Thailand does not allow UNHCR to even conduct the refugee status determination process. Depending on the country of asylum, Rohingyas face a variety of protection concerns related to livelihood, education, health, legal and other related challenges. This article sheds light on key challenges faced by Rohingyas in the region. It proposes a regional response mechanism to address protection concerns in individual host States and plan for realistic durable solutions. Further, host States are urged to call for the launch of a global Support Platform in the upcoming Global Refugee Forum in December 2023, to promote international responsibility sharing and boost regional coordination. Rohingya Experiences in the South and Southeast Asian Region Access to Asylum and Legal Status Despite the international recognition of the grave crimes committed against the Rohingya community in Myanmar, there is no surety of access to asylum upon entry in many of the States in the region. Moreover, States have established ad hoc and temporary mechanisms to regulate the legal status of refugees. Today, Bangladesh conducts a joint registration exercise with international organizations, yet fails to recognize Rohingyas as refugees and instead categorises them as Forcibly Displaced Myanmar Nationals (FDMNs). Rohingyas in Malaysia are considered to be “illegal immigrants” upon entry and live under the threat of detention, though UNHCR does provide them refugee cards on contact. Other States like Thailand have either summarily detained refugees or adopted a concerning pushback policy, redirecting refugees towards other host States. It is imperative that States in the region provide asylum to the Rohingyas, regularize their legal status as refugees and consequently extend protection to their rights. Though these States are not bound by the Refugee Conventions to protect refugee rights (as they are not parties to them), international human rights law and customary law oblige all States to uphold human rights that are essential to the survival, dignity and well-being of all people in their jurisdiction. Advocacy measures in these States by civil society or even UN agencies have so far been unable to create meaningful change in their refugee response. In this context, a regional response mechanism, with global support, can build international pressure and encourage State-to-State dialogues, that promote equitable responsibility sharing based on State capacity to host refugees. Global support can also alleviate the financial burden on the developing host States, while also equipping them with the necessary tools to safeguard the status of Rohingyas. Protection of Basic Human Rights in Host States States in the region have hesitated to officially recognize Rohingyas as refugees to avoid the consequent responsibilities of upholding their basic human rights and facilitate access to socio-economic services including livelihood, shelter, education and health care. This hesitation is justified in part, given the economic struggles of the States in this region, particularly their inability to meet basic needs of their own nationals. Rohingyas end up living in deplorable conditions, often in restrictive refugee camps or in urban settlements, without access to education and livelihood opportunities, and entirely dependent on aid. It would not be reasonable to demand that host States provide access to socio-economic rights without addressing their technical and financial limitations. The region urgently needs support from third party countries, international organizations, international NGOs and other relevant stakeholders. Currently, there exists country specific mechanisms such as the Joint Response Plan that coordinates efforts, including funding, of the relevant stakeholders to provide humanitarian aid in Bangladesh, which hosts a majority of Rohingya refugees. Similar support is required to assist other States also hosting a substantial Rohingya population. Regional Trafficking Routes Even as host States have eschewed a regional perspective of the Rohingya crisis, a growing network of human traffickers have built regional routes. Various reports highlight a large number of intersecting trafficking routes, not only from Myanmar to host States, but also among host States. Traffickers exploit the vulnerabilities as well as the dissimilar treatment of Rohingyas in host States by offering false hopes of positive treatment in another State, leading them to undertake treacherous onward journeys. As a result, the trafficking of Rohingyas, under false promises of marriage or employment opportunities or better standard of living, is rampant. Addressing cross-border trafficking necessitates regional coordination as it allows States to monitor trafficking channels and key operators. Moreover, uniformly upholding basic human rights standards will reduce the need for Rohingyas to take on onward movement. Durable Solutions There is a call for repatriation from both the Host States and the Rohingya community. Recent developments around repatriation include a pilot project between Bangladesh and Myanmar to repatriate around 1000 Rohingyas. But voluntary, sustainable, safe, and dignified repatriation remains a pipe dream. Repatriation as a legitimate durable solution requires accountability from Myanmar, meaningful participation of Rohingyas and, lastly, a guarantee of safety in Myanmar. An international and regional coordinated response will alleviate pressures on host States and have the highest chances of preventing a similar crisis in the future. Until then, Rohingyas are only presented with the option of integration in host States and resettlement in third countries. In reality though, integration or resettlement of almost one million Rohingyas suffers additional challenges presented by lack of resources or that of political will. Both require third party countries and other relevant stakeholders to share responsibility. Third party resettlement further should not be limited to Rohingyas from a specific State, and must include holistic and equitable considerations of the economic and demographic capacities of all host States. A Call for Cooperation A majority of Rohingyas are hosted by low and middle-income countries that have their own economic and development challenges. Given this reality, it is unfair to hold any developing nations in the South Asian and the Southeast Asian region entirely accountable for refugee protection. UNHCR’s Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) acknowledges this disparity and notes that countries hosting refugees make an “immense contribution from their own limited resources” [See Paragraph 14, Chapter III]. On this basis, the GCR advocates principles of equitable responsibility sharing among third party countries, international organizations, and other relevant stakeholders. It also prioritizes building the overall capacity of States and host communities to cope with large scale refugee situations. GCR provides a potential avenue to mobilize support and cooperation for Rohingya refugees in the South Asian and Southeast Asian region. Its core objectives of easing pressure on host States, enhancing refugee self-reliance, expanding access to third country solutions and supporting conditions for return with safety and dignity perfectly align with current and future needs of the Rohingya population. In particular, under the GCR, host countrie/s can request the activation of “Support Platforms” to address protracted refugee situations where host States require additional support from the international community. Support can be in the form of financial and material aid, or even technical expertise for strengthening humanitarian responses. These Platforms also allow for a high degree of ownership and flexibility for host States to identify specific needs and curate comprehensive action plans in response. Examples include Support Platforms created to address the forced displacement in Central America and Mexico, and to address the Afghan refugee crisis. Host States in the South Asian and the Southeast Asian region should request the creation of a similar Support Platform to coordinate a regional response for the Rohingya refugee crisis. The Support Platform will allow coordination among various stakeholders and serve as a focal point platform to advance partnerships among States, international organizations, financial institutions, civil societies, and academics. Concerns like trafficking and durable solutions, that necessitate a regional approach and the involvement of humanitarian agencies, will directly benefit from such a multi-stakeholder and partnership approach. It will allow the States in the region to streamline funding towards humanitarian aid, and to equitably distribute the funding according to national and local needs. Based on the current needs of both host States and the Rohingya refugees, funding is needed to address protection, education, livelihood, health, amongst many other concerns, to eventually promote self-reliance amongst Rohingya refugees. Simultaneously, host States will also get the opportunity to strengthen their capacity to mitigate the impact of the refugee crisis on the host community. Easing the burden on host States in the region could also halt the ongoing premature discussions on repatriation. The Global Refugee Forum (GRF), organised under the GCR framework, provides States, international and regional organisations, financial institutions, civil society and other stakeholders, an opportunity to enable responsibility sharing and contribute financial support, technical expertise and policy changes. In GRF 2019, for example, relevant States, including Iran and Pakistan, launched a Support Platform to mobilise aid for the Afghan refugee situation. The upcoming GRF in December 2023 similarly is an opportune moment to activate a Support Platform for the Rohingya refugee crisis. It could be crucial to garner the required global and regional coordination to ensure that Rohingyas refugees do not lose yet another half a decade to statelessness and uncertainty..."
Source/publisher: Opinio Juris
2023-04-27
Date of entry/update: 2023-04-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar: Military targets civilians in Sagaing region and southern Shan state Incidents of violence targeting civilians by state forces increased in March compared to the previous month. In Sagaing region, a column composed of Light Infantry Division 99 troops, which has come to be known as the ‘Ogre Column,’ carried out a number of civilian killings as it made its way across the region. Several civilians were reportedly killed following a raid on Tar Taing village in Sagaing township early in the month. A few weeks after the violence in Tar Taing, on 19 March, coup leader Min Aung Hlaing visited the Northwestern Regional Command base in Monywa.1 The military’s campaign of violence in the region falls under the Northwestern Regional Command.2 Meanwhile, as fighting between the military and resistance forces intensified in Kayah and southern Shan states, resistance groups reported that the military had killed dozens of people in Nan Neint village in southern Shan state.3 Afghanistan: Political violence involving the Islamic State increases The Islamic State (IS) in Afghanistan was reportedly involved in at least twelve political violence events in March, marking a fourfold increase compared to the previous month. Over the past months, IS has targeted Taliban officials amid ongoing Taliban operations against the group. On 27 March, a IS suicide bomber reportedly killed six employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This marked the second attack on the ministry in 2023. Earlier in the month, the Balkh governor was killed in an IS suicide bombing. In addition to IS targeting Taliban officials, on 11 March, IS also targeted journalists in a bomb attack on a ceremony honoring journalists in Mazar-e-Sharif city in Balkh province. IS claimed they carried out the attack against journalists for their involvement in the “war and instigation against IS.”4 Pakistan: PTI-led demonstrations spike as Imran Khan faces corruption case Supporters of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) chairman and former Prime Minister Imran Khan took to the streets across Pakistan in March against attempts to arrest Khan over non-compliance with a court summons in a corruption case. Outside Khan’s residence in Lahore, hundreds of his supporters threw stones and petrol bombs at police to thwart his arrest.5 On 18 March, Khan arrived in Islamabad for a court hearing amid clashes between PTI activists and police outside the judicial complex. In his absence, police entered and searched his residence in Lahore, clashing with PTI activists present at the site.6 Pakistan police have arrested hundreds of PTI activists for violence during the demonstrations.7 Khan has dismissed the corruption allegations as being politically motivated and has reiterated concerns about his personal safety following an assassination attempt last year. The latest developments come amid ongoing demonstrations by the PTI demanding early national elections, which are currently scheduled for later this year.8 Bangladesh: Rohingya refugees subject to increasing violence Rohingya refugees continue to be the target of increasing violence in Bangladesh. While this violence is underreported, several refugees were killed by unidentified assailants in at least eight distinct attacks in Cox’s Bazar in March. The attacks come amid ongoing tensions between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army and the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, rival armed Rohingya groups active in the camps. Earlier in the month, the two groups clashed. A subsequent fire in one of the refugee camps, which left thousands homeless, was thought to stem from this conflict.9 Philippines: Negros Oriental governor killed amid ongoing targeting of local administrators On 4 March, nine people were reportedly killed when unidentified assailants targeted Negros Oriental Governor Roel Degamo, killing him along with a barangay chairman, barangay councilor, and six other civilians. The attack took place at the governor’s home in Barangay San Isidro in Pamplona, Negros Oriental. The killing came a month after the Supreme Court declared Degamo the winner of the governorship over his rival, Pryde Henry Teves, who was initially declared the winner.10 The Department of Justice is investigating Teves’s brother, a congressman, for allegedly orchestrating the attack. Following the governor’s killing, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. called for a crackdown on illegal firearms and private armies. Since the beginning of the year, ACLED has recorded dozens of attacks on local administrators in the Philippines..."
Source/publisher: Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project
2023-04-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-04-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The International Criminal Court will always be seen as a selective tool unless states agree to decide cases on need.
Description: "The International Criminal Court has sent a strong message to Russia’s government and beyond that war crimes should – and sometimes can – be prosecuted by issuing two arrest warrants against Russian President Vladimir Putin and Commissioner for Children’s Rights Maria Alekseyevna Lvova-Belova. The warrants underscore the significant geopolitical support for Ukraine, backed up by international funding commitments towards both the conflict and accountability initiatives. Notably, however, this support is devastatingly lacking for the Rohingya people of Myanmar, almost six years after systematic “clearance operations” left scores dead and drove hundreds of thousands from the country into neighbouring Bangladesh. The warrants against Russia raise fresh questions about the selectivity of global justice processes, which ICC member states including Australia can respond to. The situation of the Rohingya has been under preliminary examination and investigation at the ICC since 2018 (alongside a separate case at the International Court of Justice concerning whether the military violence amounted to genocide). The ICC Prosecutor was quick to issue a clear warning against committing crimes in Ukraine. No similarly strong ICC public statements have been forthcoming concerning Myanmar. By contrast, after Russia’s expanded invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the ICC Prosecutor announced an ICC investigation into alleged crimes in Ukraine in March, a month after the attack. It may seem like a long time to have only now issued arrest warrants, but appears at least three years faster than the ICC proceedings about Bangladesh and Myanmar, for which none has been announced. (What remains unknown is whether “secret” sealed warrants are outstanding concerning Myanmar.) The ICC Prosecutor was also quick to issue a clear warning against committing crimes in Ukraine. No similarly strong ICC public statements have been forthcoming concerning Myanmar. Nor has there been the same level of public support for prosecutions from other states. This is a concern, particularly since there is a view that prosecutions, arrest warrants, and statements from the ICC Prosecutor could have a deterring and preventive impact, especially during an active conflict. Warrants are only granted where the Prosecutor can show that there are “reasonable grounds” (i.e., sufficient evidence) to believe the person has committed the alleged crime, and that arrest is “necessary” to, among other things, prevent obstruction of proceedings, including investigation, or prevent continuation of a particular crime. At least from the outside, this should be the case for Myanmar. There is substantial information on the crimes alleged; the dedicated UN Fact-Finding Mission concluded in an August 2018 report that the Myanmar military “committed what amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity” and an Independent Investigative Mechanism continues to capture and collect potential evidence on international crimes. Some of the same Myanmar military leadership likely under investigation at the ICC have been linked to further allegations of ongoing international crimes across the country since the 2021 coup. The ICC does not have its own police force, but state parties to the court are legally obligated to cooperate if a suspect enters their jurisdiction. The ICC also relies on states to fund its operations. Limited funding means that difficult decisions regarding prioritisation must be made – for example, for crimes allegedly committed by US forces in Afghanistan – partly “in light of the resources available”. At the time of writing, 43 state parties (nearly one-third of all signatories to the Rome Statute, the treaty basis for the court), and mostly albeit not exclusively from the “Global North”, had referred the Ukraine situation to the court. On the day the arrest warrants were issued, the ICC announced an agreement to establish an office in Ukraine. Much-needed funding contributions to the court increased dramatically following the opening of investigations and now again in the wake of the arrest warrants. There has been no such coordinated push on Myanmar, despite the gravity of the crimes alleged and the ongoing allegations of atrocities following the 2021 coup. An ICC office has not opened in Bangladesh, leaving Rohingya communities even further removed from the distant Europe-based ICC. It is true that funds are not formally “earmarked” for Ukraine, however it would be reasonable if state support played a role in the court’s speed. This is because – although not explicitly listed in the office of the prosecutor’s policy paper on the “interests of justice” and referenced only briefly in its paper on case selection – the likelihood of “success” and use of available resources are relevant to any case prioritisation. Supportive states increase both the likelihood of an arrest warrant being “actioned” and the resources available to the court. It is understandable that ICC personnel may consider it challenging to arrest alleged perpetrators in Myanmar, who are subject to significant travel and financial sanctions and appear unlikely to travel to ICC member states soon. That said, neither are Putin and Lvova-Belova. Clearly, the geopolitical situation is different for Ukraine. Ukraine also appears to be strongly cooperating with the ICC. The ICC has faced barriers, including with resourcing and Covid-19 when it comes to visiting Bangladesh. Still, without greater state support for accountability in situations such as Myanmar and elsewhere, questions of the court’s potential selectivity will persist. The cooperation much of the world is demonstrating on Ukraine is what it takes to pursue international justice. Victims everywhere – the Rohingya and others – deserve the same. The views expressed represent the opinions of the authors and not those of any institutions or organisations with which they may be affiliated..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: The Interpreter
2023-04-05
Date of entry/update: 2023-04-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Repatriation to Myanmar Under Military Junta Threatens Lives, Freedoms
Description: "(Bangkok) – Bangladesh authorities should suspend plans to send Rohingya refugees back to Myanmar, where their lives and liberty would be at grave risk, Human Rights Watch said today. Rohingya told Human Rights Watch that they were lied to, deceived, or otherwise coerced by Bangladesh administrators into meeting with a recent delegation of Myanmar junta officials as part of a “pilot repatriation” effort to return about 1,000 refugees. Some were told the meetings concerned possible resettlement to a third country. “Voluntary, safe, and dignified returns of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar are not possible while the military junta is carrying out massacres around the country and apartheid in Rakhine State,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Bangladesh authorities should stop deceiving these refugees to get them to engage with junta officials when it’s clear that Rohingya will only be able to return safely when rights-respecting rule is established.” Conditions in Myanmar’s Rakhine State have not been conducive to voluntary, safe, or dignified returns of Rohingya refugees since 2017, when more than 730,000 Rohingya fled the Myanmar military’s crimes against humanity and acts of genocide. The prospect of durable returns has grown ever more distant since the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, carried out by the same generals who orchestrated the 2017 mass atrocities. Bangladesh has appropriately not compelled these refugees to return and should continue that policy with the support of international donors, Human Rights Watch said. A delegation of 17 Myanmar junta officials visited the Cox’s Bazar camps in Bangladesh, which house about one million Rohingya refugees, from March 15-22, 2023. The officials interviewed 449 Rohingya from 149 families in the Teknaf camps for “verification” for the pilot repatriation process, media reported. A junta official told Agence France-Presse that the pilot program could start as early as mid-April. Human Rights Watch spoke with 15 Rohingya about their verification interviews. Not one said that they had been informed in advance that they would be meeting with junta officials about being returned to Myanmar. All 15 said they had been interviewed several times by Bangladesh authorities over the past two years, but had never been told that their names were listed for possible return. “I wasn’t informed that I would be interviewed by the Myanmar delegation,” said a Rohingya man interviewed by junta officials on March 15 along with 10 family members. “I was called beforehand by the camp-in-charge [CiC, a Bangladesh official], who told me to be present on the interview date at my shelter. When I asked why, he said I would be interviewed for the opportunity to go abroad for resettlement. I never realized it was a Myanmar delegation I was going to meet, or that it was about repatriation.” He said that the CiC had threatened him: “He said that if we weren’t present for the interview, we’d be forced by the police to appear. So, I doubted that it was about resettlement options, and worried it was about repatriation instead.” A majhi (Rohingya community leader) who was interviewed by the delegation on March 21 said that he was also not informed about the reason for the interview or those that preceded it, and was similarly threatened by Bangladeshi officials with police intervention when he resisted. “Even as majhis, we were not told why we were being called several times by the CiC office to give family information,” he said. “They gave us false hope that a group was coming to meet us for an opportunity to resettle. From my block, my family and another family’s names appeared on the list. When we found out that it was the Myanmar delegation we had to meet, we tried to oppose it, but the authorities here threatened us. Some families from other camps fled their shelters fearing they’d be forced to return.” Two prior repatriation attempts undertaken in November 2018 and August 2019 failed, with Rohingya refugees unwilling to return due to the ongoing persecution and abuse in Myanmar. In January 2022, the Bangladesh government and Myanmar junta renewed discussions around repatriation, announcing joint plans to “expeditiously complete the verification process.” While Bangladesh’s Foreign Minister A.K. Abdul has declared that “early repatriation” is a top priority, he told BenarNews in March 2023 that Bangladesh would not force refugees to return to Myanmar. Bangladesh officials reported that the 449 Rohingya were interviewed to verify their identities and places of origin, joining a list of over 700 refugees already confirmed for the pilot repatriation. A Rohingya woman interviewed on March 15 with her newborn baby and six other family members said, “They were asking for family information and where we lived when we were in Rakhine. They filled up about four to five pages of documents. We weren’t shown what was written on them. Then they took our thumbprints.” Rohingya interviewed on the first day were required to provide thumbprints, which was reportedly stopped after community leaders raised concerns with the Bangladesh authorities. About 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State under the junta’s oppressive rule, facing systematic abuses that amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and deprivation of liberty. The junta has imposed new movement restrictions and aid blockages on Rohingya camps and villages, increasing water scarcity and food shortages, along with disease and malnutrition. Since the 2021 coup, security forces have arrested thousands of Rohingya men, women, and children for “unauthorized travel.” The refugees said that the junta officials asked them about their relatives in Rakhine State. “My family members who are still in Rakhine live in fear of persecution by the military or insurgent groups,” a Rohingya man interviewed by the delegation on March 16 said. “Now, if they end up in trouble because of me, who will protect them?” Rohingya refugees have consistently said that they want to go home, but only when their security, access to land and livelihoods, freedom of movement, and citizenship rights can be ensured. The refugees said the delegation refused to answer any questions about whether their land would be returned or if they would be granted citizenship and other rights and freedoms. “If they really wanted to take us back, they wouldn’t hesitate to answer any of our questions and ensure our rights,” said another camp majhi interviewed by the delegation. “They only want to take us back to Rakhine because they’re under pressure. We know they won’t let us go back to our land, they’ll put us in that camp settlement forever. We’ll only go back when they publicly commit to giving us the same rights as citizens in Myanmar and getting our land and properties back.” In early March, junta officials took several diplomats to Rakhine State’s Maungdaw township to visit the Nga Khu Ya reception center and Hla Poe Kaung transit camp. The camps, built on Rohingya land in 2018 to process and house returnees, are surrounded by barbed-wire perimeter fences and security outposts. Junta officials have also been visiting Rakhine in preparation for their submission to the International Court of Justice, due by April 24, in the Genocide Convention case brought by Gambia. Activists and refugees allege that the pilot repatriation project is part of broader junta efforts to feign progress in its treatment of the Rohingya to the court. The United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR, provided unmarked UN boats to transport the junta delegation to Cox’s Bazar. In response to criticism, UNHCR said that while it is not involved in the pilot repatriation discussions, it “supports efforts that could lead to the verification of all refugees and pave the way for eventual return,” which in this case included “providing logistical support to members of the Myanmar delegation to cross into Bangladesh for the technical verification process.” UNHCR did assert that “conditions in Myanmar’s Rakhine State are currently not conducive to the sustainable return of Rohingya refugees.” Fully informed and voluntary returns depend, among other key factors, on providing refugees with objective and accurate information about conditions in areas of origin. UNHCR should not be providing logistical support to officials operating under the same military leaders who oversaw the grave crimes the Rohingya fled, in service of a repatriation plan that contravenes international standards, Human Rights Watch said. Since 2017, the Bangladesh government has respected the international principle of nonrefoulement, the right of refugees not to be returned to a country where their lives or freedom would be threatened. But Bangladesh authorities have also been intensifying restrictions on livelihoods, movement, and education that compound refugees’ vulnerability and dependence on aid and appear designed to coerce refugees into considering returning to Myanmar. Bangladesh should formalize and expand education and employment opportunities to bolster Rohingya’s self-reliance for their eventual return or resettlement. “For future returns to be truly voluntary, the Bangladesh authorities need to allow Rohingya to live freely, without enforcing pressures pushing them to go back,” Ganguly said. “Donors should increase support for a more sustainable life for Rohingya today, which will help them develop the skills and independence needed for the day when safe returns are possible.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-03-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: In 2018, Bob Rae, special envoy to Myanmar, recommended Canada welcome Rohingya refugees. Yet, Ukraine has become more of a priority.
Description: "In 2017, an estimated 770,000 Rohingya were driven from their homeland, escaping from the Myanmar military campaign of mass killing, rape and systematic arson. People fled across the border to Bangladesh and now inhabit the world’s largest refugee camp, enduring militancy, poverty, and intolerable and dangerous conditions. While these refugees have been allowed to remain, their Bangladeshi hosts increasingly view them as “a big burden.” Yet Rohingya genocide survivors have little chance of returning to Myanmar, where the military that slaughtered their people consolidated its power with a coup in February 2021. Almost six years after their exodus from their homeland, Rohingya refugees exist in a “suspended state” between global indifference and local hostility. In such dire circumstances, Canada should do more to assist one million Rohingya genocide survivors trapped in a cruel limbo. This is not just geopolitics; this is my life. I remember vividly the day I was resettled from a camp in Bangladesh to Canada in August 2021. Landing at Toronto Pearson International Airport, I felt welcomed in a country for the first time. A woman at the immigration desk greeted me with a soothing smile and a genuine “Welcome to Canada.” In my country of birth, there were no such pleasantries. As a Rohingya, officials deemed me an “illegal immigrant” from the outset, despite the centuries of Rohingya existence in Myanmar. Rohingya refugees are an untapped source for Canada’s workforce A key moment to help the Rohingya for the long term In Canada, I quickly connected with a community of around 1,000 Rohingya who have made this country their new home since 2016. I met men and women who are making valuable contributions to Canada by working in factories and volunteering for civic organizations. Their children are attending local schools and universities. These people, and now my family and I, are living the dream of one million Rohingya still confined against their will either in the ongoing genocide in Myanmar or who have escaped to the harsh life in Bangladesh’s refugee camps. Perhaps the phrase “breathing the air of freedom” may sound like a cliché, but it rings true for a genocide survivor like me. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Canada opened the door for more than 132,000 Ukrainian nationals without hesitation, creating new pathways for those fleeing an uncertain future. While this humanitarian act is laudable, it’s difficult to not worry about those genocide survivors in Bangladesh who are still suffering. Canada needs to embrace a similar open-door policy for them. I cannot shake what I endured and witnessed during the four years I was a refugee in Bangladesh. There are Rohingya families living in cramped tarpaulin shelters trying to survive on World Food Program rations, which a funding shortfall has recently reduced further. Human Rights Watch has documented extortion, detention and other human rights violations against Rohingya refugees by Bangladeshi police in those camps, and the Bangladeshi government coercively relocated tens of thousands of them to a flood-prone island in the Bay of Bengal. A massive fire on March 5, 2023, burnt thousands of Rohingya shelters, making thousands of them homeless within a refugee camp in Bangladesh. The camps are simply not safe, leading thousands to escape Bangladesh by boat. Hundreds have now died or are missing at the Andaman Sea. Given such a situation, the refugees’ best hope lies in resettlement in countries where brute force, exploitation and hopelessness are not the norm. Canada has acknowledged Myanmar’s genocide of Rohingya people. In April 2018, Bob Rae, who served as special envoy to Myanmar, recommended in his final report that “a fundamental principle of Canada’s approach to the Rohingya crisis should be that we listen to the voice of the Rohingya themselves. This principle should guide our actions and inform our advocacy.” The Rohingya community in Canada is hoping that the federal government will open the country’s arms and doors to the survivors of genocide, both those living in Myanmar and those currently enduring deplorable conditions in refugee camps elsewhere. Canada’s response to Rohingya crisis falls short Canada can help with the Rohingyas’ legal needs The incredible response to the war in Ukraine shows how wide Canada can open its doors to refugees. But it is hard not to think of the Rohingya genocide survivors who have not received the same human rights protections. This is not to take away from the generosity shown to Ukrainians, but rather to assert the importance of those who continue to face harrowing conditions elsewhere. There are concrete steps that Canada can take for those one million Rohingya genocide survivors including establishing a Rohingya Working Group within the Government of Canada as recommended in Rae’s final report and immediately extending a commitment to resettle up to 10,000 of them from Bangladesh. Adversity is indiscriminate; it does not distinguish between Ukrainians or Rohingya. Neither should Canada..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Policy Options
2023-03-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Newly released figures have revealed that the British government has cut aid to around one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh by a staggering 82%. The majority of these refugees are children. Burma Campaign UK is calling on Foreign Secretary James Cleverly to urgently reverse the cuts and provide life-saving aid to Rohingya children. British aid to Rohingya refugees has been reduced from £112.36 million in 2019-2020 to just £20.26 million in 2022-2023. The UK government has not pledged any funding for the 2023 Rohingya Joint Response Plan. The US, Japan, Germany, the EU and Luxembourg has. The World Food Program announced in February that they were cutting the food provisions to all refugees in the camps by 17%. More cuts are expected to follow if cuts in aid are not reversed. According to the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma, Tom Andrews, 45% of all Rohingya families in the camps are living with insufficient diets, 51% of Rohingya children and 41% of pregnant and breastfeeding women are anemic, and 40% of children are suffering from stunted growth because of lack of nutrition. “To make such deep cuts in support to hundreds of thousands of children who are completely dependent on aid is indefensible”, said Karin Valtersson, Campaigns Officer at Burma Campaign UK. “Once children are stunted from malnutrition it is irreversible, they will suffer from health problems the rest of their lives. James Cleverly has done the right thing in imposing sanctions to cut off revenue to the military but now he is cutting off life-saving aid to the victims of the Burmese military as well.” The decreased funding for Rohingya refugees was set out in an answer to a written Parliamentary Question by Preet Kaur Gill MP. The government also announced £5.26 million in additional funding during Foreign Minister Anne-Marie Trevelyan’s visit to Cox’s Bazar in March 2023. In another answer to a Written Parliamentary Question, asked by the Bishop of Southwark, Lord Ahmad, Foreign Office Minister, confirmed that only £8,8 million had been spent on food aid during 2022. Around one million people live in the refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, the vast majority of whom arrived during the genocidal military offensives by the Burmese military in 2016 and 2017. The attempted military coup in Burma on 1 February 2021 has made the return of Rohingya refugees to Burma an even more distant prospect. Because of the increasingly desperate situation for Rohingya, both in Bangladesh and Burma, thousands tried to flee by boat last year. At least 348 died or went missing at sea. Further aid cuts will push more Rohingya to risk these dangerous journeys. The new UN appeal for funding for the coming year, known as the 2023 Rohingya Joint Response Plan, requires $876 million. In previous years, the British government has announced levels of funding during their statement to the Joint Response Plan, but this year’s statement, on 7 March, included no financial pledges. “The British government ignored warnings about the impending genocide of the Rohingya and took no action to try to prevent it. Now they are failing the Rohingya again by making savages cuts in the aid they receive,” said Karin Valtersson. Burma Campaign UK is asking supporters to write to the Foreign Secretary, calling on him to reverse cuts to aid and not to abandon Rohingya refugees..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-03-16
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The National Unity Government (NUG) extends its deepest sympathy and solidarity to the Rohingya families affected by the massive fire on Sunday, March 6, 2023, at Camp 11 in Cox's Bazar. We will be coordinating with UNHCR, international partners, and local Rohingya organizations to extend assistance to the affected families. While we respond to short-term needs in times of the Rohingya refugees, the NUG recognized the need for a long-term solution to end their suffering and facilitate their safe and sustainable return to their homeland in Myanmar. However, the only way to realize a long-term political solution is to eliminate military dictatorship, restore stability and democratic civilian rule in Myanmar. The NUG reiterates its commitment to implementing its Policy Position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State, published on June 3, 2021, as an integral part of our roadmap to building an inclusive and people-centered federal democratic union..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
2023-03-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၆ ရက်၊ တနင်္ဂနွေနေ့က Cox’s Bazar တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော မီးလောင်ကျွမ်းမှုကြောင့် ထိခိုက်ခံစားခဲ့ကြရသည့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာအိမ်ထောင်စုများအတွက် အနက်ရှိုင်းဆုံးစာနာမှုနှင့် စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှုတို့ကို ဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အနေဖြင့် UNHCR၊ နိုင်ငံတကာမိတ်ဖက်များ၊ ဒေသခံရိုဟင်ဂျာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့်အတူ ထိခိုက်ခံစားခဲ့ရသော အိမ်ထောင်စုများအတွက် အကူအညီများပေးနိုင်ရေး ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာဒုက္ခသည်များအတွက် ရေတိုလိုအပ်ချက်များကို ဖြည့်ဆည်းနိုင်ရေးကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေစဉ်တွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခများကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရန်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ၎င်းတို့၏ နေရပ်များသို့ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံ၍ ရေရှည်တည်တံ့သောနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ပြန်လည်နေထိုင်နိုင်ရေးအား ကူညီဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်ရန်တို့အတွက် ရေရှည်ဖြေရှင်းနည်းတစ်ခုကို လိုအပ်ကြောင်း အသိအမှတ်ပြု လက်ခံပါသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း ရေရှည်နိုင်ငံရေးအဖြေရရှိနိုင်မည့် တစ်ခုတည်းသောနည်းလမ်းမှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းပပျောက်ရေး၊ တည်ငြိမ် အေးချမ်းမှုနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရပ်ဘက်အုပ်ချုပ်မှု ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အားလုံးပါဝင်သည့် ပြည်သူကိုဗဟိုပြုသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးလမ်းပြမြေပုံ၏ အဓိကအစိတ်အပိုင်းတစ်ရပ်အဖြစ် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်ရှိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာများနှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့် မူဝါဒ ရပ်တည်ချက်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်း၍ ကတိပြုအပ် ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
2023-03-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "COX'S BAZAR, 5 March – Responding to the news that a massive fire swept across three Rohingya refugee camps Sunday afternoon in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, destroying several Save the Children facilities, Onno van Manen, Save the Children's Country Director in Bangladesh, said: "Just days after the World Food Programme announced it has been forced to cut food aid due to funding shortages, this devastating blaze is another tragedy to hit the Rohingya people who have endured unspeakable hardship for years. "Today's massive fire will have robbed many families of their safety and what little belongings they have left. This tragedy stands as another ghastly reminder that children stuck in the camps in Cox's Bazar face a bleak future. After nearly six years, they continue to grapple with inadequate education, concerning levels of malnutrition, stunting, child marriage and child labour. Despite relentless efforts of the humanitarian community, a refugee camp is no place for a child to grow up. "As the international community gathers in Geneva this week, they must not shirk their responsibility to do more to protect Rohingya refugees. They must fully fund the humanitarian response to the Rohingya crisis, which is woefully underfunded. Food has already been reduced, maintenance and repairs have been neglected and without adequate funding, it is likely a catastrophe will unfold impacting refugees, the host community, Bangladesh and the region." Note to editors: Save the Children's teams are currently assessing the situation and ready to respond with emergency shelter, education, health and other essential services in coordination with other humanitarian organisations..."
Source/publisher: Save the Children (London)
2023-03-05
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On February 1st marked two years since the Military Junta known as Tatmadaw took over the power in Myanmar orchestrating a coup which removed the incumbent National League for Democracy ( NLD) government. Ever since the coup, massive protest erupted in parts of the country. The economy shrank by nearly 20 percent wiping out modest poverty reduction made over the past decade. In addition, millions of people are facing hunger and thousands of people feeling the nation to bordering countries, rendering the country on the verge of becoming a failed state. Amidst the chaos, the chances of finding a peaceful resolution to Rohingya Crisis is alarmingly getting slimmer. The exiled lawmakers and activists of NLD government toppled by the State Administration Council- the Junta officially called as, established a parallel government known as the National Unity Government (NUG). In September of that year, the NUG declared war on the junta and formed an armed division known as the People’s Defence Force. This ushered a brutal struggle between the army and civilian sect. The Junta has put up resistance at multiple fronts rendering it anguished to uphold its power. Military Regime and streams of hostilities If we examine the trail of Myanmar’s political history, it has always been ruled by a military junta ever since its independence from the British colonial rule in 1948. Asia analyst Ayesha Siddiqa, a senior fellow in the Department of Military Studies at King’s College London, says that shortly after independence, the country began a civil war between ethnic groups with a Burmese majority. At that time, the military entered politics in the name of security and in the absence of strong political institutions. “From the beginning, the Burmese army got involved in politics because there were divisions in the society. Disputes over the distribution of resources and the lack of strong political institutions. That’s how they became increasingly powerful in politics, and began to control it,” she said. General Ne Win led a military coup in 1962 and in 1974 instituted a new constitution based on an isolationist foreign policy and a socialist economic program that nationalized Burma’s major enterprises. This led to a deteriorating economic situation, black-market economy and wide spread corruption. This led to a massive protest in 1988 which ended in brutal military crackdown. In addition to economic turmoil, Myanmar’s government faced admonishments for lack of inclusion and representation of ethnic minorities. Namely the confrontation between the majority Bamar and non-Bamar population is behind the root of Rohingya Crisis. Stripping the Rohingya’s of their rights The formulation of the 1974 constitution stripped the rights of minorities and favoured the majority Bamar population. The first large scale Rohingya displacement began in 1978 when 200,000 people fled to Bangladesh, however, Myanmar later took them back in the face of western pressure. Finally, the 1982 citizenship law put the last nail in the coffin of Rohingya community’s any hope of gaining rights. The citizenship law proclaimed that people who were settled before the Anglo-Burmese War of 1824 were legally Burmese citizens. Although, there is strong evidence which supports that Rohingyas have been living in Mynmar prior to the war. The significant point about the present-day Rakhine is that Arakan had once been an independent state that had been taken over by the Konbaung rulers in 1785. Attempts have been taken to change the demographic of the Arakan population with that of the Bamar populace, and subsequent settlement have been successful. Presently, the Arakan Army consisting of Bamar and local ethnic groups are embroiled in an armed conflict with the Junta demanding autonomy. The politics of Arakan Since the advent of the coup, the Junta had shot live ammunition and massacred villages believed to be supporters of the opposition. At least 1,500 people have been killed by the military, estimated by the Thailand-based nonprofit Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). By late 2021, the junta has arrested more than eight thousand people, including journalists, medical workers, and NLD politicians. By January 2022, clashes between the People’s Defence Force and the military spread across the country, reported by analysts. The Junta is increasingly getting wedged from having to put up with multiple fronts of resistance. This has been evident as the Junta agreed on a ceasefire with the Arakan Army. Founded in Kachin State in 2009, Arakan Army has witnessed a rapid rise. It has currently 30,000 active fighters, the largest among other militia groups. Previously, AA was against the rights of the Rohingya’s, in recent times its mother organization United League for Arakan (ULA) and its spokespeople have called for a peaceful repatriation of Rohingya Crisis. AA can benefit from incorporating the armed militia sect of Rohingya and increase its members. Future of Rohingya repatriation Bangladesh government has had to face tough times diplomatically in the face of Junta’s unhinged tactics to preserving its power. However, close association with the rebel groups can also backfire as it is still the Tatmadaw which holds the last say in foreign policy. Between the politics of Arakan and non-cooperation from the military regime, major international players must intervene to ensure a conducive environment for Rohingya repatriation. The presence of major geopolitical actors in the region play a significant role in peaceful solution of Rohingya Crisis. From a realist perspective, China and India have their own self-interest in relation with Mynmar, hence, Bangladesh must carefully juggle with the major powers’ interest as well as maintain cooperative relations with Mynmar in order to assure conducive environment for Rohingya repatriation. Recently the BURMA Act adopted by the United States has put sanctions and restrictions to the Junta regime. If Rohingya repatriation is to be realized, Bangladesh must work in multiple fronts with the regime and shadow government as well as the great powers to ensure it ensures a smooth sailing to the burning crisis..."
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Source/publisher: Modern Diplomacy
2023-02-27
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-27
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Description: "A settlement of around 3,000 Rohingya refugees on the zero-line of the Myanmar-Bangladesh border was burnt last month amid the firing between the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). Members of about 558 families lost their temporary shelters and fled inside Bangladesh. Bangladesh government has taken initiative to relocate these stranded people, of whom two-thirds are already registered under different camps in Ukhiya and Teknaf, while the rest are unregistered. As a part of the relocation process, at least 180 Rohingyas from 35 families were taken to a transit camp in Ukhiya’s Kutupalong. Tension continued to escalate in the Rohingya camps. Various armed organizations are involved in building reigns of terror around the Rohingya camps. Clashes between different groups, killings, rapes and abductions are regular incidents, which have created fear among the people throughout the camp. Amid rising tensions across the border, Myanmar has stepped up the repatriation of their nationals to their homeland in Arakan. In the meantime, local media reported that on February 5, Junta leaders, including International Cooperation Minister U Ko Ko Hlaing, Border Affairs Minister Lieutenant General Tun Tun Naung, Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Minister Dr Thet Thet Khaing and Immigration and Population Minister U Myint Kyaing, visited Maungdaw on the Bangladesh border and instructed the authorities to prepare transit camps for repatriation. Since the military’s taking over power in 2020, this is the biggest step forward for Rohingya repatriation..."
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Source/publisher: "Daily Times"
2023-02-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-21
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Description: "The largest refugee exodus from Rakhine occurred over five years ago, in August 2017. Ever since, international policies for the Rohingya have insisted on voluntary repatriation to Myanmar as the solution for what was then one million and is now 1.1 million refugees living in and around Cox’s Bazaar. In 2017-2018, Cox’s Bazaar in Bangladesh became home to the biggest refugee camps in the world. Much ink was then spilled over how much blame should be apportioned to the Tatmadaw and how much to Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD government. Since then, there has been the COVID epidemic and the February 1, 2021 coup in Myanmar, and the issue has faded from the international press. And very quietly, at least 100,000 new refugees were added to the camp population due to a surging birth rate. But in global terms, what was once the most important refugee crisis in the world was exceeded by the millions leaving Syria, Venezuela, and Ukraine, and who have been accepted albeit begrudgingly into societies of the Middle East, Europe, and Latin America. And still, the policy of the international community for the Rohingya is that all must repatriate to Myanmar as soon as possible. A repatriation policy, even before the 2021 coup, was foolish. Mass repatriation would have further victimized the Rohingya and destabilized Rakhine, even before the Tatmadaw sent the NLD government into prison, exile, and revolt after February 1, 2021. The reaction to a mass repatriation would destabilize the border region in a way that risks direct confrontation between the Burmese and Bangladesh militaries. So it is a good thing that the refugees have not yet returned. Nevertheless, the international community continues with its argument for mass voluntary repatriation to Myanmar, pointing out, accurately, that Myanmar’s military governments perpetrated the expulsions in the first place, so justice demands that they restore Rohingya rights. This is true in a legalistic sense, but given the political situation in Rakhine in particular, it is foolish. The Rohingya situation still contains the seeds for further humanitarian catastrophe.....Dangers in Cox’s Bazaar....To continue claiming that the Cox’s Bazaar refugee camps are the biggest in the world seems quaint in the context of refugee exoduses from Ukraine, Venezuela, and Syria. Oddly enough, these three crises, which involve vastly more refugees than the Rohingya situation, are dealt with better by the international community. In large part this is because Europe accepts the Ukrainian refugees as a regional problem; Latin America accepts the Venezuelans as a regional problem; and the Middle East and Europe (especially Turkey) accept the Syrian exodus as a regional problem. This means that many refugees get relief supplies from the international community, labor markets support others, and integration programs where refugees seek work until they can return voluntarily to their home country are common. This strains the capacity of countries like Turkey, Germany, and Colombia to protect refugees. In contrast, the Rohingya crisis is seen as a Bangladeshi and Myanmar problem, which permits other South Asian and ASEAN countries to look away and the UNHCR to maintain it is still “Working towards and preparing for the sustainable return of the Rohingya refugees… to Myanmar.” But working toward such a goal is dangerous and ill-advised. Cox’s Bazaar remains vulnerable to typhoons, as well as the predictable dangers found in refugee camps everywhere. In Cox’s Bazaar, the dangers are of young men becoming radicalized in the isolated refugee camp environment by Islamicists who appeal to legitimate grievances. For young women, there are babies, lots of them! As in most crises where refugees are from rural areas, babies are being born at a rate that means the 1 million camp population will become 2 million in about 2040, just 17 years from now. And finally is the fact that Cox’s Bazaar lies in the Bay of Bengal, where the world’s most destructive typhoons strike, as Bangladesh and Myanmar are well aware; massively destructive typhoons are central to the histories of both countries.....Refugee radicalization....Radicalization in refugee camp situations is common and predictable. The massive refugee camp that is the Gaza Strip of Palestine is an excellent example. This camp has been a source of political instability since it was established in 1948. Radicalized Rwandan refugee camps in central Africa triggered attacks on Congo by the Rwandan government in the 1990s, starting a regional war that has killed millions. In Thailand, refugee camps along the Cambodian border were used as bases by Cambodian factions from 1978 to the 1990s. The point is that young men coming of age in abject isolated refugee camps are vulnerable to militia recruiters feeding on injustices embedded in any refugee situation. That this is already happening in the Cox’s Bazaar camps should be of little surprise to the international community, Bangladesh, or Myanmar. The reality is that the longer a refugee camp lasts, the more likely that groups of its aimless young boys will join militia movements and criminal gangs. This typically begins a year or two after arrival, as it has with the Rohingya. The process will accelerate when, 15-20 years after the camps are established, the many boys born during the period after resettlement come of age to carry guns. The militaries of both Bangladesh and Myanmar are well aware of the security threat presented by the massive refugee camps near a sensitive border. The international community should be aware of the potential for escalation and conflict, including between the two nations, although the international community seems oblivious. Militia recruitment is less likely when refugee populations are away from borders, dispersed, and young men are offered the chances of schooling and jobs in a manufacturing or service economy.....Refugee baby booms and busts.....The reason the Rohingya will have a lot of soldiers in 15-20 years is that they are a rural farming population locked up in refugee camps, who still have high birth rates. What is more, the flight in 2017-2018 likely meant that the most vulnerable, including the elderly and the very young, died enroute or remained behind, and never arrived in Cox’s Bazaar. But the refugee mothers did arrive, and like most refugee populations, immediately began having more children. Bangladesh’s Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal reported there are now about 35,000 births in the camps per year. This rate is expected to accelerate, no matter how aggressive the birth control programs are. This was the experience with Rwandan refugees who were provided with aggressive birth control programs in 1994-1996 that did not work. It was also the case with refugees from Laos and Cambodia who left for Thailand and the United States in the 1980s and 1990s. Refugee women who lose babies and pregnancies through the stresses of flight and resettlement deeply desire children. That situation, plus the fact that the weak, sick, and elderly died and remained behind, means that if nothing is done in Cox’s Bazaar, the population growth rate will likely reach 3% per year, as it has in other refugee populations. In the case of the Rohingya, this means births will exceed deaths by about 30,000 per year, and the population will double in size every 23 years or so. Demography for a refugee population like the Rohingya can indeed be destiny. It is easy to project how many school places, how many factory laborers, and how many soldiers will be available for militia recruitment in the next 10, 20, or 30 years. Basic math also tells us that when the population growth rate reaches 3% per year, there will be another million refugees in Cox’s Bazaar in just 23 years, even if there is no further catastrophe.....The obvious solution.....There is an obvious short-term solution to the Rohingya situation and the threat from typhoons, military confrontation, baby booms, and dependency in the Cox’s Bazaar camps. That solution is for the global community, and particularly countries in Asia, to resettle the Rohingya from Cox’s Bazaar into the cities of the broader region. Since the Rohingya exodus in 2017, two far larger refugee crises have been dealt with in this fashion. The 7 million “refugees and migrants” who left Venezuela are now in Colombia, and other Latin American countries. Eight million or more have fled mostly Ukraine to countries in Europe and Central Asia since 2021. And 6-7 million Syrian refugees have been absorbed by countries like Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, and Germany. Turkey is now unusually vulnerable since it has taken the greatest number; tragically, 1.7 million of them are in the 10 provinces affected by the massive earthquake that struck earlier this month. The irony for Asia today is that baby booms like the Rohingya population explosion are becoming a phenomenon of the past. The Rohingya’s rural Asian counterparts are shrinking rapidly with mass urbanization. In Asia’s cities, birth rates are exceedingly low, and countries like Thailand, Singapore, United Arab Emirates, Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea have high demand for unskilled labor. To compensate, they find ways for rural peoples from places like Myanmar to enter their country (legally and illegally), to fill labor shortages in the factory and service sectors. Somehow, though, the Rohingya refugee camps still exist, keeping a potential source of much-needed service and factory workers away from the workplace.....The problem of Myanmar politics.....Myanmar politics are of course what caused the Rohingya exodus, not Bangladesh politics, or the Rohingya themselves. Obviously, fairness dictates that the Rohingya have a right to return to Myanmar, and their land restored. This is true in a moral sense. But what is morally perfect does not always equate to responsible politics. Insisting on a perfect moral solution can lead to foreseeable problems, such as militia threatening regional peace, soaring birth rates, and annual risk from the Bay of Bengal’s typhoons. The right of return is still there for people who wait out the chaos in their own country after resettling abroad, even for decades. Some Southeast Asians waited a generation before returning to Laos, Vietnam, and Cambodia from the United States in recent years. Indeed, Bangladesh is among countries that know the refugee problem best – millions of Bangladeshis fled to India during and after the revolution in 1971. The current prime minister was herself a refugee in India for a few years in the 1980s. The refugees returned because the Bangladesh Revolution ended quickly. The Rohingya, Venezuelans, Ukrainians, and others may not be so lucky, though. The world should handle the Rohingya according to the situation they are in, not the morally perfect one wished for. For the Rohingya crisis, this means sharing the burden across the region, just as is now happening in Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East. Tony Waters is the author of Bureaucratizing the Good Samaritan (2001) and has written about refugee issues since the 1980s, and for The Irrawaddy since 2018. He taught sociology at California State University, Chico, and Peace Studies at Payap University in Thailand before moving to his current post at Leuphana University in Germany. His latest book is a translation from Thai, The Man from Bangkok: San Francisco Culture in the 1960s by Rong Wongsavun..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-02-16
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Abstract: Frequently called the most persecuted minority in the world, the Rohingyas have suffered systematic violence and oppression in Myanmar since the 1970s. Today, the vast majority of the nearly three million Rohingyas are in exile, escaping state-sponsored human rights violations and persecution in the Rakhine state of Myanmar—a place they call “home”. Neighbouring Bangladesh, which currently hosts over a million displaced Rohingya, has been a ‘sanctuary’ for at least the last four decades. A sizable community has also emerged successively in other South-East Asian countries and pockets of Australia, Europe and North America. In this context, bringing together issues at the crossroads of (im)mobilities, online connectivity and the quest for identity, this study examines the role of social media platforms in forming and shaping new types of diaspora activism among the exiled Rohingyas. Drawing on yearlong online ethnographic findings, it unpacks how digital platforms constitute a space for togetherness, where diasporic Rohingya identities are constructed, contested and mediated. Analysing recurring themes and patterns of engagement on these web-based platforms, the paper looks at how diasporic civic and political e-activisms are transforming the very contours of Rohingya identity formation and their pursuit of recognition. Finally, focusing on such a creative constellation of socio-cultural and political issues in virtual space, we demonstrate how Rohingyas practice a politics of resistance and recognition when confronting the policy pretensions of Myanmar’s government. Introduction “In the first place, we do not like to be called ‘refugees.’“—Hannah Arendt. In her classic essay “We Refugees”, Hannah Arendt describes the endless cognitive anxiety amongst the Jews of Europe as they fled the continent and made a new life in exile (Arendt, 2017). She depicts how difficult it is to relate to the psychological effects of political non-existence unless one has traversed the liminal space of a refugee. The contemporaneous of forced displacement, statelessness and the relentless search for a ‘safe place’ and an ‘identity’ across the globe reminds us how recurring and prescient Hannah Arendt’s century-old observation remains. Set within such interconnected trajectories of violence, statelessness and an endless search for identity, this paper puts a spotlight on Myanmar’s displaced Rohingyas—a scattered community in the process of becoming a nascent diaspora as a result of their protracted displacement. Since 2017, after their mass exodus from the Rakhine state into neighbouring Bangladesh, exiled Rohingya communities have started highlighting their plight while asserting a distinct ethnic identity (Ansar & Khaled, 2022; Abraham & Jaehn, 2020). Considering their increasing involvement in social, cultural and political issues on social media platforms, this article explores how the Rohingya diaspora has coalesced in digital spaces to build a transnational identity and how their digital activism has evolved to include a political dimension over time. Frequently termed ‘the world’s most persecuted minority’, the Rohingyas have been subjected to persistent human rights violations, including ethnic cleansing, statelessness and possibly even genocide (Khaled, 2021; Ansar, 2020; Ibrahim, 2018; Alam, 2018). By introducing punitive policies, Rohingyas have been categorically denied a range of fundamental rights by the Myanmar government, including the freedom of movement, rights to education, primary health facilities, having family, marriage and employment (Ansar & Khaled, 2021; Uddin, 2020). Ethnic cleansing and persecution of Rohingyas in Myanmar and denial of their citizenship (therefore, effectively rendering them stateless) has been the political strategy of the successive military regimes. Today, the vast majority of the nearly three million Rohingyas is displaced, mostly in neighbouring Bangladesh, Malaysia, India and Thailand, as well as in in pockets across Europe, Australia and North America. The predicament of the Rohingyas essentially remain unresolved in exile. The ambiguity around Rohingya’ s legal status pertaining to their perceived statelessness, irregular migration and lack of comprehensive protection policies in the host countries add to their struggle to survive and sustain. Most Rohingya-hosting Asian countries deny their rights as refugees stipulated in the 1951 Refugee Convention. Their confinement in makeshift settlements and sprawling camps, ambiguous and/or undocumented legal status and host countries’ arbitrary practices create certain mobility constraints, which Aziz (2022, p. 1) refers to as “immobility turn” or limited mobility within “situations of unequal power”. Furthermore, mobility is linked to legality and capacity in modern nation-states, which Rohingyas lack in Myanmar due to draconian military laws banning social gatherings and community mobilisation (Ansar & Khaled, 2022, p. 281). In exile, this “arrested refugee mobilities” (Hoffstaedter, 2019) that the Rohingya community continues to endure produces both horizontal (i.e., spatial/geographic) immobility and vertical (social) immobility, which cyclically compound each other (Jernigan, 2019). Nevertheless, amid such challenges, a diaspora network has grown, especially since 2017, with considerable online imprints. We define the growing digital footprint of the Rohingya community as the emergence of a ‘Rohingya Digital Diaspora’. Highlighting their increasing online participation, our findings reveal how such engagement reinvigorates a collective identity, mobilises civic resistance and builds a virtual ‘community of hope’ by providing material and emotional support. Reflecting on these evolving Rohingya online engagements, this study makes a threefold contribution to digital diaspora studies. First, we examined how the (re)production of Rohingya identities on social media demonstrates their hybrid, multi-layered and fluid nature. Second, considering the constrained offline space and (im)mobility dynamics, we looked into how access to social media can yield an opportunity for ethnic and religious minorities such as Rohingyas for transnational lobbying, advocacy and agenda-framing towards building a strategic and positive consensus around their cause. Third, while celebrating “digital optimism”, a nuanced reflection on the offline inequalities, such as those manifested by age, gender, internet access, economic status and spatiality, needs to be adequately contextualised. The debate on Rohingya identity: the unfolding of belonging, exclusion and exile The nation-state centric identity has always been marked by a high degree of hybridity and ambiguity in post-colonial societies. In South and Southeast Asia, “questions surrounding nationality, citizenship, religion and identity are recurrent themes between the countries once united but separate nation-states now” (Sengupta, 2020, p. 114). Similarly, ethnic and religious identity and space are constantly being contested, refined and reorganised in the political landscape of Myanmar. This is particularly prominent in the bordering Rakhine state, where the formation of Rohingya identity has been heavily influenced by such fluidity (Ansar, 2020, p. 4). Several issues appear to be decisive when we explore the documentation and broad historical analysis of how questions of Rohingya identity and conflict in the Rakhine state have arrived at this stage. These include: the stripping of the Rohingya citizenship and their statelessness (Uddin, 2020; Holliday, 2014); the role of Rohingyas during the colonial period (Alam, 2018; Ibrahim, 2018); military dictatorship and the emergence of Taing-Yin-tha meaning “national races” (Cheesman, 2017); and religion and the perceived threat from Islam (Ansar, 2020; Kyaw, 2015; Wade, 2017). These are just some of the profound issues to unpack in order to understand the making of the current crisis. Broadly, three lines of arguments can be identified when exploring the Rohingya identity. First, some scholars claim a historic Rohingya presence in Myanmar (Uddin, 2020; Shafie, 2019; Ibrahim, 2018). Secondly, there are scholars who tend to discredit such narratives that argue Rohingya is a post-colonial political identity promoted by the Muslim political elites in Arakan as a tool to promote their fight for political autonomy after the Second World War (Leider, 2018; Tonkin, 2014). The third line of argument instead takes a critical approach between the two opposing narratives. Going beyond the polarising opinions, it argues that the fundamental question of the process of identity formation and the complex status of the ethnic and religious minorities in post-colonial nation-state formation should be in the spotlight (Ansar, 2020; Sengupta, 2020; Alam, 2018). One of the watershed moments in modern-day Myanmar’s identity politics is the emergence of Taing-Yin-tha, or “the indigenous races”, under the 1982 citizenship law introduced by the military dictatorship in Myanmar. The concept of Taing-Yin-tha emerged as a decisive political language that provides the guideline of which facts are accepted and rejected in determining membership in Myanmar’s political community. In contemporary Myanmar, Taing-Yin-tha has become an exemplary term of state: a contrivance for political inclusion and exclusion, political eligibility and domination (Cheesman, 2017, p. 462). The Rohingya were not included among the 135 official indigenous races. Consequently, some 2.5 million Rohingyas are excluded from Taing-Yin-tha, making them one of the world’s largest stateless populations. They remain the only community in independent Myanmar whose citizenship is “still unresolved and contested by the government and people”(Kyaw, 2015, p. 50). Going further, Uddin (2020, p.4) argues that Myanmar’s dealing with the Rohingyas is not just a manifestation of their non-citizenship; it is precisely a practice meant to “reduce the Rohingyas to a status lesser than that of human beings”, and thereby push them into a ‘subhuman life’. From diaspora to digital diaspora: revisiting a complex transformation Diaspora is a concept subject to various definitions and interpretations (Ponzanesi, 2020). It is defined “as a set of relationships between the homeland, which functions as a centre of gravity, and a periphery of nodes—communities, groups and individuals—who relate to the territory of origin as a centre of gravity but live in different parts of the world” (Ben-David, 2012, p. 461). Earlier studies mainly considered the dispersed population as diaspora, i.e., the Jewish, Greek and Armenian communities in exile. Today, this term shares meanings “with a larger semantic domain that includes words like an immigrant, expatriate, refugee, guest worker, exile community, overseas community, ethnic community” (Tölölyan, 1991, p. 04). While a distinction between various forms of diasporas is plausible, community belongingness, a sense of loss, nostalgia and transnationality are universal features embedded in almost all diaspora communities. The influence of information and communication technology in the past decade has not only transformed the ways and scales of interactions among diaspora members but also led to a substantial transformation in the modern understanding of diaspora (Marat, 2015; Lobbé, 2021; Bernal, 2020). From structured networks of migrant websites to more personalised WhatsApp and Facebook groups, the wide variety of digital layers is taking the notion of diasporic organisations to a new height (Dekker et al., 2018; Dumitriu, 2012). In this changing milieu, hybrid and multifaceted migrant identities are constructed and negotiated through various discursive means (Georgalou, 2021). The advancements and proliferation of such online communication technologies encouraged a new form of virtual diasporic connections and networks that is gaining prominence as the digital diaspora. This connection reminds the members of “where their roots are, their original home, their sense of belonging, their community” (Ponzanesi, 2020, p. 983). Emerging scholarship has started to accentuate the evolving nexus between technological advancement, the proliferation of social media and the ability of diaspora populations to create networks and become part of transnational diaspora networks (Alonso & Oiarzabal, 2010; Kapur, 2010; Alunni, 2019). In digital migration studies, research has made a significant contribution to understanding refugees’ engagement with social media and other digital tools to stay in contact with transnational families during their migration, as well as during their process of settlement in the host countries (Alencar et al., 2018; Kaufmann, 2018; Leurs & Smets, 2018). Recent studies on digital diasporas also bring together complex intersections of technology, culture, political economy and agency (Bernal, 2020). For instance, in contrast to the earlier opinion of celebrating digital media as liberating and empowering for marginalised groups (Titifanue et al., 2018), more critical analysis now raises questions regarding the outcome of digital empowerment and whether such tools can bring about changes in the political and social discourse (Taylor & Meissner, 2020; Latonero & Kift, 2018; Papacharissi, 2015). Scholars also attempted to reveal how big corporations and states use digital platforms to extend their centralised power and use it for surveillance purposes when necessary (Bircan & Korkmaz, 2021; Zuboff, 2019). Furthermore, social media posts and activities are being systematically monitored to validate or disprove the LGBTIQ identity of many refugees requesting asylum in European countries. Targeted social media campaigns and recruitment of paid agents to monitor the Facebook activities of migrants have also become one of the strategies for governments to control and counter immigration (Andreassen, 2021; Brekke & Thorbjørnsrud, 2020). Scholars have also started to highlight the potentially pernicious role of digital tools in stimulating ‘digital nationalism’ by dividing public debate through the establishment of filter ‘bubbles’ and ‘echo chambers’ in which individuals with homogenous political thinking promote ethnocentric ideas and content that align with their views and opinions. (Mihelj & Jiménez-Martínez, 2021; Cardenal et al., 2019; Dubois & Blank, 2017). There is also growing criticism of the dominant strand of literature on digital migration studies that are heavily focused on the Global North, particularly Europe. Such criticism has become more widespread following the so-called refugee crisis in Europe in 2015, which demands a decentralised approach to diaspora and forced migration studies and input from the perspective of the Global South (Leurs & Smets, 2018). For instance, despite the scale and extent of the Rohingya crisis in Southeast Asia, literature that offers a nuanced understanding of their digital resistance and resilience remains inadequate. To date, we have come across only a few studies that partly address the digital engagement of Rohingya refugees (e.g., Aziz, 2022; Ansar & Khaled, 2022; Abraham & Jaehn, 2020). Taking a gender lens, Ansar & Khaled (2022) presents how social media has widened the scale and scope of Rohingya women activists’ civic participation in exile. In his latest work on Rohingya digital engagements, Aziz shows how digital platforms compensate for the community’s social and spatial immobility through “digitally mediated transnational care” (Aziz, 2022, p. 01). In another recent contribution, he also presents how “the affordances of social media platforms” have facilitated Rohingyas negotiating their protracted experiences of suffering (Aziz, 2022a, p. 4082). With a mix of online and offline platforms, Abraham and Jaehn’s study (2020) shows how “diasporic Rohingya actions go beyond readily understandable demands for justice, accountability, redress” and consciously, or otherwise, take steps to reaffirm collective Rohingya identity (p. 1056). Adding onto these unfolding dynamics, this article brings an organic reflection on this ‘digital diaspora in the making’ and their forms of engagement in online platforms and its manifold implications. Theoretical and methodological framework The paper’s theoretical foundations are based on the premise that scattered and oppressed ethnoreligious minorities or endangered groups, frequently organised in diasporas, use the internet to “re-create identities, share opportunities, spread their culture, influence homeland and host-land policy, or create debate about common-interest issues using electronic devices” (Alonso & Oiarzabal, 2010, p. 11). In an “unevenly interconnected world”, digital platforms provide spaces and offer alternatives to tap resources and capacity building, creating links and connectivity for dispersed communities (Ponzanesi, 2020, p. 978). This virtual space acts as “crucial protagonists” (Marino, 2015, p. 01) to manifest “diasporic identity, political activism and sentiment towards homeland” (Marat, 2015, p. 01). Besides, the “low barriers to entry and exit, and non-hierarchical and non-coercive” nature of the internet provides diasporas with a complete package of ‘benefits’ to pursue their socio-political and cultural endeavour on digital platforms (Brinkerhoff, 2009, pp. 47–48). Apart from creating a transnational network of solidarity, it allows the “expression of diverse and contested views” of the community members (Titifanue et al., 2018, p. 02). Given the access to digital platforms by the exiled Rohingyas and the scale and extent of their virtual engagement, we have employed digital ethnography (Pink, 2013) as a method for observing their activities in virtual space. It is argued that such internet-based observations “can creatively deploy forms of engagement to look at how these sites are socially constructed and, at the same time, are social conduits” with ‘online traces’ such as retweets, hyperlinks and hashtags (Hine, 2009, p. 11). The rapidity with which people across several platforms keep up to date and their willingness to argue and voice opposing perspectives when appropriate via these interconnected networks is even more remarkable (Postill & Pink, 2012). These diverse and fast-changing characteristics have also led to more nuanced and innovative methods of using online ethnography (Pink et al., 2016). We use a ‘discourse-centred’ (Androutsopoulos, 2009) online ethnography and employ a ‘screen-based’ discourse analysis that concentrates on “systemic longitudinal and repeated observations of online-discourse” (Georgalou, 2021, p. 4). In doing online ethnography, it is also pertinent to acknowledge the limitations of virtual platforms on the findings. For instance, Dicks et al. (2005, p.128) caution that the internet should never be read as a ‘neutral’ observation space, as it always remains a fieldwork setting and, as such, a researcher’s data selection and analyses are always biased by agendas, personal histories and social norms. Besides, the drawback of these research options is that membership of these communities is inherently restricted to the digital ‘haves’ (or at least those with digital social capital) rather than the ‘have nots’, and ethnic/gender digital divides strongly persist (Murthy, 2008). Therefore, like any other data source, social networking websites should be treated in a nuanced or layered fashion and contextualised properly (Murthy, 2008, p. 846). Informed consent appears to be a crucial aspect of researching online communities. Whether and to what extent informed consent is required remains a contested topic (Willis, 2017, p. 3). According to Association of Internet Researchers (AoIR) ethical guidelines, public forums can be considered more public than conversations in a closed chatroom (Ess and AoIR, 2002: pp. 5, 7). Hence, ‘the greater the acknowledged publicity of the venue, the less obligation there may be to protect individual privacy, confidentiality, right to informed consent, etc.’ (Ess and AoIR, 2002, p. 5). Whiteman (2012, p. 9) also suggests it is preferable to take a contextualised approach to each online situation instead of adhering to generalised, context-free principles. Considering the above observations, the researchers sought ethical guidance from their respective institutions and received prior ethical approval before conducting their research. Furthermore, given the sensitivities of the topic, individual posts, images and tweets shared in this article are blurred to maintain confidentiality and any information that discloses the individual identity has been carefully revisited and avoided when referring to the data and images. For data collection, we followed two major social media platforms: Facebook and Twitter. We analysed relevant Facebook and Twitter accounts and determined the top ten accounts based on the number of followers, the frequency of postings and the volume of comments. The Facebook pages and Twitter accounts were identified using eight search terms: ‘Rohingya refugee’, ‘Rohingya genocide’, ‘Rohingya women’, ‘exiled Rohingya’, ‘Rohingya activist’, ‘Arakan Rohingya’, ‘United Nations and Rohingya’ and ‘Rohingya in Bangladesh’. The qualitative corpus comprised posts and tweets that were open to the public. The study covers the period from August 2019 to August 2021. One of the authors has near-native fluency in the Rohingya language and initially attempted to explore Facebook pages and Twitter accounts on the Rohingya language despite the absence of Rohingya script, which remains an oral dialect (Aziz, 2022a, p. 4073). It did not yield significant success, prompting searching for relevant online platforms and social media tools using English.Footnote1 For instance, UNHCR in Malaysia has a dedicated website on “The Rohingya language”, which is written in Latin alphabets.Footnote2 Therefore, language and its digital representation bring another important dimension when exploring the Rohingya community’s social media engagement. The use of English in contemporary diaspora presents an ‘interesting cleavage’, as a native language is often considered a salient marker of collective identity (Kumar, 2018). We avoid the discussion at length here as it goes beyond the scope of our study; nonetheless, it is a crucial aspect to shed light on in future research on the Rohingyas. Nevertheless, we do acknowledge there are other platforms, including more private platforms like WhatsApp (Aziz, 2022a). We did not pursue these, as our purpose was to retrieve online and easily accessible data to any random visitor to those webpages. For analysis, the transcripts of Facebook discussions and tweets were manually inserted into a dataset. This dataset was then transferred and analysed using Max Q.D.A. software to categorise the thematic contents, frequency of words, hashtags and recurring themes. Through this categorisation and coding, key themes emerged. These themes were then merged and clustered thematically, as detailed in the following section. From exile to online: emergence of a digital Rohingya diaspora Multiple trajectories, including the construction of a collective Rohingya identity, political and social mobilisation and solidarity with fellow Rohingyas through providing information and long-distance emotional and material support, have emerged as the recurring features of their digital engagements. The internet has effectively bridged geographical barriers amongst Rohingyas with similar concerns by functioning as a ‘mobilising structure’ (Kumar, 2018, p. 11). The proliferation of virtual engagements creates conditions where individuals come together on shared hopes, purposes and objectives, which Tsagarousianou (2007) defined as ‘co-presence’ and Marino (2015) refers to as ‘space making’. To detail out these manifold engagements, we conduct a two-pronged analysis of the Rohingya diaspora’s digital participation. First, we begin with a focus on the scale of engagement, bringing attention to their growing participation in digital space. Second, we take a more in-depth look at the domains of engagement, highlighting the key aspects that predominate in the interaction that takes place online. Scale of engagement Owing to rapid development and relatively easier access to technologies, more Rohingyas are embracing digital platforms to interact with one another and the greater international communities. For example, only three of the ten most followed Facebook pages were created before 2017. Table 1 presents an overview of the ten most popular (in terms of membership) Rohingya Facebook groups active in different parts of the world, where membership reaches as high as 223,000 as of August 2021 (see Table 1).Footnote3..."
Source/publisher: Nature.com
2023-02-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-15
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Sub-title: A recent Sinophone Borderlands public opinion survey sheds light on Bangladeshi views of the Rohingya, roughly a million of whom have been forced to seek refuge in Bangladesh.
Description: "February 15, 2023, marks the 2000th day since the start of the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya. Although the historical background of the Rohingya crisis is much longer and more complicated, going back to World War II and including previous massacres/exoduses in 1978, 1991-92, 2012, and 2016, it was only in August 2017 that the news hit the global headlines and the story became well-known. In August 2017, the Kofi Annan Commission (established by Myanmar’s civilian National League of Democracy government to settle the Rohingya problem) prepared its report, a failed compromise. One day later, Myanmar military posts were attacked by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, a guerrilla group operating in the Rakhine region. In their collective response, the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s army, resorted to the worst retaliation possible. The Tatmadaw started a brutal campaign against the Rohingya. In the months that followed, more than 700,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh as the Tatmadaw committed ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, with “genocidal intent.” For Bangladesh, the crisis meant a new and unprecedented strain. The country has received Rohingya refugees since 1978, but the scale in 2017 was incomparable to previous exoduses. The official Bangladeshi position toward the Rohingya crisis has combined the acceptance of the refugees with the hope that the influx of people would only be temporary. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. On the one hand, Bangladesh openly welcomed the repressed group, presenting itself as a “good global citizen.” On the other hand, Dhaka later declared that the Rohingya must return to their origin country as soon as possible, and that it is Myanmar’s obligation to repatriate them while the international community and the United Nations must persuade Naypyidaw to do so. Since this never happened, Bangladesh and its citizens have to live with the consequences of the prolonged stay. As the religious, cultural, and humanitarian imperative to help oppressed brethren meets the socioeconomic tensions produced by forced immigration on such a scale, it is of vital importance to hear the voices of the Bangladeshi people. As part of the Sinophone Borderlands public opinion survey in Bangladesh in June-August 2022, more than 1,300 Bangladeshi respondents were asked an open-ended question about their perception of the Rohingya people. Respondents were drawn from all regions of Bangladesh and included a representative sample of age groups and genders. The timing of the survey coincided with the fifth anniversary of the brutal Tatmadaw offensive that sent Rohingya refugees fleeing across the border from Myanmar into Bangladesh. The survey question asked what first came to people’s minds when thinking of the Rohingya. The most common answers, as the word cloud above reveals, were “Muslim,” “tortured,” “helpless,” and “Myanmar.” This gives us a good idea of how Bangladeshis perceive the Rohingya people: as persecuted, helpless, Muslim people originally from Myanmar. The reason for the Rohingya being in Bangladesh is very clear to Bangladeshis, who provided responses such as “came from Myanmar,” ”tortured by Myanmar army,” or “brutality of Myanmar.” Also, the fact that the Rohingya people are predominantly Muslims is well-known and often highlighted in the responses (“tortured Muslims” or “persecuted Muslims,” for example). While the Rohingya are seen by many Bangladeshis as persecuted and expelled victims of the Myanmar army and people feel they should help them (see responses such as “expelled,” “victims,” “homeless,” “persecuted,” “neglected,” and “we should help”), there are also voices that see the Rohingya people as a threat (“destroying the Bangladeshi economy” or “harming Bangladesh”) and advocate for sending them back to Myanmar (“go back to Myanmar”). Issues such as drug dealing and a food crisis came up several times. Also, some label the Rohingya as foreigners who don’t belong to Bangladesh. That said, most Bangladeshis highlight the struggle for survival of the Rohingya people and express sadness over their situation and sympathy toward them. To conclude, the results of the survey show that among Bangladeshis, empathy toward the Rohingya, the repressed Muslim brothers and sisters, so far trumps tensions and challenges produced by their enforced, prolonged stay. Yet, the longer the Rohingya crisis is unresolved, the more probable a shift toward negative perceptions becomes..."
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Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2023-02-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-15
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Description: "Despite having some ongoing crises worldwide, a piece of good news for the world is that Myanmar expresses its interest in taking back/repatriating some Rohingyas (estimated 700 Rohingya primarily) in Rakhine. Although the estimated number of refugees regarding Rohingya repatriation in Rakhine is very low, the significance of the issue seems to be very important. Myanmar military starts to understand that Rohingyas are the people of the Rakhine (Myanmar). It is appreciable that Myanmar understands the reality in the long run. But Myanmar should have goodwill and commitment to repatriate the Rohingyas. It would be pragmatic when Myanmar would ensure the implementation of its goodwill. Bangladesh is continuously emphasizing the efforts to facilitate early repatriation of the displaced people of Myanmar’s Rakhine state. However, it is a matter of hope to note that there is a sign of progress in negotiations over the repatriation of the Rohingya ethnic minority of Myanmar from Bangladesh who were subjected to expulsions from Myanmar in 2017. Earlier, Bangladesh signed a bilateral agreement with Myanmar on 30 October 2017 and on 30 October 2018 respectively. But the world didn’t see the implementation of the agreement. Although there are more than 1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. 0.7 million new ones have come, 0.4 million from before. Bangladesh has shown its humanity by sheltering these huge numbers of Rohingyas. Neighboring Myanmar, on the other hand, has always played a controversial role at home and abroad. Which is beyond diplomatic etiquette. According to various reports published in Bangladeshi newspapers recently, the junta government of Myanmar has sent a letter expressing its interest in taking back the Rohingyas. Myanmar’s junta says it is working to bring back Rohingya refugees who fled Rakhine State for Bangladesh following the military’s supposed counter-insurgency operations in 2017. Junta leaders, including International Cooperation Minister U Ko Ko Hlaing, Border Affairs Minister Lieutenant General Tun Tun Naung, Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Minister Dr. Thet Thet Khaing and Immigration and Population Minister U Myint Kyaing, visited Maungdaw on the Bangladesh border on Sunday and instructed the authorities to prepare transit camps for repatriation. One Maungdaw resident said: “I heard they asked departments to make transit camps ready, that they would take back refugees from Bangladesh, that they would make preparations whether [Rohingya] come back or not.” Some Muslim and Hindu leaders from Maungdaw were summoned to Sittwe to meet junta ministers. Ko Khin Maung from a Rohingya refugee camp in Bangladesh said whether the Rohingya will return to Maungdaw depends on the junta’s honesty and the refugees have little trust in the repatriation program. “We do want to return. We are experiencing hardships, after staying for a long time in refugee camps. But the question is if we will be allowed to go back to our homes. It is not OK for us if we will just be held at the Hla Poe Kaung transit camp. The repatriation program will not be successful if the regime is dishonest,” he said. Rohingya rights activist U Nay San Lwin, co-founder of the Germany-based Free Rohingya Coalition, said the Rohingya would not return unless their rights are guaranteed. “The news of junta ministers making inspection tours at the border to take back refugees is no longer news to us. We are used to hearing such news. And refugees are not excited anymore. The military moves slightly when there are growing pressures from the international community and China. Nothing more than that,” U Nay San Lwin said. Recently, the regime sent back over 900 Rohingya detained in Yangon and elsewhere in Myanmar to Maungdaw. They will reportedly be accommodated at transit camps but The Irrawaddy could not independently verify this. The regime’s repatriation moves, according to some Rohingya activists, are an attempt to salvage its international reputation and help its case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), where Myanmar faces genocide charges. A brutal military crackdown in the wake of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacks on police outposts in Rakhine in 2017 forced more than 700,000 Rohingya to flee across the Bangladesh border. In response The Gambia in November 2019 brought a case at the ICJ, accusing Myanmar of committing genocide against the Rohingya. On November 23, 2017, Bangladesh and the now-ousted National League for Democracy government signed a repatriation agreement but there has been no progress. Bangladesh hopes to repatriate 750000 Rohingyas in various phases. And this repatriation is supposed to be done voluntarily and by ensuring a safe environment. The United Nations will also be involved in this process. The process of Rohingya repatriation has been stalled for a long time due to elections, military coups, and the Covid-19 pandemic in Myanmar. More than 700000 Rohingyas were forced to migrate to Bangladesh after the start of the military operation in Rakhine on August 25, 2017. Despite international pressure, the Myanmar government made an agreement with Bangladesh to take back the Rohingyas, but the repatriation has not started even today. On the contrary, Myanmar has repeatedly obstructed the repatriation process by resorting to various tactics. The international community has also not taken a strong stand on the Rohingya issue. On the contrary, they ended their ‘liability’ with boastful words. The Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina has always shown humanity on the Rohingya issue. Myanmar’s current interest should not be manipulated in the end. In this case, Bangladesh must remain vigilant as always. If we want fruitful and durable repatriation of Rohingyas in Rakhine, now the international community must compel Myanmar to abide by some international customary law regarding the repatriation of the Rohingya. Myanmar government must fulfill such criteria: 1) Rohingya repatriation must be safe, continual, dignified, and sustainable based that is something Myanmar must guarantee. 2) They should amend the ‘1982 citizenship law. They must consider Rohingyas as a legal ethnic group in Myanmar. 3) Safe zone for Rohingyas must be ensured. 4) They must fulfill the requirements or proposals of the Kofi Annan Commission (The Advisory Commission on Rakhine State), Bangladesh Prime Minister’s proposals at the 74th, 75th, 76th UN General Assembly. 5) However, analysts advise Bangladesh to be cautious if Myanmar now wants to take back 700 people. They must keep their words. Myanmar must confirm it will take back all stranded Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. 6) They must be committed that the process would be a continual process. All Rohingya would be repatriated gradually. 7) Bangladesh needs to increase diplomatic contacts Bangladesh needs to take a holistic stance on the Rohingya issue in various forums regarding the proposed Rohingya repatriation. Third parties such as UNHCR, Aasen even third countries can be included in the process. 8) Myanmar must act as a friendly neighbour with Bangladesh. It isn’t possible for Myanmar and Bangladesh to interchange the neighbours. Basically, Myanmar and Bangladesh must engage with neighbourly spirit. Myanmar and Bangladesh must strengthen their ties to resolve the long-pending Rohingya crisis. Whole South Asia and Southeast Asia could benefit from resolving this regional humanitarian crisis. 9) Myanmar must have goodwill to engage positively with Bangladesh. The world wants to see a fruitful and sustainable solution to the Rohingya crisis. Rohingya crisis solution would be essential for the safe and dignified repatriation of Rohingya people to Myanmar from Bangladesh. However, Myanmar’s proposed Rohingya repatriation process must be smoothly implemented, continual, sustainable..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Eurasia Review"
2023-02-13
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-13
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Description: "It's been happening for a decade. Every year as South Asia's monsoon season ends in late October and the dry season begins, rickety boats overloaded with ethnic Rohingya leave Bangladesh and Myanmar. They head into the Bay of Bengal, en route to Malaysia, for the promise of work and greater freedoms. Many of these boats never reach their destination, and over the last few months - as in previous years - hundreds have drowned at sea. This week, ministers from across the Asia region are convening in Adelaide for the 8th Ministerial Conference of the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational Crime, an intergovernmental forum co-chaired by Indonesia and Australia. The dire situation facing Rohingya at sea should be at the top of the meeting's agenda. This year's sailing season has been one of the deadliest yet. The United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR, says that of more than 3,500 Rohingya who attempted sea crossings in the Andaman Sea and Bay of Bengal in 2022, nearly 350 died or are missing at sea. "Confirmed reports are, however, only the tip of the iceberg," UNHCR noted. "Given most bodies are never found and many missing persons never reported." Family members of Rohingya recently stranded at sea told Human Rights Watch that their relatives encountered Thai and Malaysian naval authorities who refused to help them. Dil Mohammad's sister-in-law left the camps in Bangladesh in late November. The smugglers or traffickers "moved them around to different places for 25 days before the main boat started its journey toward Malaysia," he said. "[They] gave them food as long as we kept sending them money." The boat engine broke down off the coast of Thailand and they were stranded at sea. "My sister-in-law said they weren't given food or drinking water for six days. She could barely talk, her voice was fading. My niece stopped talking and stopped crying, too." Nurul Amin's sister left the Bangladesh camps in November to join her husband in Malaysia. When the boat broke down, he said, children began dying. He said a Thai navy vessel approached the stranded boat in December. "Four Rohingya jumped into the sea thinking the navy boat would rescue them," Nurul said. "They were never found. The navy boat didn't rescue anyone." Several rescued boats carrying hundreds of Rohingya have disembarked in Aceh, Indonesia, after weeks at sea without food or water, with dozens dead. Others remain at sea. One boat with about 180 Rohingya has been missing since December, with all on board presumed dead. Many of the Rohingya embark on these high-risk journeys to escape growing restrictions and hopelessness in refugee camps in Bangladesh and unending oppression and violence in Myanmar's western Rakhine State. They flee out of desperation and vulnerability, knowing they face weeks or months on unseaworthy boats, subject to abuse by smugglers and traffickers, at risk of starving or drowning at sea, only to confront the threat of forced labor, exploitation, or immigration detention. They pay US$700 to $2,000 for the journey. UNHCR estimates that as many as 170,000 Rohingya embarked on smugglers' boats from 2012 to 2015. Following the peak of the crisis in May 2015, the Bali Process reviewed the regional response and members acknowledged that "unilateral, unplanned and unprepared responses led to deaths, inadequate/delayed access to basic services, refusal of landing/entry." The resulting 2016 Bali Declaration set out a comprehensive approach to irregular migration in the region, centred on protecting the needs of refugees and migrants. A consultation mechanism and task force were set up to improve the emergency response to refugee flows, including "detection, search and rescue, disembarkation and shelter management." But the emergency response mechanism has never been activated. At the Ministerial Conference this week, officials should make good on their commitments from six years ago. Responsibility for the security of the Rohingya rests primarily with Myanmar, but extends to the countries where they seek refuge and the broader international community, which can provide resources and support. Burden sharing and collective responsibility, as called for in the Bali Declaration, demands action, not just words: responding to refugee boats in distress, coordinating search-and-rescue operations, taking boats ashore to the nearest safe port, and providing humanitarian aid. Turning away boats at sea violates international law and abandons a community that has faced abuse and neglect everywhere they turn. Governments endorsing the Bali Process should pledge to assist the Rohingya with work and residency permits and exert coordinated and unified pressure on the Myanmar junta to end the abuses that compel Rohingya to flee. Meanwhile, the dry season, and the departure of boats, continues through May. Bangladesh's tightening of security has led smugglers and traffickers to move people overland into Myanmar before setting sail. "Sometimes, the people on the boats get arrested," a Rohingya man said. "Sometimes the boats sink and they die in the sea. But people still take the risk, because they say they can't stay at home detained in the camp, and they don't think they will ever be free."..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: The Canberra Times (Canberra) via Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-02-09
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Women and girls have always been amongst the worst victims of all forms of violence. Their continuing plight in Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh is highlighted in this stark blog by Kathy Win, based on her fieldwork in Cox’s Bazaar and Rakhine State. Rohingya women and girls are amongst the most affected victims of the genocide in Myanmar, and face even greater hardship and vulnerabilities in refugee camps in Bangladesh. The Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazaar in Bangladesh are home to around 943,529 refugees who fled genocidal violence in Myanmar’s Rakhine State in 2017. Most Rohingya women and girls in the camps are either survivors of, or witnesses to, gender-based violence in Myanmar. In Cox’s Bazaar, they face multiple challenges such as insecurity, violence, and extremely limited freedom of movement. Their lives and freedoms are heavily constrained by the control that their communities have over their social lives, especially regarding marriage and education. In such a scenario, and alongside the lack of decent work, poor living conditions, insecurity and inadequate education opportunities, child marriages and polygamy have increased markedly. Sadly, such vulnerable women and girls are targeted by human traffickers and smugglers to leave the camps for neighbouring countries, especially Malaysia and Thailand. Desperate to escape, they think that marrying a Rohingya man from a neighbouring country is the only option to escape their persecutions. Drivers of Forced Migration Women often experience threats and harassment if they are educated, or speak for women’s rights in the camps. Security issues and cultural obstacles (it is common for parents to stop adolescent daughters from going to school) mean that girls have very limited access to schooling, and women have low levels of literacy and Burmese language skills. In Bangladesh, authorities have restricted humanitarian agencies from the construction of a functioning education system at Cox’s Bazaar, instead providing irregular informal education with very limited resources. Authorities justify this stance by insisting that the Rohingya refugees will return home to Myanmar one day. To fill the gap in the meantime, the Rohingya find alternative ways of providing their children with education — such as private tuition and Rohingya volunteers-led learning centres. But in December 2021, the Bangladesh authorities decided to shut down Rohingya-led learning centres and home-based schools in the camps, giving the excuse that such camp-based schools were illegal and did not have official permission to operate. Although women are seeking to mitigate restrictions on accessing education by operating small home-based classes at their shelters, most of them often face threats from criminal gangs who are against education for adolescent girls. A 26-year-old Rohingya volunteer teacher experienced these issues first hand when she taught in Cox’s Bazaar: We were really concerned about security and safety as they [ARSA — the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army] became more active in the camps. We heard violence and killings almost every day due to power competition between rival gangs. They threaten women who want to seek divorce and who are active in supporting women’s rights. In 2019 and 2020, I taught the Burmese curriculum to women aged between 10 and 40 who wanted to learn the Myanmar language. It is very important for us to understand, to read, speak and write for our repatriation and to integrate with the Rakhine and Burmese community. ARSA supporters threatened and threw stones while I was teaching. Later I had to shut down the class because women and girls who came to my evening classes were no longer safe. Threats from the Militia All the 34 extremely congested camps in Ukhiya and Teknaf upazila of Cox’s Bazaar in Bangladesh have become hubs of organised crime of Rohingya militant groups like the ARSA and other criminal gangs. These groups control everything from drug trafficking to extortion, and ensure the lack of properly compliant mechanisms in camps. Since 2019, ARSA has been trying to strengthen its influence and control in the camps, and competition among rival gangs has resulted in deadly violence and killing that often targets women and girls or those who try to defend them. In September 2021, ARSA shockingly assassinated the prominent Rohingya leader Mohid Ullah who spoke out against the activities of ARSA including rape, torture, drug trafficking and kidnappings inside the camp. Over the past five years, Rohingya refugees from Cox’s Bazaar have faced terrible conditions in overcrowded camps. Arson attacks, killings, and kidnapping have become commonplace. Women are intimidated into quitting jobs (mostly with NGOs) by groups saying women working outside homes is against Islamic principles. According to a refugee in Balukali camp, ARSA also issued a series of fatwas (religious decrees) to control and restrict women and girls from accessing work outside their homes, and demanding that they obey their husbands, and wear burqas. According to Human Rights Watch, in April 2019 ARSA forced 150 women to quit their teaching jobs in learning centres run by one NGO in the one of the camps. Gender-based Violence The majority of Rohingya women and girls have experienced Gender-Based Violence (GBV) and sexual abuse from their husbands, family members, neighbours as well as members of criminal gangs. The violence includes rape, forced marriage, physical/mental abuse and threats. Data collected by the International Rescue Committee in 19 camps across Cox’s Bazaar revealed that 81 per cent of GBV in the Rohingya camps is perpetrated by intimate partners, while 56 per cent of incidents are of physical violence. Rohingya women from Kutupalong refugee camp said that religious leaders who are close to ARSA leaders inside the camp often preach not to allow women to work outside, blame fathers who allowed their daughters to study or work with NGOs and threaten women who file for divorce. Conservative groups of youth and men now police women in their decision-making, enforcing the wearing of burqas at all times and questioning women’s presence in public and work spaces, further reducing the mobility of women and girls. Rohingya women have also experienced sexual and physical violence outside their camps/shelters and or on the road to camp clinics if they went out alone. Although NGO-led protection centres are available to complain about such issues, women lack confidence to share their experiences at the centres, unable to leave their shelters alone and often face administrative delay at these protection centres. Due to lack of protection of women and girls, many Rohingya women suffer psychological problems like depression, anxiety, stress and fear. Local NGOs provide psycho-social counselling inside the camp but most women are afraid to access them because their husbands do not allow them or are concerned that they might face attacks by the criminal gangs on the way. The most affected are single women and widows. I have been beaten two times by Rohingya men with umbrellas while I am going to my workplace. Most of the time I feel afraid to go outside alone. Domestic violence also not a new issue here. Rohingya men assume that they need to show themselves to be manly by controlling their wife and beating them if the wife fails to fulfil the domestic task or fails to fulfil their will. The protection mechanism is not functioning well. A 25-year-old NGO volunteer also said: Last year, ARSA members destroyed a counselling centre near my camp. They said women are going to the centre to meet with foreigners and it is breaking Islamic principles as women are not allowed to meet and talk to strangers. Some Rohingya women-led groups provide awareness on GBV, domestic violence and trafficking but most of them have limited resources and often face threats from ARSA and other criminal gangs. The Rohingya say that worsening security and lack of protection in Cox’s Bazaar are key reasons why thousands of refugees have decided to relocate to Bhasan Char, an island in the Bay of Bengal prone to natural weather disasters, or have fled to neighbouring countries (India, Thailand and Malaysia) by taking perilous sea journeys via a network of brokers. Women especially do not want to live in camps as they face a lot of challenges to survive. They have no protection from family, community and host community. The majority of women have only two choices for survival: to marry for protection or to escape the camps. The Rohingya are denied citizenship in Myanmar under the 1982 Citizenship Law, and the government considers them ‘illegal’ immigrants from Bangladesh, leaving them unable to choose safe and regular migration routes. Since the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, tens of thousands of Rohingya, especially women, girls and children have been arrested by the Myanmar military not only in Rakhine state but also in other parts of Myanmar. Local authorities arrest Rohingya on charges of travelling without legal documents and sentence those arrestees to prison for up to 5 years. In addition, families often face extortion and threats from brokers, women face food and water shortages, ill-health, physical violence and rape by security forces, ethnic armed groups and brokers during the journeys, as well as injury and death. Rohingya women and girls are the most affected victims of the genocide in Myanmar, and they face even greater hardship and vulnerabilities in refugees camps in Bangladesh. To address the challenges of Rohingya women and girls, host governments and humanitarian agencies must: Allocate funds for services and legal remedies such as sufficient and accessible psycho-social support and medical treatment and legal protections for victims of domestic violence and sexual harassment; Raise awareness of domestic violence, sexual harassment, risks of human smuggling and trafficking to both Rohingya women and men; Create safe environments for access to education, and create decent work opportunbities for Rohingya women; Put pressure on Myanmar military junta to stop the arrests of Rohingya victims of human trafficking; Provide technical support and capacities for Rohingya women’s rights activists to enhance refugees-led protection mechanisms. * The views expressed here are those of the author and not of the ‘South Asia @ LSE’ blog, the LSE South Asia Centre or the London School of Economics and Political Science. This blogpost may not be reposted by anyone without prior written consent of LSE South Asia Centre; please e-mail [email protected] for permission..."
Source/publisher: London School of Economics and Political Science
2023-02-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: What are the prospects of a dignified repatriation for the Rohingya?
Description: "The year 2022 was a “year of confluence” for the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, where many positive developments happened in favour of their repatriation. Alternatively, there were some negative developments as well where new impediments emerged to hinder the repatriation process. Though Bangladesh has successfully included the Rohingya crisis in the international discussion and displayed significant developments to initiate repatriation, pathetically, more than five years have passed since the Rohingya influx in Bangladesh, but the repatriation of the 1.2 million Myanmar nationals has not seen light. However, the year 2022 marked a significant progress in the repatriation process, as the Rohingya themselves tried to draw the attention of the international community to express their desire to return to their home. On June 19, 2022, the Rohingya staying in various camps in Bangladesh organized a “Go Home campaign” and put forward their demands and expressed their interest to return to their homeland. In August, during the 5th anniversary of their exodus into Bangladesh, they reiterated the urgency of repatriation to their homeland. Moreover, the campaign is continued under the banner “Go Home Campaign 2023” demanding safe repatriation to their country on December 31 on the eve of the New Year. At this time, the Rohingya demonstrated with posters and placards saying “Enough is enough, let's go home, 2023 should be Rohingya home year.” Bangladesh government's decision to relocate Rohingya to Bhasan Char, to reduce the pressure on the overpopulated Rohingya camps in Cox's Bazar, was a discreet and timely move in 2022. After reaching a batch of 963 Rohingya in the 14th phase on October 17, so far around 30,079 Rohingya reached Bhashan Char. Despite initial hesitations, the US and Japan, the UN, and Canada joined the Bhasan Char project in August 2022. A ray of hope for the Rohingya refugees was lit, when the hearing of Gambia's case at the ICJ ended on February 28 last year. Significantly, on July 22, the court dismissed Myanmar's objections to jurisdiction over the case, and ordered Myanmar to respond to the complaint by April 24 of this year. The NUG, led by Aung Sung Su Kyi's NLD, responded positively that it would cooperate with the trial, and the pro-democratic party aims to establish relations with the local population in the Rakhine region to ensure the safe repatriation of the Rohingya. The year is also significant for many remarkable bilateral and multilateral initiatives, which are instrumental to propel the process of repatriation a step further. Bilaterally, on June 14, the 5th joint working group meeting between Bangladesh and Myanmar on the repatriation of the Rohingya was held, where the speedy return of the Rohingya to Myanmar was discussed. In her address to the 27th International Nikkei Conference, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina urged Asian countries to work closely for the safe repatriation of the Rohingya. Among the global powers, no other country than the US has made significant strides to solicit the crisis. On March 21, The US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken announced the violence against the Rohingya in Myanmar as genocide and crimes against humanity. In September, the US announced more than $170 million in additional humanitarian assistance for Rohingya inside and outside Burma, as well as for host communities in Bangladesh. In November, the US initiated a rehabilitation program for the Rohingya living in Bangladesh and introduced a historic “BURMA ACT.” From December 3 to 7, the US Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration Julieta Valls Noyes visited Rohingya Camps and discussed relocation programs. On December 8, 24 Rohingya left for the US from a group of 62 Rohingya, identified for resettlement. The role of China is also an important factor in facilitating Rohingya repatriation. Despite Beijing's controversial axis with Myanmar, during his visit to Bangladesh on August 6, China's State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that China is working sincerely to find a solution to the Rohingya crisis. Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Prak Sokhon, ASEAN Chair's Special Envoy to Myanmar, also assured Bangladesh of making all-out efforts for a sustainable solution to the Rohingya issue. On the multilateral level, the Rohingya quagmire was discussed as a serious concern at numerous UN forums throughout the year. The UNGA unanimously adopted the resolution entitled "The situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar" for the first time on November 16, 2022. A Tripartite Memorandum of Understanding was signed between Myanmar, UNHCR, and UNDP to create an enabling environment for the repatriation of Rohingya in Rakhine State according to the resolution. This will play a significant role in strengthening the collective efforts of the UN member states for a sustainable solution to the Rohingya problem. Meanwhile, UNHCR High Commissioner Filippo Grandi has called on regional countries to come forward to repatriate the Rohingya, stressing the continuation of humanitarian assistance to the refugees. Since December 21, the Rohingya problem has become part of the regular activities of the UN Security Council, as the UNSC adopted a historic resolution on Myanmar for the first time, calling for an immediate end of ongoing violence. The proposal emphasized on solving the Rohingya problem with a particular emphasis. It also emphasized the speedy and full implementation of the five-point consensus adopted by ASEAN member states in 2021. Though the year was overwhelmed with many positive events, the Rohingya crisis witnessed several challenges throughout the year. Since August, fierce clashes and heavy gun fights broke out between the Arakan army and the Myanmar army along the Bangladesh border in North Maungdu and lasted for about three months. To reduce border tension, the 8th border conference between BGB and BGP was held from November 23 to 27. Meanwhile, in a meeting between BGB and BGP officials, Bangladesh's concerns regarding the quick repatriation of Rohingya were informed. From the security perspective, the failure to create an environment conducive to safe and sustainable voluntary return has exacerbated the Rohingya's frustration, leading to a variety of security concerns and instability. Till October 2022, 125 people have been killed in the Rohingya camps. Human trafficking and illegal trafficking of methamphetamine “Yaba” tablets from Myanmar to other neighbouring countries have increased alarmingly. In the last five years, 2,441 cases have been filed in Rohingya camps for various crimes including posession of weapons, drugs, rape, kidnapping, robbery, assault on police, murder, and human trafficking. Rohingya leaders and volunteers were the targets of these killings within the camps. The ongoing instability may spread organized crimes to other parts of the country, which will pose a regional and global security threat in the upcoming days. From the economic perspective, dwindling funds for the Rohingya camps also deteriorated the humanitarian crisis. In 2022, only 43% of the required amount of $881m under the Joint Response Plan (JRP) has been disbursed, which leaves room for consideration. As around 35,000 children are born in the camps every year, this increased population is gradually putting pressure on humanitarian assistance. From 2017 to 2023, the Rohingya problem remains unresolved and the crisis is becoming a “frozen and protracted” one over the years. A long-term plan must be developed to address a sustainable solution, which is nothing but dignified repatriation. In any situation, it is imperative to keep the flow of the relief and financial aid, and therefore, necessary measures should be taken on an urgent basis. On the political front, ARNA and other organizations working with the Rohingya must work together to create an enabling environment for repatriation. The ongoing awareness activities undertaken to resolve the crisis should also be continued. In addition, more robust steps must be taken to ensure the progress of initiatives taken in 2022 in the international arena. If these activities are implemented promptly, it is expected that the solution to the Rohingya problem will see the light of day in the forthcoming days..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Dhaka Tribune" (Bangladesh)
2023-01-29
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Dissecting Myanmar’s ‘Bengali-Burmese’ narrative and what it means for the repatriation of the Rohingya refugees
Description: "The racial identity of the Rohingya is probably the most widely discussed topic regarding the repatriation issue. The Myanmar government considers the Rohingya as British colonial and post-colonial migrants from neighboring Bangladesh. It argues that a distinct pre-colonial Muslim population is recognized as "Kaman," and that the Rohingya conflate their history with the history of Arakan Muslims in general to advance a separatist agenda. In addition, Myanmar's government does not recognize the term "Rohingya" and prefers to refer to the community as "Bengali." The term "Rohingya" emerged from colonial and pre-colonial terms Rooinga and Rwangya. The Rohingya refer to themselves as Ruáingga/ɾuájŋɡa. In Burmese they are known as "rui hang gya," while in Bengali they are called "Rohinga." The term Rohingya may come from Rakhanga or Roshanga, the words for the state of Arakan. The word Rohingya would then mean "inhabitant of Rohang," which was the early Muslim name for Arakan. "A Comparative Vocabulary of Some of the Languages Spoken in the Burma Empire" by Francis Buchanan, which was found and republished by Michael Charney in the "SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research" in 2003 says, among the native groups of Arakan, there are the "Mohammedans, who have long settled in Arakan, and who call themselves Rooinga, or natives of Arakan. The Classical Journal of 1811 identified Rooinga as one of the languages spoken in the Burma Empire. In 1815, Johann Severin Vater listed Ruinga as an ethnic group with a distinct language in a compendium of languages published in German. According to Jacques Leider, the Rohingya were referred to as "Chittagonians" during the British colonial period, and it was not controversial to refer to them as "Bengalis" until the 1990s. Leider also states that "there is no international consensus" on the use of the term Rohingya, as they are often called "Rohingya Muslims," "Muslim Arakanese," and "Burmese Muslims." He writes that even many Muslims in Rakhine prefer to call themselves "Muslim Arakanese" or "Muslims coming from Rakhine" instead of Rohingya. Others, such as anthropologist Christina Fink, use Rohingya not as an ethnic identifier but as a political one. Fink believes the Rohingya is a political movement that started in the 1950s to create "an autonomous Muslim zone" in Rakhine. Nevertheless, the term Rohingya wasn't widely used until the 1990s. Today the use of the name Rohingya is polarized. The government of Myanmar refuses to use the name. In the 2014 census, the Myanmar government forced the Rohingya to identify themselves as Bengali. Many Rohingya see the denial of their name as similar to denying their basic rights, and the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar has agreed. The Rohingya could accept the term "Bengali-Burmese race" in their National Registration Card (NRC) and accelerate the repatriation process. In Myanmar, racial identities like, Indian-Burmese or Chinese-Burmese are common. The racial identity of citizens in Kolkata is also Bengali, but that doesn't mean they are Bangladeshi. They are Indian citizens. The Rohingya should leave no stone unturned to return to their motherland. If this can open the door to repatriation, they should welcome it. The price they're paying is too high. Decades after decades they have been suffering. Killing, raping, burning their homes, ethnic cleansing etc. every crime has been committed against them. Millions were forced to leave their homeland. Those still living in Rakhine, are facing restrictions on their freedom of movement, access to state education and civil service jobs -- it is as though they are living in imprisonment. Not only that, thousands of new-born children of the Rohingya in different refugee camps in different countries are moving towards an uncertain future and a state-less identity. Their Bengali-Burmese ethnic identity does not mean that the Rohingya are not Myanmar nationals. Rather, it will eliminate one point of difference between the Myanmar government and the Rohingya community. The other demands of the Rohingya like nationality, freedom of movement, political participation etc, can be discussed and solved. But for that, the Rohingya must return to their country and fight for their rights. Taking refuge in another country renders any protest by them meaningless. On the other hand, as it is historically proven that the Rohingya Muslims are an integral part of Myanmar, the Myanmar government should not deny their citizenship. They can repatriate the Rohingya and then talk with them regarding their other demands. This will help them gain some international support. The decade-long suppression of the Rohingya must come to an end. It's our humanitarian duty to stand with them. An "ethnic cleansing" by the Burmese military must not be allowed to succeed. This is a test for the international community to give back the rights of Rohingya and repatriate them to their own homeland, Myanmar, with dignity and honor..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Dhaka Tribune" (Bangladesh)
2023-01-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A lasting solution to the Rohingya crisis lies in the safe, sustainable and dignified repatriation of the 1.2 million Rohingyas staying in Bangladesh to Myanmar. Dignified repatriation of Rohingyas is possible through appropriate measures and the creation of an enabling environment in Myanmar’s political and social environment, but progress in this regard is not promising. The leading representatives of the Rohingya community, who have been persecuted and tortured since Myanmar’s independence, have belatedly realized that they need a unified representation both inside Myanmar and abroad to actively tackle this problem. From 2017 till date, there has been an absence of active, regular presence and effective role of any group or organization representing the Rohingya community in the international arena. A larger coalition called Arakan Rohingya National Alliance (ARNA) has been formed with some of these leading organizations and senior Rohingya politicians working on the interests of the Rohingyas to secure and ensure the oppressed Rohingya community’s right to live with dignity and honour. Due to the lack of coordination among the organizations dealing with the interest of Rohingyas, these organizations failed to perform an effective role in highlighting Rohingya interests in the international arena. To secure the rights of Rohingyas in a new federal democratic union of Myanmar strong cooperation between organizations representing the Rohingyas is essential. According to the founding member of ARNA and co-founder of the Free Rohingya Coalition Ne San Luin, the most important task for the Rohingya leadership in the coming days is to increase cooperation and coordination between organizations. It is hoped that the ARNA will unite Rohingya leaders living at home and abroad to achieve the right of self-determination for the Rohingyas within the Federal Union of Myanmar. ARNA leadership stated that the Rohingya’s are not separatists, are willing to be part of the future Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar and willing to cooperate with all parties within Myanmar. ARNA brought together Rohingya organizations, politicians and activists on a common platform for the first time since the organized genocide and brutal military crackdown in 2017. According to ARNA, the Rohingyas are interested in living peacefully with other ethnic groups in Myanmar and want to work together with the National Unity Government (NUG) and the United League of Arakan (ULA). ARNA stated that the Rohingyas are committed to maintaining peaceful coexistence on the principle of unity in diversity. The Rohingya have also expressed their support and solidarity with other oppressed ethnic and religious minorities in the country. Alliance leaders approved the outline of the alliance on November 20, 2022. ARNA is still in its early stages and will soon include youth and women representing the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh. After the military coup the NUG was formed. They published a policy paper titled ‘Policy Position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State’ recognizing their identity as ‘Rohingya’. This recognition gives an idea of ​​the changing position of Myanmar’s pro-democracy parties. Earlier, the Myanmar government and military had been claiming that there was no such thing as ‘Rohingya’. Almost all the demands of the Rohingya’s are reflected in the commitments mentioned in the policy paper of the NUG. In addition to this, the commander in chief of the Arakan Army (AA), the military wing of Arakan’s ruling political party ULA said that they recognize the Rohingyas as “Muslim residents of Rakhine” and wants to ensure the human and civil rights of the Rohingyas. This acceptance is a positive step to solve the Rohingya problem and an indication of their changing attitude towards the Rohingyas. Acceptance of the Rohingyas in the political circles of Myanmar and in the local politics of Arakan will accelerate the resolution of the crisis. ARNA can advocate for this initiative in the international arena. The participation of Rohingyas in this political initiative is an important decision. ARNA leaders can continue to communicate with the NUG, AA and take initiatives to mend the divide and bring back the long-standing coexistence and tolerance of the two communities. On September 19, the ULA announced in a statement that the world community must come to an understanding with them in any matter related to Arakan. The repatriation of Rohingya needs to be discussed with AA and then ULA will develop a roadmap for Rohingya repatriation based on mutual consent. It is also an important event in the ongoing process. Recently, on the 75th Independence Day of Myanmar, the junta government awarded the prestigious state award to the Buddhist monk Ashin Wirathu, who was criticized for his radical nationalist sentiments and spreading hatred against the Rohingyas. It remains to be seen whether this has any negative impact on resolving the Rohingya issue. Wirathu came into the limelight by demanding that Myanmar’s Rohingya Muslim-owned businesses be boycotted and Buddhists are banned from marrying Muslims. In 2013, his photo was featured on the cover of the world-famous Time magazine and he was identified as the ‘Face of Buddhist Terror’. Wirathu is also referred to by many as the Buddhists ‘Bin Laden’. National League for Democracy (NLD) was working to end the ethnic violence in Myanmar. NLD co-founder Win Tin visited the Wirathu’s monastery in the city of Mandalay two months before his death in 2014 to discuss the acceptance of Rohingyas by the extremist Buddhist groups, but their meeting failed to bring any positive result for the Rohingyas. International human rights groups have accused Wirathu of helping the junta to foment hatred against the Rohingya community, saying Wirathu’s anti-Muslim role helped fuel the junta’s crackdown on the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2017. ARNA should be ready to work to make the existing situation favorable to resolve the crisis. In December 2022, the UN Security Council adopted a resolution for the first time calling for an end to the violence in Myanmar, identifying the root causes of the Rohingya crisis and creating a favorable environment for their safe, sustainable and dignified return. The resolution adopted by the Security Council praised the government of Bangladesh for providing shelter, security and humanitarian assistance to the Rohingyas. The resolution also strongly highlights the negative impact of the current political unrest on the return of Rohingyas to Myanmar and the resulting regional security risks. According to China, there is no quick fix to the Rohingya issue. China expressed that, the ultimate solution to this crisis depends fundamentally and solely on Myanmar. Russia does not see the situation in Myanmar as a threat to international security and therefore believes it should not be addressed by the UN Security Council. India also abstained from voting on the resolution. ARNA should work with these powerful countries to create an environment conducive to speedy repatriation. Analysing the recent events, it can be seen that western countries are putting pressure on Myanmar in addition to providing humanitarian aid to solve the Rohingya crisis. Their positive attitude was expressed by passing the resolution in the UN General Assembly. ARNA has number of challenges in future and to deal with those they need to work with the international community. Since the attitude of China, India and Russia is still not positive, ARNA has to keep in touch with these countries and donor organizations to prepare the ground for solving the issue. Efforts should be made to soften the attitude of Buddhist organizations with the support of ASEAN and friendly Buddhist countries. The Nippon Foundation is in contact with the Myanmar government and AA, ARNA should also find a way forward to resolve the crisis by maintaining contact with them. For sustainable repatriation, the economic and social development of Rakhine state is important. This should be ensured by implementing the recommendations of the Kofi Annan Commission report with the help of donors, UN, countries investing in Myanmar and Western countries. ARNA should be active and find out measures to change the attitude of the common people in Myanmar and broadcast motivational programs aimed at hardline Buddhist organizations. ARNA should take initiatives for a permanent solution to the Rohingya crisis by closely working and developing relationships with NUG, PDF, AA, civil society, policymakers, lawmakers and other relevant organizations. They are not yet in a position to do so much in the beginning, but if they continue with organizational strength and sincerity, it is expected that they will be able to contribute significantly to the process of resolving the crisis. It is expected that ARNA will quickly gain recognition in the international arena and speed up the solution to the Rohingya problem by addressing the root causes..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Eurasia Review"
2023-01-22
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "DHAKA – A Rohingya refugee was shot dead, two others injured and many displaced by shooting and fires at a camp in no man’s land between Bangladesh and Myanmar on Wednesday. Gunshots were also reported on Thursday from the Konarpara camp where Squadron Leader Rizwan Rushdee of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and a young Rohingya woman were killed during an anti-smuggling operation on November 14. Bangladeshi intelligence and police sources told The Irrawaddy that there was fighting between groups linked to the Rohingya Solidary Organisation (RSO) and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) broke at the Konarpara camp and sporadic firing carried on for several hours. “We have nothing to do with the firing as it took place inside the camp and also inside Myanmar,” said Naikhyangchhari police chief Mohammad Shahjahan on Thursday. Police said the border is mainly under Border Guard Bangladesh jurisdiction. The border force was unavailable for comment. A law enforcement agency source in Bandarban said one man in RSO “combat uniform” was shot dead and many others were injured on the border and inside Myanmar. Two intelligence agents said fighting between the RSO and “uncontrolled” ARSA was responsible for Rushdee’s death in November. ARSA denied involvement. DGFI Cox’s Bazar officer Mohammad Anwar Hossain on November 23 filed a case against ARSA commander-in-chief Ataullah Abu Ammar Jununi and 66 others for Rushdee’s death. Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) in Bangladesh told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that two injured people were treated at its Kutupalong clinic in Cox’s Bazar. Another victim was dead on arrival. “MSF can confirm that among the two injured patients who survived, one suffered a gunshot wound and has been referred for further treatment to another facility. The second patient, a child, sustained minor injuries after a bullet grazed his hand and damaged the tissue,” the charity said. The deceased man was Hamid Ullah, 24, while Mohid Ullah, 23, of Shalbagan Rohingya camp near Cox’s Bazar was admitted to a government hospital. Ullah’s brother-in-law Mohammad Shaker said he was an RSO member. Rohingya community leader Dil Mohammad told the media that the rival groups were fighting to control the refugee camp. Many Rohingya were later displaced after fires were set at the camp. “We have learned it was ARSA who set fire to escape from Konarpara. I saw over 100 Rohingya lose their shelters,” said a Bangladeshi visitor. Bangladesh Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner Mohammed Mizanur Rahman said many of those displaced were seeking safety inside Bangladesh. “We put our law enforcement agencies on alert and asked them not to allow anyone inside into Bangladeshi territory as we are already overburdened and have no room to accommodate a single person,” he told The Irrawaddy. RSO or ARSA made no comment. Last month Bangladeshi home minister Asaduzzaman Khan announced that security at Konarpara would be increased, including extra fencing to reduce transborder crimes. He said around 4,500 Rohingyas in no man’s land would not be relocated but fences would be erected to prevent crime..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-01-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: UN figures show number of those attempting to escape horrendous conditions in refugee camps increased from 700 in 2021 to over 3,500 in 2022
Description: "The number of Rohingya refugees taking dangerous sea journeys in the hope of reaching Malaysia or Indonesia has surged by 360%, the UN has announced after hundreds of refugees were left stranded at the end of last year. Rohingya in Bangladesh refugee camps have warned that human smugglers have ramped up operations and are constantly searching for people to fill boats from Myanmar and Bangladesh headed for Malaysia, where people believe they can live more freely. More than 3,500 Rohingya boarded boats in 2022 compared with 700 the year before, reviving a route between the Bay of Bengal and southeast Asia which was used to move thousands of Rohingya until 2015, when the discovery of mass graves in Thailand forced a crackdown. Shabia Mantoo, a UNHCR spokesperson, said smugglers are using “false promises and false hope” to lure desperate people, and that regional governments need to act to prevent trafficking and protect any Rohingya who arrive on their shores. She said: “Calls by UNHCR to maritime authorities in the region to rescue and disembark people in distress have been ignored or have gone unheeded, with many boats adrift for weeks.” Since 2017, more than a million Rohingya have lived in refugee camps in Bangladesh after fleeing massacres by the Myanmar military, while those still in Myanmar are frequently arrested when travelling beyond their districts. Several boats were left adrift during the last two months of 2022, with governments not responding to distress calls, leaving Indonesian fishers to rescue 450 people. Another boat with 100 Rohingya was rescued by the Sri Lankan navy. Zahid Hossain, a Rohingya teacher, said two of his friends were on a boat of 180 people that the UN believes capsized last month. Like him, both spent most of their lives in Bangladesh after their families fled Myanmar in the early 1990s, and were active in volunteering for NGOs. “They left the camp to seek a better life, and hoping in Malaysia there might be an opportunity for them and their families to build a future for their children. This long-lasting refugee life of 31 years has become an unbearable, poisoned life for them,” he said. “I found out about their drowning when I heard voice notes sent to us from another boat nearby that reached Indonesia after a bad storm.” Ali Kabir, an anti-trafficking campaigner who lives near the camps, said the problem was not being taken seriously, and people-smugglers have freely recruited and moved refugees without police action. “There are lot of people being moved, and sometimes when we tell them [the police] they don’t care – they say these people have become a burden.” Kabir said refugees are often held on boats while ransoms are demanded from their families, adapting a previous strategy of holding people in jungle camps which continued until Thailand discovered mass Rohingya graves in 2015. “The systems change, the routes change. Now there aren’t mass graves – they die at sea. The sea became the graveyard for them.” Rohingya people have complained that violent armed gangs are becoming increasingly powerful inside the camps. In a report on Tuesday, Human Rights Watch (HRW) accused Bangladesh’s Armed Police Battalion, assigned to tackle insecurity in the camps, of arbitrary arrests, harassment and extortion. “Abuses by police in the Cox’s Bazar camps have left Rohingya refugees suffering at the hands of the very forces who are supposed to protect them,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at HRW..."
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Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2023-01-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Following the attempted coup in February 2021, Myanmar’s military1 has relied on an arsenal of weapons2 to carry out summary executions, massacres and other human rights atrocities in response to peaceful protests and growing anti-coup armed resistance in Myanmar. Analysis of witness statements and of video and photographic evidence in relation to such human rights violations shows security forces armed with a variety of locally produced firearms, including sniper rifles,3 MA-1 semi-automatic rifles,4 and Uzi-replica BA-93 and BA-94 sub-machine guns.5 In addition, analysis of images of weapons used by soldiers and the military-controlled Myanmar police force shows that much of the small arms ammunition used against peaceful protestors in 2021 carries the headstamp marking of the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Defence Industries (DDI), confirming local manufacture.6 Since the late 1950s, and in particular with the coming to power of the so-called State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) military junta in 1988, Myanmar’s military has invested significantly in strengthening its domestic capacity to produce weapons as a necessary means for releasing the military from a dependence on external supplies. This ambition is illustrated by: the initial establishment of weapon production factories in Yangon and in the central, Bamar- majority parts of the country and the continuous establishment of new factories, including some that have yet to become fully operational; the progressive increase in stockpiles of strategic raw materials to ensure adequate and uninterrupted supply for continuous in-country production of weapons; the modernisation of auxiliary industries – such as iron and steel plants – to provide necessary materials for production;7 the continuous upgrading of existing weapons and diversification of production lines; and the strategic diversification of sourcing bases (countries and companies) to limit the impacts of current and potential future sanctions and embargoes. As a result, Myanmar’s military has gradually become largely self-sufficient in manufacturing a range of weapons. By way of illustration, the DDI currently has an extremely robust production capacity for small arms8 to meet its operational needs,9 which are focussed almost exclusively on the brutal internal suppression of the Myanmar population. As its atrocities mount, the military’s need to further insulate itself from economic and external diplomatic pressure will likely lead to increased efforts aimed at the modernisation of existing weapon factories, the construction of additional factories and the development of auxiliary domestic industries for supplying the factories with necessary raw materials. Despite robust production capabilities, however, the DDI is still reliant on international supplies, including for a variety of raw materials, parts and components and end-items, as well as machinery and technology, for the sustained production – both licensed and un-licensed10 – of the weapons in its arsenal. This report maps out the Myanmar military’s in-country weapon production which takes place at factories commonly referred to as KaPaSa (after the Burmese name for the Directorate of Defence Industries, Karkweye Pyitsee Setyone) or, in the military’s own terms, as “Defence Industry” factories (DI). The report provides an overview of some of the critical supplies that appear to enable this production, and it identifies companies whose products are currently used by the DDI to successfully sustain its weapon manufacturing at scale.11 The report also identifies companies that enable the DDI to purchase products by brokering deals or otherwise acting as intermediaries for the DDI.12 In doing so, these companies also enable Myanmar’s military to continue to commit gross human rights violations, amounting to crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. This report by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) finds that: Some of the DDI’s production appears to be taking place under license (including expired licenses). However, the licensing situation for many of the weapons currently produced at the KaPaSa factories remains unclear. Whether licensed or unlicensed production, the DDI appears to have obtained the technology and know-how to produce a variety of its weapons through various types of transfer of technology (ToT) deals. Over the years, the types of ToT deals that the DDI has entered into with companies – including State-owned companies – from Italy and (then) West Germany, Singapore, Israel, South Korea, North Korea, China and Ukraine have included the receipt of entire weapon production plants (turn-key projects), receipt of direct support from engineers associated with the owner of the technology, joint venture agreements, and KaPaSa factory staff being trained by original license-holders. Some companies that have provided ToTs to the DDI appear to have received commercial contracts, including in Myanmar’s oil and gas sector, in exchange. While the DDI is able to partially produce and domestically source some of the critical raw materials used for its arms production, it still imports important quantities of such materials, including from China through the China State-owned company China North Industries Group Corporation Limited (NORINCO). China has also played an important role in supporting the establishment and operation of auxiliary industries, such as iron and steel plants and copper mines, that are either directly connected with weapon production factories in Myanmar or whose outputs feed the factories’ production. The DDI is currently also seeking to invest in iron and steel plants in the country, including in Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay Region. Consequently, foreign companies involved in the extraction and/or processing of certain raw materials in Myanmar may find themselves contributing to, or being directly linked to, sustaining the Myanmar armed forces’ arms production capabilities. The DDI also depends on imports of parts and components ready to be used in weapons made in the KaPaSa factories, including fuses, cast boosters, detonating caps, igniters and electric detonators. Available data indicates that many of these parts and components come from companies domiciled in India and China. Information obtained by SAC-M suggests that the poor quality of many of the Chinese products upon which the DDI depends has prompted the DDI to progressively turn to other countries, including India, for critical supplies, and that the DDI is planning for other countries, including India, to play an increasingly important role for the weapon production industry in Myanmar. Several companies domiciled in India have also been identified as supplying the DDI with end-items such as optical sights to be fitted to made-in-Myanmar small arms such as sniper rifles. The military’s need to import optical sights is likely to continue as the military is moving towards the increased use of optical sights in its small arms and light weapons design and manufacture. Automated machining is a critical step for weapon manufacturing at scale and modern Computer Numerical Control (CNC) machines with turning, milling and grinding functions, as well as electro-discharge machines, play a critical role. SAC-M has identified machines manufactured by companies legally domiciled in Austria, Germany, Japan, Taiwan and the United States (US) that are currently used by the Myanmar military at its weapon production factories. SAC-M has also identified various software programmes made by companies legally domiciled in France, Israel and Germany currently being used at KaPaSa factories for operating some of the CNC machines. Singapore functions as a strategic transit point for potentially significant volumes of items – including certain raw materials – that feed the Myanmar military’s weapon production. Companies domiciled in Singapore have been identified as brokering deals and exporting items to the DDI or to associated civilian front companies for the military in Myanmar. In addition, according to credible information received by SAC-M, Taiwan functions as an important transit point for the DDI’s purchase of high precision CNC machines, including from European manufacturers, for KaPaSa arms manufacturing. In addition, individuals formerly associated with Myanmar’s armed forces suggest that, with the assistance of Mottama Holdings Limited – a Myanmar-based conglomerate and reportedly the current intermediary between the DDI and Chinese arms industry company NORINCO – the DDI also regularly sends CNC machines from KaPaSa factories to Taiwan where they are serviced by technicians associated with the European manufacturers of the machines, after which they are shipped back to Myanmar and to the DDI. It appears as though the absence of Taiwanese sanctions on Myanmar facilitates these types of transactions and shipments to and from Myanmar for the performance of critical maintenance. The leader of the Myanmar military, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and his top military leaders must be held accountable for the human rights violations that they have perpetrated. However, this report emphasises that concrete action must also be taken to address the corporate responsibility to respect human rights in Myanmar. This requires action both by the companies that have been identified in this report and by their home governments. Under international human rights law, all States have a duty to protect against human rights abuses by third parties, including business enterprises, through appropriate policies, regulation and adjudication. In relation to the manufacturing and export of weapons and associated items and machinery specifically, this expectation is reflected in several multilateral agreements of relevance to the arms industry, including the Arms Trade Treaty13 and dual-use goods regimes, such as the Wassenaar Arrangement,14 the European Union (EU) Dual-Use Goods Regulation15 and current sanctions regimes that apply to Myanmar.16 For the home States of the companies that have been identified, adhering to these legal provisions requires them to apply export controls on a number of items – including sub-components, end-items and machinery and technology – that could be used for arms production. At present, it is unclear to what extent the home States of companies have upheld this responsibility in relation to the products that have been identified in use at the Myanmar military’s weapon production factories and auxiliary industries. SAC-M recommends that the home States identified in this report investigate and, as relevant, initiate administrative and/or legal proceedings against the companies whose parts and components, end-items and machinery and technology are relied upon by the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Defence Industries. States should also adopt targeted sanctions against the KaPaSa, its leadership and its network of brokers that have been identified in this report. Companies have a responsibility to respect human rights. This means that they should act with due diligence to avoid infringing on the human rights of others and to address adverse human rights impacts with which they are involved.17 The responsibility to respect is independent of States’ abilities and/or willingness to fulfil their human rights obligations. In practical terms, and in relation to the Myanmar military’s weapon production, meeting this responsibility means that companies are expected to apply their own due diligence in relation to the risks of potential harmful end-use of their products,18 and to put in place measures to prevent or mitigate such risks. For products that are covered by export controls, companies are not absolved of the responsibility to respect human rights by the mere fact that their home State has granted the necessary export permits. Companies identified in the report should immediately stop doing business with the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Defence Industries and associated military entities and civilian front companies for the Myanmar military, and they should investigate how their products have ended up being used for the manufacturing of arms by the military in Myanmar. Beyond this, companies should also take steps to prevent future harmful end-use of their products through robust due diligence to identify, prevent, and mitigate the risk of harm associated with the sale/licensing and deployment of their products. In relation to harms that have already been suffered by civilians in Myanmar, companies should provide for, or cooperate in, the remediation of such harms, including by collaborating with any future legal or administrative proceedings. Lastly, it should be noted that this report does not undertake the immense task of mapping out the Myanmar military’s arms production and associated value chains19 in their entirety. Undertaking such an endeavour is a key recommendation of this report. Put differently, additional, longer-term research is needed to identify additional critical supplies with a view to disrupting the Myanmar military’s weapon production. This undertaking would fill an important gap in the current research on Myanmar’s armed forces, which tends to focus on the military’s acquisition of weapons from elsewhere, rather than weapons that are made in the country. To this end, SAC-M encourages interested parties to follow-up on the present research where it has left off. To sustain such future work, SAC-M invites the submission of information, on a continuous basis, that could lead to the identification of additional companies that supply or support the Myanmar military in its manufacturing of weapons.20 PURPOSE AND METHODOLOGY Since the military’s crackdown on the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, arms embargoes and sanctions have been imposed on Myanmar by foreign governments. So far as arms are concerned, these types of measures have principally sought to prohibit the trade of military or dual-use goods that may be used by the Myanmar military for internal suppression. Important as they may be, these measures have not been fully effective in preventing the military from committing atrocities against the civilian population. On the one hand, this failure stems from the fact that several UN member states continue to sell weapons to the military.21 An equally important factor, however, is the fact that Myanmar’s military can produce a large variety of weapons in-country. Weapons made in the country’s so-called KaPaSa factories have been, and continue to be, used by Myanmar’s military for widespread, systematic and indiscriminate attacks on civilians, as evidenced in publicly available reports and video/photographic evidence, and corroborated by information received by SAC-M from individuals formerly associated with the Myanmar armed forces or experts on made-in-Myanmar weapons. For example: Post-coup military offensives in Karenni / Kayah State have involved the systematic and massive use of landmines – including locally produced M14 anti-personnel landmines – in and around villages in south-eastern Karenni / Kayah State, acts that may amount to war crimes.22 Photographs reviewed by the Land Mine and Cluster Munition Monitor indicate that antipersonnel landmines manufactured by Myanmar were captured from the Myanmar Armed Forces by non-state armed groups every month from January to September 2022 and in virtually every part of the country.23 In August 2022, antipersonnel mines manufactured by and in the possession of the Myanmar military were captured in both the northwest and southwest of the country, indicating extensive mine use by the armed forces.24 Following the 2021 attempted coup, the military and police responded to peaceful protests with in- country made weapons – including a variety of rifles25 and grenades26 – to assassinate protestors. In March 2019, during armed conflict between the military and the Arakan Army (AA), at least five people were killed when the army opened fire on Say Taung village in northern Rahkine, using rounds and artillery produced at a KaPaSa factory.27 Throughout the two-year period of conflict with the AA, the military regularly fired into villages in Rakhine State with locally produced small arms and ammunition, injuring or killing civilians, damaging civilian houses and other structures, and causing mass displacement. Investigation into military attacks in Rakhine in 2019 also indicates that the military systematically fired explosive weapons with wide area effects, including locally produced mortars and associated projectiles, into civilian areas.28 The military’s genocidal atrocities inflicted on Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017 involved the killing of Rohingya civilians by the military and Border Guard Police using a variety of DDI-made small arms, including the MA-3 MK I and G3 rifles used during the Inn Din massacre.29 In short: weapons produced by the Myanmar military in-country at its KaPaSa factories have been used in the military’s widespread and systematic attacks against civilian targets, prior to, during and after the 2021 attempted military coup, and continue to be so. Over a period of one year, SAC-M has mapped out the Myanmar armed forces’ in-country weapon production and the value chains that enable this production. The research has entailed open- source investigation, including review of user-generated content in Burmese and English posted on a wide variety of social media forums and discussion groups (open and closed). SAC-M has also reviewed leaked budget-related documents (2016-2021) from the Myanmar military-controlled Ministry of Defence (MOD) and the DDI as well as shipment records from subscription-based import/export databases. In addition, SAC-M has interviewed approximately 30 individuals, including former soldiers of the Myanmar armed forces as well as weapon experts and experts on the weapon manufacturing industry in Southeast Asia broadly and Myanmar specifically.31,32 SAC-M hopes that this report will contribute to a greater understanding of the Myanmar military’s weapon production and the global value chains that feed this production to ensure that more effective international action can be taken to protect the rights of the Myanmar people, including through targeted sanctions, engagement with identified companies to prevent future supplies reaching the DDI and the network of KaPaSa factories and, as necessary, targeted accountability-oriented proceedings..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
2023-01-16
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Media Release from the Global Justice Center and Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK The Global Justice Center and the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) today submitted recommendations to the Argentinian judiciary in a case brought against Myanmar military leaders for the genocide of the Rohingya. The case was filed by BROUK and launched by the Second Chamber of the Federal Criminal Court in 2021 under the principle of universal jurisdiction, which allows any court to prosecute certain human rights abuses, regardless of where they were committed. Today’s submission seeks to prepare the court for testimony from victims of sexual violence. It presents internationally-recognized principles for interviewing and engaging with victims. The submission also sets out standards for how the court should asses evidence of sexual violence. Tun Khin, BROUK President, issued the following statement: “More than five years after the genocide of the Rohingya, this case represents a crucial path to justice for crimes committed in Myanmar, particularly for victims of sexual violence. The Argentinian courts have an opportunity to be on the right side of history and provide justice that, until now, has seemed illusive.” Angela Mudukuti, Senior Legal Advisor with the Global Justice Center, issued the following statement: “Supporting victims of sexual violence, and our partners BROUK in their quest for justice, is of the utmost importance to the Global Justice Center. We submitted these recommendations because, historically, courts all over the world have failed to engage with victims and survivors of sexual violence in a way that avoids retraumatization and gives their testimony the weight it deserves. We remain hopeful that our submission will support the Argentinian judiciary in treating survivors and victims with dignity.”..."
Source/publisher: Global Justice Center and Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
2023-01-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "How providing cash, piglets, and business training is helping Rohingya survivors of gender-based violence, and those at risk, in Myanmar’s Rakhine state. Rakhine State, Myanmar – Daw Mya Mya Aye, 60, could not hide her joy as she joined fellow villagers in sharing how the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) breathed hope into their vulnerable families. Speaking at the launch of this year’s International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women on 25 November in Matkalar village in Rakhine state, Daw Mya Mya Aye and her fellow beneficiaries explained how through the assistance from CERF they are now slowly rebuilding their lives after the COVID-19 pandemic and the escalation of the armed conflict following the military takeover in February 2021. “I am happy that the programme gave my life back,” said Daw Mya Mya Aye, a single mother of two. “I received business training, cash, 17 piglets and stock feed to revive my pig business, which had collapsed. The training has improved my pig rearing skills, and the animals are healthier than my previous stock.” After the armed conflict intensified, risks of gender-based violence increased, including child, forced and early marriages, and human trafficking. Daw Mya Mya Aye said she had seriously considered leaving her country out of desperation. “But I decided to stay here because I could not bear the thought of staying in a refugee camp with my small children.” The military takeover has seen more than 1.4 million people, 200,000 in Rakhine state alone, internally displaced in Myanmar, while more than 950,000 have sought refuge in nearby Bangladesh, Thailand and India. However, after some weeks of sleepless nights pondering her next move to survive the effects of the conflict, she said a representative of one local women-led organization informed her about a new programme that intended to support vulnerable women. “That was my turning point.” It is the plight of many women such as Daw Mya Mya Aye that required UN Women and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) to join hands in the CERF-funded global multi-country programme to provide essential services to gender-based violence survivors and enhance their protection from exploitation and abuse. The programme also aimed to help women build back their small businesses for economic independence. The initiative targets 7,192 women and girls in Rakhine and Kachin states, focusing particularly on survivors of, or those at risk of, gender-based violence. Through this joint programme, UNFPA is also improving communities’ access to quality and comprehensive prevention and response services for gender-based violence. On the other hand, UN Women is complementing these efforts through provision of cash, business trainings and livelihood support to prevent women from opting for negative coping mechanisms such as selling family livelihood assets, exhausting savings for children’s education and other necessities, transactional sex and forced and child marriages. Support will ensure that women do not respond to difficulties using strategies that may provide a temporary means of survival, but seriously undermine their long-term wellbeing. The cutting edge of this programme is that UN Women and UNFPA are not working alone. To further promote the localization agenda and expand the reach and access of services, the programme is partnering with 15 local women-led organizations and women’s rights organizations. This partnership is facilitating the capacity development of the women’s organizations for better engagement in humanitarian action, for them to promote reporting of gender-based violence incidents and increase accessibility of essential services such as mental health and psychosocial support and legal aid for delivery of justice. Working in the camps for internally displaced persons and resettlement sites, the women’s organizations are engaging with various groups of people including community and religious leaders, men and boys to raise awareness on the negative effects of GBV and to improve local capacities to influence behaviour change and address social norms and gender stereotypes that fuel gender-based violence. In Rakhine state, where Daw Mya Mya Aye stays with her family, the programme is supporting 227 women, including 50 female-headed households. The women were provided with business trainings to help improve their livestock production capacity for economic resilience, as well as in-kind support, namely piglets, chicks, stock feed and cash. The acting interim UN Women representative in Myanmar, Karin Fueg, emphasized the importance of investing in multi-sectoral gender-based violence services and livelihood opportunities that can strengthen the protection of women and girls in conflict. She said expanding activities that can create opportunities for people to challenge gender norms and address unequal power relations between women and men can help prevent gender-based violence. Humanitarian actors, she said, should work as a collective and put survivors and women and girls at risk of gender-based violence at the centre of protection efforts, while ensuring that life-saving services are delivered in a timely manner through different mechanisms, such as partnering with local women’s civil society organizations to ease access..."
Source/publisher: UN Women (New York) via United Nations Myanmar
2023-01-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "U Nay San Lwin is the co-founder of the Germany-based Free Rohingya Coalition, but better known on social media as Ro Nay San Lwin. Known for his Rohingya activism, he has described the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) as criminals who kill their own kind. U Nay San Lwin talked recently to The Irrawaddy about the Spring Revolution against the military dictatorship and the conflict in Rakhine State. What is your opinion of the Spring Revolution and the civilian National Unity Government (NUG)? The revolutionary spirit of young people in Myanmar and their desire to reform the country deserves praise. I’m proud that young people are this active after almost two years of revolution. If they keep on like this, I think the country will be liberated one day. About the leadership of the NUG, after the NUG was formed it released a statement describing its policy towards the Rohingya people. Although it has some weakness in recognizing the identity of the Rohingya, I welcome the NUG statement. The NUG has yet to cooperate with the Rohingya. About the genocide, the United States officially recognized [the Myanmar military’s 2017 operation against the Rohingya] as genocide and the case is also being heard at the International Court of Justice. What will be the NUG’s position? It has not recognized it as genocide. When will it recognize it? Rather than cooperating only when necessary, the NUG should cooperate extensively with Rohingya leaders and activists to find a solution to the issue. How will the Rohingya co-exist with the Rakhine people? What are the views of the Rohingya on the Arakan Army (AA) and the conflict in Rakhine? Rakhine ethnic people make up the majority in Rakhine. And the Rohingya make up the second largest population. The Rohingya were officially recognized as one of Myanmar’s ethnic groups after independence and granted full ethnic rights. There were different views about this policy after [military dictator] U Ne Win seized power. Rakhine scholars and politicians were involved in designing and backing the 1982 Citizenship Law [which denies the Rohingya citizenship]. [Rohingya] were not happy, but there were no attacks. [Sectarian strife] was created under U Thein Sein’s government to distract public attention from the [China-backed] oil and gas pipeline project in Kyaukphyu in 2012. There were casualties. The two communities became segregated. But, lately, the two communities are engaging again. Rakhine people and Rohingya people have reached a higher level of understanding. Previously, Rohingya students could not attend Sittwe University. But now some 200 to 300 Rohingya students are studying there. Rohingya and Rakhine student unions are cooperating. Previously, Rohingya people could not leave their camps to do shopping. But now there is trade between the two communities. So things have improved a lot. But there are still vague policies. We don’t know about the fate of Rohingya when the AA takes control of all Rakhine State and declares independence. Generally, they [the AA] have been saying that there will be full human rights and citizenship rights for Rohingya. But the situation on the ground is a little different from what the AA leaders say. Developments [in relations between Rakhine and Rohingya] youths are quite encouraging. But there is room for engagement between the leadership of the two sides. We will wait and see how the leaders of the two sides resolve things. We must try. What is your view on ARSA? There are suspicions that ARSA has ties to international terrorist organizations. About ARSA, their first operation took place on October 9, 2016. They attacked border police outposts in northern Maungdaw and Rathedaung townships then. About their coordinated attacks on 30 border guard outposts and police stations in 2017, I doubt that they are really that strong or have the weapons to carry out attacks on that scale. I think it was an excuse [for the Myanmar military to persecute the Rohingya]. In fact, Rohingya people were forced out of their homes. It was not a coincidence. When I went to Bangladesh, I met residents from every village and inquired what happened. The things that the military claimed happened didn’t occur. The attacks occurred just one day after an advisory commission led by former United Nations chief Kofi Annan issued its report [which provides a long-term solution for Rakhine State]. It couldn’t be a coincidence. There are alleged ties between the Myanmar military and ARSA. I have suspicions that they have ties, but I have no evidence. And ARSA has started to target people in the refugee camps in Bangladesh who oppose them and are advocating for Rohingya repatriation. ARSA assassinated our comrade who had become a community leader at the refugee camps. We have monitored the activities of ARSA in the refugee camps since 2016. We found that they are not working in the interests of the Rohingya people. There are also allegations that ARSA is involved in drug smuggling. If they are really working for the liberation of the Rohingya people, they wouldn’t be killing Rohingya people in the refugee camps. They have gone too far. I have assessed their policies and I can’t accept them. The Rohingya community can’t accept the ARSA. We have officially told the world that ARSA does not represent the Rohingya community. Are Rohingya people hopeful that they will be able to return to their homes in Rakhine once the military dictatorship is overthrown? Frankly speaking, we didn’t have hope in the past. Although the NLD government was in office, the military was in fact in control and the [NLD government] just echoed the military. So there was no hope then and there is no hope now either. If the NUG is consistent with its policies and returns to power as a legitimate government, there will be hope. After the coup last year, Min Aung Hlaing talked about repatriating Rohingya people and also sent a letter to the Bangladesh government about it. But the military then engaged in fierce fighting with the AA to create the impression that Rakhine is not safe and that repatriation is impossible. The military committed genocide against the Rohingya and its claim that it is now working to bring them back deceives no one. If it really wants to mend its ways, there are more than 130,000 internally displaced persons currently in camps in Sittwe [the Rakhine capital] and it must arrange for them to return to their homes. The military must show clearly how it has rebuilt villages for refugees to come back to. And it must also clearly state if they can enjoy citizenship rights. The regime is only talking the talk, and there is no hope for us. We can do nothing if the whole country is ruined. We are part of this country and we will do what we can to help the success of the revolution and a return to civilian administration. We have been advocating and finding ways to build a new federal, democratic country which guarantees equal rights for all the minorities, not just the Rohingya, when a civilian administration is restored. We are not leading the efforts, but only assisting the people leading those efforts. Only when peace is restored to the country, will we know the fate of our Rohingya people..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-12-26
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "GENEVA (22 December 2022) – Appealing for the immediate rescue of Rohingya refugees in distress on a vessel in the Andaman Sea, UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar Tom Andrews said regional governments in South and Southeast Asia should prioritise safety and human rights and ensure coordinated search and rescue operations. He issued the following statement: “While many in the world are preparing to enjoy a holiday season and ring in a new year, boats bearing desperate Rohingya men, women and young children, are setting off on perilous journeys in unseaworthy vessels. One such boat carrying more than 100 Rohingya refugees has been at sea for weeks, and is reportedly now close to Aceh, Indonesia. Its engine has failed and those on board are running out of food and water. It has been reported that 16 passengers have already died, including at least one child. I call on all relevant maritime actors to immediately and urgently coordinate search and rescue for this boat and ensure safe disembarkation of those aboard before any further loss of life occurs. Too many Rohingya lives have already been lost in maritime crossings. Regional governments should prevent any further loss of life and urgently rescue and provide immediate protection to Rohingya stranded at sea. The duty to rescue persons in distress at sea is a fundamental rule of international law, is a norm of customary international law and is incorporated in international treaties. States must not push back boats out of territorial waters in an attempt to shirk international obligations. I urge all governments from the region to develop and coordinate a more humane regional response to those fleeing the junta’s brutal violence, including the Rohingya. This requires an absolute moratorium on any deportations or pushbacks to Myanmar, and the need for coordinated search and rescue at sea in line with international human rights standards. The international community must step forward and assist regional actors to provide durable solutions for the Rohingya. Increasing numbers of Rohingya have been using dangerous sea and land routes in recent weeks, which highlights the sense of desperation and hopelessness experienced by Rohingya in Myanmar and in the region. While details remain unclear, at least two other boats, each carrying over 100 Rohingya refugees, have also embarked on perilous journeys. Two weeks ago, a Vietnamese oil company vessel on its way to Myanmar rescued one sinking boat with 154 Rohingya refugees aboard. As they were close to Myanmar waters, they reportedly handed the group over to Myanmar authorities. It has been reported that those aboard were placed in migration detention in Myanmar and may now face criminal charges. Last weekend, the Sri Lankan Navy rescued a third trawler in distress, carrying 104 Rohingya, including numerous children, some unaccompanied. I wholeheartedly thank the Government of Sri Lanka for this intervention to rescue these vulnerable Rohingya refugees. Rohingya inside Myanmar who are unable to access sea routes have also been risking their lives by seeking out dangerous overland routes in an attempt to flee the country. Rohingya attempting to flee Myanmar who are detected outside Rakhine State are regularly charged with migration offences and jailed. On 5 December, I was distressed to learn of credible reports indicating that the bodies of 13 Rohingya men and boys, reportedly aged between 16 and 20 years old, were found in the north of Yangon. Reports indicate they died from lack of oxygen inside a vehicle while trying to reach the border area. All these tragedies point to unscrupulous smuggling and trafficking networks, some of whom are exploiting their desperation by putting lives at risk. I also have learned that a court order to stay the deportation of 104 persons who arrived by boat from Myanmar in February 2021 in Malaysia has been lifted by the Malaysian High Court, putting these people at risk of being returned to Myanmar. I reiterate my call that there must be an absolute moratorium on any forced returns of refugees and migrants to Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
2022-12-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Executive Summary: Around 1 million Rohingya refugees from Myanmar continue to live in the largest refugee settlement in the world in Bangladesh. More than 700,000 of these refugees fled genocide by the Myanmar military in August 2017. Five years on, the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have built up networks of support within the camps with volunteer educators, health workers, and distributors of aid. The people and government of Bangladesh, supported by international donors and humanitarian actors, have provided the Rohingya with food, shelter, and vaccines. But too few solutions have been implemented to address what has become a protracted humanitarian crisis. Indeed, prolonged displacement and uncertainty about the future of the Rohingya is feeding a growing despair, which recent events and policies have only heightened. The 2021 coup by the Myanmar military (the entity responsible for the genocide against the Rohingya) and increased fighting within Rakhine State (the homeland of the Rohingya) in 2022 make safe return in the near term unlikely. Safety in the camps in Bangladesh has deteriorated as militant Rohingya groups and criminal gangs increasingly have targeted and killed Rohingya camp leaders. And Bangladeshi policies have constrained the ability of refugees to pursue formal education and employment opportunities, to move freely, or to form organizations and gather as civil society actors. At the same time, donor fatigue, competing crises, and global economic downturn are projected to lead to significant cuts in humanitarian funding. Despite the dangerous trends, solutions are emerging that must be cultivated and expanded. Enhancing promising new education and skills-building initiatives is an essential place to start. The government of Bangladesh, supported by international donors, UN agencies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and civil society must better engage and incorporate the Rohingya community efforts and views toward improved quality education and livelihood opportunities. Other countries, particularly in the region, should explore opportunities to provide Rohingya with access to higher education and temporary work opportunities. The government of Bangladesh must prioritize the safety and security of Rohingya refugees by cracking down on armed and criminal elements and investigating and snuffing out corruption and abuse from some members of the Armed Police Battalions (APBn) and other authorities in the camps. The United States and other countries must also engage the government of Bangladesh about resettlement of the most vulnerable among the refugees and UN agencies must work with Bangladesh to provide further safe houses for those under greatest threat. For the Rohingya refugees to realize their ultimate goal of safe return to their homeland, the United States and like-minded countries, particularly Myanmar’s neighbors, must also address the long-term root causes of the crisis by increasing pressure on the military junta in Myanmar and furthering diplomatic and humanitarian support for opposition groups and civil society within the country. In the meantime, to stem the tide of hopelessness, and in the interest of sustainable and dignified return in the future, the Rohingya community in Bangladesh must not be restricted, but rather supported and empowered.....Recommendations: The government of Bangladesh should: Urgently address the security situation in the camps through enhanced coordination, investigation, and accountability among Bangladeshi law enforcement. Investigation and apprehension of armed actors in the camps must be improved through enhanced coordination among Bangladeshi law enforcement inside and outside of the camps and through authorization of APBn officers in the camps to directly receive reports from Rohingya and carry out investigations in the camps. Charges of corruption and abuse among the APBn must also be addressed and due process guaranteed for Rohingya detained in mass arrests. Improve protection of Rohingya in the camps through safe houses and enhanced community engagement. Camp officials must engage the Rohingya community to improve protection measures including the use of unarmed refugees in night patrols or to find alternative solutions. Officials must also provide safe houses outside of the camps to human rights defenders and other Rohingya refugees identified as particularly vulnerable and at risk of attack. Expand access to quality education for Rohingya. The government should enhance training and recruitment of Rohingya teachers through increased limits on stipends and dedicated capacity-building for female Rohingya teachers. It should support community-based learning initiatives and also allow two-story buildings to be used for schools. The government should provide and facilitate access to higher education for Rohingya refugees both in Bangladesh and abroad through scholarships and online opportunities. Expand livelihood opportunities for Rohingya. The government should expand programming under the new skills development framework, increase the upper limits of stipends for Rohingya volunteers, expand livelihood opportunities to the main camps, and engage regional governments toward temporary work opportunities for Rohingya. Support and open space for Rohingya civil society. The government should allow gatherings and provide capacity-building support, official registration, and access to bank accounts and mobile financial services for community-based organizations. Refrain from further movement of refugees to Bhasan Char until ongoing questions of voluntariness and sustainability are properly addressed. Refugees currently on the island should be provided opportunities to visit or return to the main camps if they choose. Refrain from repatriation of Rohingya to Myanmar until conditions are conducive for safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable returns, in line with international standards. Allow resettlement of Rohingya refugees to the United States and other third countries.....UN Agencies should:Urge and support the government of Bangladesh to do more to protect refugees and address the insecurity situation within the refugee camps. UN agencies should expand trainings of APBn and other camp officials on humanitarian protection principles and community safety. They should also work with the government to improve protection services and provide safe houses for human rights defenders and other refugees facing imminent threats. Prioritize commitments on Bhasan Char in meetings with the government of Bangladesh, towards truly voluntary and informed relocations, planning and preparation for potential natural disasters and disruptions of supply lines, and increased opportunities for refugees to return to the main camps. Engage the government of Bangladesh toward allowing resettlement of Rohingya refugees to third countries and build UN capacity to do so. Empower Rohingya and improve representation in the camps and on the global stage. UN agencies should work with the government of Bangladesh to restart and expand the pilot representation program for electing Rohingya camp leaders. Rohingya community representatives should be included in important fora including the Global Refugee Forum.....The government of the United States and other donor countries should:Engage and support the government of Bangladesh toward improved policies on access to quality education, skills building and livelihood opportunities, freedom of movement, and voluntariness of any further relocations to Bhasan Char. Sustain and cultivate robust humanitarian support through a global pledging conference. Donors should maintain robust funding, particularly for psycho-social support, and seek further support through engagement of the private sector and hosting of a global pledging conference for the Rohingya response and broader Myanmar response as was done in 2019. Offer a significant number of resettlement spots to Rohingya in Bangladesh and elsewhere in the region. The United States should offer to settle at least 50,000 Rohingya in the coming years and urge other countries to enhance that number. Work with like-minded countries, especially in Southeast Asia, to coordinate further pressure on the Myanmar junta to create conditions for safe return of Rohingya. Key steps include placing a global arms embargo on the junta, additional targeted sanctions on military leaders and military-owned enterprises (including on the oil and gas sectors and entities supplying jet fuel to the junta), support for accountability including the genocide case before the International Court of Justice, and diplomatic and humanitarian support for opposition groups and civil society within Myanmar.....Research Overview: Refugees International traveled to Bangladesh in October 2022, visiting Dhaka, Cox’s Bazar, and the Rohingya refugee camps to assess the humanitarian response to the Rohingya refugee crisis and to explore ongoing challenges and possible solutions. This report is informed by dozens of interviews with Rohingya refugees, representatives of UN agencies, donor governments, and local and international non-governmental organizations working on providing humanitarian assistance. It is also informed by and builds upon several Refugees International research trips to Bangladesh, consultations with Rohingya refugees, and prior reports over recent years.....Background: Around 1 million Rohingya refugees from Myanmar continue to live in the largest refugee settlement in the world in Bangladesh. Of these, an estimated 200,000-300,000 Rohingya fled decades of persecution prior to 2017, including 36,000 living in camps established in the early 1990s. The majority, however – more than 700,000 – fled genocidal attacks by the Myanmar military in August 2017. Five years later, the Rohingya refugee crisis now fits what the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) defines as a protracted crisis. Another 600,000 Rohingya remain in Myanmar – including more than 100,000 living in camps for internally displaced people since 2012. They face rising threats as fighting increases between the Arakan Army (an ethnic Rakhine armed group) and the military junta. The fighting has at times spilled over the border into Bangladesh with errant shells killing one Rohingya refugee and injuring several Bangladeshi citizens. This fighting has made the prospects of safe return of Rohingya to their homeland in the near term unlikely. It also underscores the need to address ongoing and growing challenges faced by the million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. Over the first five years of the displacement crisis, the government of Bangladesh – supported by international donors, UN agencies, and international and local NGOs – oversaw a robust humanitarian response, providing food, shelter, health and sanitary infrastructure, protection, and other services. But the needs have been immense, requiring nearly $1 billion in humanitarian aid each year. The response has also sought to support the Bangladeshi community near the camps. These communities were already facing high unemployment and poverty rates and have been adversely affected by the crisis. The Bangladeshi population in the sub-districts hosting the camps is now outnumbered by Rohingya at a 2:1 ratio. From the start of the crisis, the government of Bangladesh has viewed the stay of Rohingya as temporary. It has resisted any longer-term planning or programming that might allow for integration of Rohingya into Bangladeshi society, insisting on repatriation to Myanmar as the only viable solution. Refugees have not been allowed to work, seek formal education (until recently), nor leave the camps without express permission, usually on medical grounds. In late 2019, Bangladeshi authorities began building barbed wire fencing, which now surrounds the main mega-camp. Meanwhile, the governance structure in the camps has left the Rohingya with little in terms of a representative voice. With the arrival of new refugees in late 2017, Bangladeshi officials hand-picked local camp leaders, or majhis, without input from the refugees themselves. These majhis answer to appointed Bangladeshi officials known as Camps-in-Charge (CiCs) who oversee various parts of the camp. A pilot representation program, in which Rohingya were allowed to elect their own leaders, was tried by UNHCR in one of the camps established in the 1990s, but Bangladeshi authorities have not allowed that to expand. Finally, in 2020, Bangladeshi authorities began relocating refugees to the island of Bhasan Char – located 37 miles out from the mainland in the Bay of Bengal. Thousands of refugees have now been relocated, despite ongoing questions of informed consent and the safety and sustainability of such moves....Current Situation in the Camps in Bangladesh : In October 2022, Refugees International visited the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh and spoke with dozens of refugees, humanitarian workers, and UN and government officials. Efforts to improve conditions in the camps since the first chaotic months are readily observable. Roads and bridges have been reinforced with bricks and concrete drainage. Trees and bushes that had been decimated as refugees sought fuel to burn have been largely reforested. Fires that ravaged the camps, particularly in 2021, have been minimized through better response training and preparation. As one humanitarian official told Refugees International, the Rohingya camps now have the largest refugee voluntary fire response team in the world. Innovations in wastewater treatment and e-vouchers for World Food Program (WFP) markets, allowing greater diversity in food selection, are other noteworthy improvements. But beneath the surface, several challenges have been percolating, ranging from increased insecurity to a growing sense of despair tied to uncertainty about the future and inability to access educational and livelihood opportunities. Rohingya refugees, many with family or friends still living in Myanmar, want above all else to return, but recognize that it is not currently safe to do so. One refugee told Refugees International, “I want to be in Myanmar tomorrow. But relatives and friends in Myanmar know no peace.” Further, Rohingya see little opportunity to provide for themselves and for their children to access quality education, and this is having a direct effect on their mental health. A humanitarian worker involved with psycho-social support in the camps told Refugees International that there has been a shift from the trauma of directly experienced or witnessed atrocities during the genocidal attacks in 2017 to a cumulative trauma based on lack of education opportunities and increased hopelessness. A sense of despair and lack of opportunity threaten to worsen both mental health and the security situation in the camps. Without more positive alternatives, Rohingya youth are far more vulnerable to turning to negative coping mechanisms ranging from child marriage, human smuggling and trafficking, and involvement in the drug trade to joining gangs or turning to extremist militancy. Finally, several humanitarian officials raised concerns over the risk of rising tensions between the Rohingya and the host community, especially as the lead up to parliamentary elections in 2023 may incentivize scapegoating of the Rohingya. Negative narratives of Rohingya refugees have already been prevalent in local and national media and efforts to counter this will be important in the year ahead. Within this backdrop, refugees and humanitarian workers with whom Refugees International spoke identified a number of ongoing challenges in the camps, but also some promising solutions.....Main Challenges and Potential Solutions: Rising Insecurity THE CHALLENGE The most prevalent concern Rohingya refugees and humanitarian workers in the camps raised during Refugees International’s interviews was the rising insecurity within the camps, particularly at night. Attacks on Rohingya by members of the Rohingya militant group the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and rival factions and criminal gangs competing for influence have been on the rise. In the time Refugees International visited Bangladesh, two Rohingya local camp leaders, or majhis, were killed and another shot and injured. At least 17 Rohingya have been killed since mid-August 2022. The motivations behind these attacks are not always clear but appear to be a mix of influence-seeking and retaliation on those seen as informing authorities about illegal activities. The assassination of prominent civil society leader Mohib Ullah by ARSA in September 2021 is cited by Rohingya refugees as a particular turning point in terms of feelings of insecurity. In the year following, several more Rohingya camp leaders have been attacked or killed, as well as a number of civil society actors. As one refugee told Refugees International, “After one year of Muhib Ullah’s assassination, the camp [has] become a war place, and murder by the armed groups in the camp are always happening. The camps are totally unsafe for civilians.” Bangladesh authorities have responded with an increased presence of Armed Police Battalion (APBn) units and have sporadically made mass arrests. These operations have been followed by lulls in attacks. However, Rohingya refugees have also reported corruption and abuse at the hands of some APBn officers and frustration with both innocent people getting caught up in crackdown operations and guilty parties being released after only a short time. Refugees also expressed fear and frustration in being selected to serve in nominally volunteer night patrols set up by camp authorities following the increase in killings of majhis. Those who serve in night patrols are unarmed and understandably feel that such activities put them in danger. One refugee with whom Refugees International spoke said that his brother had been held hostage by ARSA until his family was able to pay 20,000 Taka, nearly $200. He continues to receive threats from ARSA, accusing him of informing on them, and has not stayed the night in the camps for five months. “The camp security system is too weak,” he said. “APBn is not doing enough to take action against criminals.” The insecurity caused by ARSA and other armed or criminal elements and the reported abuse and extortion by APBn in the camps contribute to a sense of accumulating trauma. A Rohingya photographer in the camps told Refugees International, “We faced the trauma of 2017. Now we are facing persecution by [camp] authorities and our people.” POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS These allegations of abuse and corruption and the growing trust deficit stemming from them must be addressed. Bangladeshi authorities have sent in higher level APBn officers but must do more to crack down on criminal activities while also addressing corruption and abuse. Bangladesh should also authorize and empower APBn officers to collect and file reports of violent crimes directly from refugees and to carry out investigations. Currently, Rohingya must report such crimes to majhis and CiCs before getting permission to leave the camps to officially file a report with police who are authorized to carry out investigations. The Bangladeshi officials in the camps should also ensure that the use and selection process for night patrols or alternative solutions are done in close consultation with the Rohingya community. UN agencies are seeking to provide trainings for APBn on humanitarian protection principles and community safety and should seek to expand such programs. UNHCR, which leads the protection sector, should work with the government of Bangladesh to further relocate those facing imminent threats to more secure areas in the camps or to safe houses outside of the camps. Another potential solution would be to increase protection by allowing UN actors and international and local NGOs to operate or stay in the camps overnight. Currently, all outside actors are required to leave the camps at the end of each day. This protection by presence, accompanied by security guards, could go a long way in deterring attacks. Lack of Quality Education THE CHALLENGE Further contributing to the general growing sense of despair, according to refugees with whom Refugees International spoke, is frustration with a lack of quality education for their children. As one refugee told Refugees International, under educational efforts to date, “Children are not improving and not getting any benefit.” For most of the first five years of the response, access to education has been limited to informal learning centers run by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and NGO partners. This informal system was based on a curriculum of classes including English, math, Burmese, and life-skills, developed as an emergency measure, and only through the eighth grade level (with more than 90 percent of children learning at below a third grade level). In January 2020, Bangladesh announced the launch of a pilot education program based on the official curriculum used inside Myanmar prior to the coup and taught in Burmese. But the launch was delayed by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Rohingya civil society groups have filled this gap by setting up their own community-based learning centers or in-home private education. These community-based efforts are taught in Burmese or the Rohingya language and range from basic skills and literacy to efforts to follow the formal curriculum in Myanmar. A growing recognition by Bangladeshi officials of the need to combat the dangers of idle youths growing up in the camps and to prepare for sustainable returns to Myanmar has opened the way for a more formalized education program. The delayed pilot Myanmar curriculum program was finally relaunched in November 2021 and provides a formal, standardized education up to the secondary level (grades six to nine) and expands the number of subjects covered to include science, social studies, and skills training. The program has now reached 248,000 children with aims to reach all of the more than 400,000 school-aged Rohingya in the next two years. While the roll out of the Myanmar Curriculum Program has been a welcome initiative, it has already faced several challenges and Rohingya and humanitarians alike question the quality of the teaching. Rohingya refugees told Refugees International that many of the instructors are unqualified and that what children are learning is too basic. Humanitarian actors cite the difficulty in finding qualified teachers among the Rohingya. Rohingya teachers cite the low stipends offered, especially compared to that of the Bangladeshi instructors they are paired with, and the failure to incorporate informal educational efforts that the Rohingya themselves have been carrying out to fill the gaps over the past five years. Bangladeshi authorities have also been cracking down on informal education efforts, ordering the closure of Rohingya-run community schools in December 2021 and threatening private instructors. This directive affected an estimated 32,000 students and led to the closure of several learning centers including the largest, a school of some 600 students founded by the assassinated community leader Mohib Ullah. This crackdown has led to wide-spread angst among Rohingya refugees and undermined overall access to education. Many refugees told Refugees International they prefer the informal Rohingya-led efforts and question how Rohingya teachers are selected for the formal program. A recent survey of Rohingya refugees by Save the Children found that just 25 percent thought the quality of education was better than in earlier years of the response, while 40 percent said it was the same, and 32 percent said it was worse. As one Rohingya community volunteer put it, the Myanmar Curriculum Program is “more about quantity than quality.” For their part, humanitarians involved with the educational efforts complain that it is difficult to find qualified teachers who speak and read Burmese among the Rohingya community. According to a 2020 survey, only 57 percent of households have at least one Burmese-language speaker. Many Rohingya speak only the Rohingya language and were denied educational opportunities in Myanmar. Bangladeshi officials say that the illegal private schools charge students and prevent the more qualified teachers among the Rohingya from joining the Myanmar Curriculum Program. They also cite inequities in access to education through private learning, as it is only accessible for those who can afford it. Bangladeshi authorities want to ensure that teaching does not take place in the Bangla language and warn about alleged dangers of extreme jihadist ideologies being taught through these unmonitored community-based programs. Another challenge is the lack of space for education. The Myanmar Curriculum requires longer hours than the previously approved educational programs, meaning that it is more difficult to incorporate multiple shifts of students in the limited number of learning centers throughout a day. Finding space in the already densely populated camps is challenging. Cultural norms and pressures present further challenges for girls’ access to education, as much of the Rohingya community holds conservative views on the education of girls, particularly when mixed with boys. This is accentuated by threats from groups like ARSA against girls who seek education or to volunteer with NGOs. The effects of these pressures and threats are particularly seen as girls get older. Whereas girls are enrolled in learning centers at roughly equal rates to boys at younger ages, the dropout rates for girls increase as they get older, especially around puberty around ages 12 to 14. UNICEF has set up some girls-only classes as part of the Myanmar curriculum program, but these remain limited as more resources and trained female teachers are needed. Finally, the Myanmar Curriculum Program faces the challenge of not being accredited and not providing a path to higher education. POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS In Refugees International’s conversations with Rohingya refugees, one of the most cited ways to counter the growing hopelessness was by providing quality education to the Rohingya youth. Such education is seen as a concrete way to prepare the Rohingya community for a better future and to counter influences toward negative coping mechanisms. As one refugee put it, “Solve for education and you solve for ten other problems.” The Myanmar Curriculum Program provides a base from which to build, but steps must be taken to ensure that qualified teachers are found, trained, and prepared. The private education networks set up in the camps should be incorporated into the broader efforts to provide quality education to all Rohingya youth, both through recruitment of the most qualified teachers and as a private supplement to the Myanmar Curriculum classes. As UNICEF has stated, “Private and community-based learning facilities that meet the needs of both boys and girls, and which are operated with sufficient oversight, could also play a role in providing educational services.” This will require adjusting the system to allow for higher stipends for teachers, while allowing teachers to supplement their incomes through private sessions. The new volunteer guidance is raising that monthly stipend from 8,000 Taka to between 10,000 and 15,000 Taka, depending on teaching level, as of November 2022. This is a good start but should be increased further. While possible inequities for those Rohingya able to afford private lessons versus those who cannot are a concern, the current alternative of denying private education or forcing it to function under the radar, is both a net negative and undermines the ability to monitor private efforts for both quality and risks of extremism. One way to address this would be for Bangladesh to allow Rohingya civil society groups to officially register. They could also be supported to set up accounts with Bangladeshi banks or mobile financial services such as bKash. Both initiatives would help give Bangladesh more oversight over the private schools and address their concerns. Allowing for some private, community-based learning would also help to alleviate the space challenges already faced by the Myanmar Curriculum Program. Another solution to the space problem would be allowing the use of two-story buildings in the camps, something that Bangladeshi authorities have been reluctant to do so far. Allowing for more girls-only classes, providing more learning centers closer to girls’ households, and prioritizing the training and recruitment of women teachers could help to address the cultural challenges. Donors should also continue to support community outreach efforts to push back on negative views of women and practices like child marriage and gender-based violence that remain major challenges for women and girls in the camps. Finally, to address the lack of access to higher education, the United States and other countries, including those in the region, should engage Bangladesh to provide scholarship programs and allow for access for Rohingya to attend universities abroad or to access higher education through online courses. The question of accrediting the Myanmar Curriculum Program will be more challenging as long as the military junta continues its coup in Myanmar. But other countries could recognize the program for the purposes of pursuing higher education. Myanmar’s opposition groups, including the National Unity Government, should also commit to recognizing and accrediting the program for when Rohingya refugees are able to return to their homeland. Lack of Livelihood Opportunities THE CHALLENGE Alongside lack of education, the lack of livelihood opportunities is among the most cited reasons for growing despair among Rohingya refugees. As one refugee told Refugees International, one of the most effective ways to improve people’s lives in the camp would be “permitting refugees to do business in the camp to support their respective families.” Bangladeshi officials view the stay of Rohingya refugees as temporary and fear allowing Rohingya to work will lead to their integration into Bangladesh for the long term. Officials also do not want Rohingya to compete for work with Bangladeshis near the camps who face high unemployment rates and levels of poverty. As a result, official livelihood opportunities have, until very recently, been barred, with legal opportunities to earn income limited to some cash-for-work activities and small stipends for volunteer work with UN agencies and NGOs in the camps. These include carrying supplies, shelter construction and repair, desludging latrines, and community outreach on health, monsoon preparedness, and other issues. Unofficially, many Rohingya have set up shops in or near the camps. Others have found ways, often through payment of bribes, to get through the barbed wire fencing to work as day laborers in nearby fields or as domestic workers. However, each of these carry risks of detention, extortion, or loss. For example, at the end of 2021, Bangladeshi officials destroyed more than 3,000 Rohingya-run shops and continue to do so on a semi-regular basis. In its reluctance to allow anything that hints at integration of Rohingya, the government of Bangladesh has also rejected possible funding. In July 2021, the Bangladesh foreign ministry denounced a World Bank proposal to offer funding tied to one of its mechanisms for countries hosting refugees and people in refugee-like situations. At question was the Bank’s broader guidance, not specific to Bangladesh, that mentioned efforts to allow refugees freedom of movement throughout a host country, the right to purchase property, and access to public education and the labor market. While the World Bank has funded several efforts related to provision of basic services and building disaster and social resilience for Rohingya refugees, as well as several that support the host community, Bangladesh’s stance on refugee-related funding mechanisms is preventing potentially hundreds of millions of dollars in additional assistance. The one place where Bangladesh has allowed for true livelihood activities is on Bhasan Char. Bangladesh has said that it will allow fishing, farming, cattle raising, and other activities on the island. This can be understood partially because there are no local host communities with which to compete on the island, but also because it is in Bangladesh’s interest to attract refugees to come to the island and to entice international donors to support these relocations. To date, these opportunities have remained limited, and their sustainability remains in question. For example, Rohingya are not allowed to fish beyond the island’s shores, and it is unclear how needed supplies will reach the island, which so far is only serviced by Navy boats. POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS The government of Bangladesh’s approval in late 2022 of a new skills development framework and guidance on volunteer stipends has created an opening. The framework – a copy of which was seen by Refugees International – aims to provide Rohingya with skills that can be applied to future work upon return to Myanmar or, in other words, to prepare Rohingya for sustainable return and reintegration in Myanmar. But it also recognizes the need to mitigate risks during the Rohingya’s stay in Bangladesh by providing opportunities for an otherwise idle population. The framework is also meant to mitigate the effects of the crisis on the host community, by offering Bangladeshis living near the camps enhanced employment and entrepreneurial skills. Among the activities mentioned for support for Rohingya are kitchen and homestead gardening, chicken and turkey rearing, and training in electrical maintenance, plumbing, tailoring, and production of soap and dairy products. The framework also aims to expand some livelihood activities already begun on Bhasan Char, including fishing, livestock rearing, and gardening. Notably the framework allows for UN agencies and NGOs to provide allowances to Rohingya refugees participating in such projects. The guidance on volunteer stipends aims to establish consistency in what volunteers receive as stipends across the camps and provides for slight increases from earlier established levels. Monthly stipends range from 8,000 Taka (roughly $80) for unskilled volunteers to 13-15,000 Taka (roughly $130-150) for skilled volunteers (e.g. assistant teachers/trainers, head teachers/trainers). However, such opportunities remain limited. The activities identified in the skills building framework should be rapidly rolled out and expanded. At the same time, Bangladeshi authorities should refrain from activities that constrain what little additional opportunities to earn for themselves the refugees have at their disposal. They should, for example, allow shops, or at least refrain from destruction of shops in the camps even if unofficial. UN agencies and donor countries should encourage Bangladesh to allow the same livelihood opportunities offered on Bhasan Char in the main camps. International financial institutions and private sector actors should engage Bangladesh on economic projects that will benefit both the host community and Rohingya refugees. As has been recommended by the Center for Global Development, there are several activities that governments, international financial institutions, and private companies can offer, if allowed, including trade incentives, infrastructure investment, and development of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) to provide employment for the host community and refugees. Finally, other countries, particularly in the region, should look to offer temporary work opportunities for the Rohingya, particularly in fields such as farming and fishing that they pursued while in Myanmar. Restrictions on Freedom of Movement and Civil Society THE CHALLENGE Over time, restrictions on freedom of movement have increased, with refugees telling Refugee International that they now have difficulty in gaining permission even to move within the camps. Several Rohingya refugees told Refugees International about having to pay bribes to camp authorities for being caught moving without permission. And as one refugee told Refugees International, “We can’t travel to Cox’s Bazar [town] except for medical reasons. Even moving block to block [in the camp] can lead to harassment, beatings, arrests, and extortion.” One of the more positive aspects of the Rohingya humanitarian response was the growth of a robust civil society among the refugees. Repressed and persecuted within Myanmar, refugees found new space in the camps in Bangladesh to meet, discuss how to address community challenges, and organize toward a better future. Hundreds, if not thousands, of groups were formed focusing on a range of issues, from basic education to women’s empowerment. At the height of this civil society growth, a group known as the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights (ARSPH) organized a rally of thousands of refugees to mark the second anniversary since the genocidal attacks that forced most of the Rohingya population to flee to Bangladesh. While the rally featured calls for justice and for the ability of Rohingya to return to Myanmar – all messages with which Bangladeshi authorities whole-heartedly agreed – the size of the rally and prospect of refugees getting more organized was portrayed in the media as a security threat and led to a backlash. ARSPH’s headquarters was locked up, and Bangladeshi intelligence officers began monitoring and listening in on meetings between ARSPH and other groups and foreign visitors. Since that time, civil society has been much more closely monitored and restricted or even co-opted by Bangladeshi intelligence to emphasize their own interests. For example, a large rally in June 2022 and similar gatherings to mark the fifth Rohingya genocide remembrance day in August 2022 featured “Going Home” messages reportedly encouraged and orchestrated by intelligence officials, including the provision of poster materials and suggested messages to emphasize support for Rohingya repatriation as soon as possible. ARSA and its factions, along with rival criminal gangs operating in the camps, have also targeted civil society leaders – including assassinated ARSPH leader Mohib Ullah – seen as endangering their influence or informing on their activities. As one Rohingya civil society leader told Refugees International, “people who speak up for the community are not safe. Those who take initiative of leadership are targeted.” POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS Despite the risks, a number of Rohingya civil society actors continue their efforts and advocacy, whether in partnership with UN agencies and NGOs or via Whatsapp and Signal groups. They work to educate Rohingya youth, empower women, pursue accountability for the atrocity crimes committed against the Rohingya, and raise awareness about hygiene, gender-based violence, and child marriage. These groups hold the key to a better future for the Rohingya community and must be protected, supported, and empowered. Supporting them will both help to improve current conditions in the camps and facilitate sustainable return of Rohingya to Myanmar when it is safe. In addition to the efforts needed to improve security mentioned above, camp officials, UN agencies, and NGOs should seek to build the capacity of Rohingya civil society actors through training and funding of activities. Rohingya-led community-based organizations could be better supported through official registration in Bangladesh that would allow them to hold bank accounts and to receive funding directly from donors. As one Rohingya man told Refugees International, “If we have to stay in the camps, we at least want to be independent. Allow teachers to teach. Allow us to raise the voice of the community.” Rohingya-led research initiatives should also be supported. For example, a recently released report on threats to Rohingya language, culture, and identity in Myanmar and Bangladesh, was carried out by a team of Rohingya researchers based in the camps in Bangladesh. Donors should seek to fund similar Rohingya-led research and advocacy efforts. UN agencies and donors should also engage Bangladeshi officials toward restarting and expanding the pilot representation program, which replaced Rohingya camp leaders selected by Bangladeshi authorities with those elected by the Rohingya community. Once leaders are identified, they should be included in important meetings discussing the future of the Rohingya community in Dhaka and globally. In the meantime, UN agencies should seek to include community representatives in such meetings as the Global Refugee Forum (GRF), an international gathering of States and other actors aimed at raising financial support and identifying best practices for refugee response. The first GRF took place in 2019 with the passage of the Global Compact on Refugees, and the second GRF will take place in 2023. Bhasan Char THE CHALLENGE Another recurring concern raised by Rohingya refugees and humanitarian actors in the camps is the relocation of refugees to a remote island in the Bay of Bengal known as Bhasan Char. The government of Bangladesh had long spoken about the idea of developing the island to host Rohingya refugees but accelerated plans following the sudden increase of refugees starting in August 2017. It has spent at least $300 million to build embankments and concrete housing to ensure the safety of the island for refugees. Bangladeshi authorities first moved a small group of Rohingya caught fleeing the main camps by sea to the island in April and May 2020, then began more formal relocations in December 2020. Bangladesh has now moved some 30,000 refugees to the island, claiming the moves to be voluntary. However, hundreds of refugees have attempted to flee the island, calling this into question. Human rights and refugee advocacy groups, including Refugees International, have long raised questions about the safety and sustainability of moving refugees to the island, without satisfactory answers. International donor countries, UN agencies, and NGOs have expressed similar concerns. Eventually, UN agencies were able to visit and carry out limited assessments. In October 2021, UNHCR signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the government, in which the government committed to voluntariness and informed consent of any relocations to the island and the ability of refugees to return to the main camps for limited occasions, such as weddings and funerals. The government has also set up livelihood opportunities on the island that are not available to refugees in the main camps, including fishing and farming. Bangladeshi authorities also began providing limited transport for refugees to return to the camps and arranging go-and-see visits for refugees in the main camps to see the island before deciding to relocate there. Since the signing of the MoU, observers told Refugees International that the process for informing refugees about the island and monitoring voluntariness has improved. Many Rohingya who choose to move to the island are motivated by the more stable shelters and the relative safety of the island compared to the rising insecurity in the camps. However, many Rohingya refugees continue to report false information and coercive pressures to move to the island. Refugees with whom Refugees International spoke described pressure exerted by Bangladeshi security and camp authorities on majhis leading to offers of money to volunteers and threats to confiscate ration cards if a quota of volunteers is not reached. And only around 1,500 refugees have been able to return to the main camps for visits, all dependent on transport by the Bangladeshi navy. Refugees International spoke by phone to a Rohingya man who was among the first thousand refugees on the island. He said that, at the beginning, he felt good and that the government was doing better for him, but now, nearly two years later, he felt “the government wanted to tie us up without rope.” By 2022, UN agencies were able to carry out a needs assessment and identified serious concerns about the health and nutrition situation on the island, finding high malnutrition rates and inadequate health facilities. Recognizing the humanitarian imperative to help the refugees, the United States and other donors agreed to provide funding for limited life-saving aid including for food security, protection, nutrition, water, sanitation, and hygiene efforts. POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS Even as international donors and NGOs are compelled by the humanitarian imperative to provide life-saving assistance to those already relocated to the island, they must make clear that future support that goes beyond emergency needs, will depend on Bangladesh living up to its own commitments. These commitments include truly voluntary and informed relocations, provision of Myanmar curriculum education and livelihood activities, and planning and preparation for potential natural disasters and disruptions of supply lines to the island. Refugees should also have increased opportunities to visit the main camps, or to return permanently, should they so choose. Donor and UN engagement with Bangladesh on Bhasan Char must also include pushes for generally improved conditions for Rohingya, including access to health care, quality education, and livelihood opportunities both on the island and in the main camps. Looming Funding Cuts THE CHALLENGE Humanitarian workers in Bangladesh are concerned about likely cuts in funding for aid to the Rohingya. The prolonged nature of the crisis, paired with greater global humanitarian needs and negative economic factors make it unlikely that international donors will continue to fund the Rohingya response at the levels of recent years. The appeals of the Joint Response Plan (JRP), which provides an annual roadmap for matching funds with needs, called for more than $900 million annually between 2018 and 2021. These appeals have been funded at between 65 and 75 percent each of those years. In 2022, the appeal was reduced slightly to $881 million and, as of November 2022, had only been funded at 43 percent. UN agencies and NGOs recognize these trends and are taking steps to consolidate and improve the efficiency of their efforts. For example, the number of medical facilities in the camps has been reduced based on analysis of distance and overlapping services. Similar consolidation measures are planned for various sectors of the response. However, NGOs have raised concerns about the transparency of the process and resulting greater control by UN agencies at the expense of international and local NGOs. But with nearly 1 million refugees dependent on aid, consolidation can only go so far. Humanitarian officials, for example, warn about the impact of diminished funding for liquid petroleum gas (LPG) used by refugees to cook within their shelters. Massive deforestation – that was the result of refugees’ initial use of trees for shelter materials and cooking fires – has been successfully rolled back with efforts to “re-green” the camps. Today much of the plant-life has been regrown, but as soon as LPG is no longer available, refugees will turn to whatever sources of fuel they can find. Similarly, food aid can only be cut so much before malnutrition rates rise. POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS International donors must not forget the need of the Rohingya and the rapid deterioration that will result from aid cuts. Those currently supporting the response must sustain robust financial commitments while engaging other donors to do the same. The United States, as the leading donor to the response, should work with like-minded countries to host a global pledging conference for the Rohingya response and broader Myanmar response as was done in 2019. Until Rohingya can return safely to their homeland, the most effective way to support the humanitarian response and reduce the need for aid in Bangladesh is to increase the self-reliance of Rohingya refugees in the camps. Taking the steps mentioned earlier in this report to expand education, skills-building, and livelihood opportunities would help to create a more self-sustaining situation in the camps. The United States and other countries must engage the Bangladeshi government to take these steps. In the meantime, beyond aid, the most impactful action that can be done to ameliorate the situation in the camps would be to allow for the processing of vulnerable Rohingya for resettlement to third countries. In an earlier report, Refugees International suggested resettlement of at least 50,000 refugees by the United States over several years as a reasonably attainable number, but the United States should work with allies to aim higher. Resettlement will not be a solution for the vast majority of Rohingya in Bangladesh, but it will make all the difference in individual lives and may also help in other ways. As one Rohingya refugee said, resettlement will allow more Rohingya to speak freely and raise awareness of our situation on the global stage. Conclusion Solutions to the protracted crisis in the Bangladesh camps all require empowerment of the Rohingya. Donors and humanitarian actors must work with the government of Bangladesh to ensure that the more positive solutions begun are expanded and not undermined by counter-productive actions. The ultimate solution to the crisis will be the safe return of Rohingya to their homeland. This will require increased global coordination of pressure on the Myanmar junta. But until this is realized, protecting and empowering Rohingya in Bangladesh is the best way to reduce dependency on international aid, to counter rising despair, to prevent further insecurity, and to prepare for sustainable return in the future..."
Source/publisher: Refugees International
2022-12-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-13
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Description: "The United States is pleased to announce the establishment of a resettlement program for vulnerable Rohingya refugees in collaboration with the Government of Bangladesh and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). This program, which will be part of the global U.S. Refugee Admissions Program, is one element of a broader comprehensive response to the Rohingya refugee crisis with the main focus on preparing the Rohingya for voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return. The United States will consider for resettlement referrals submitted by the UNHCR. The United States is proud of our long-standing support for displaced Rohingya, who have suffered genocide and crimes against humanity at the hands of Burma’s military, and we have provided more than $1.9 billion in humanitarian assistance for Rohingya refugees from Burma in Bangladesh and the region, those affected by ongoing violence in Burma, and communities hosting refugees from Burma. In addition to supporting immediate basic needs, our humanitarian assistance strengthens the resilience, economic security, and dignity of refugees and host communities by improving education and livelihood opportunities. The United States is also supporting efforts to hold the perpetrators of the genocide and crimes against humanity against Rohingya accountable and to ensure justice for the victims of these atrocities. The resettlement of most vulnerable Rohingya from Bangladesh reflects the United States’ long-standing leadership on refugee resettlement in the face of an unprecedented displacement crisis as record numbers of people around the world have been forced to flee war, persecution, and instability. We thank the Government of Bangladesh as a generous host of refugees and for their support of this important resettlement initiative..."
Source/publisher: United States Department of State
2022-12-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-13
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Description: "Six-fold increase of mostly Rohingya people making risky journeys by sea from Myanmar and Bangladesh this year Over 100 people reported dead or missing at sea Rohingya continue to suffer discrimination and persecution in their home state of Rakhine in far western Myanmar ‘Regional governments must urgently coordinate and cooperate on search and rescue operations’ - Rachel Chhoa-Howard Responding to reports of at least one boat carrying Rohingya refugees stranded at sea, Rachel Chhoa-Howard, Amnesty International’s Southeast Asia Researcher, said: “Seven years after the Andaman Sea crisis, which saw an extensive loss of lives, Rohingya people continue to risk everything in dangerous journeys to escape persecution at home in military-run Myanmar, and the abysmal conditions in Bangladeshi refugee camps. “International humanitarian law requires the rescue of people at sea when they are in distress, and their delivery to a place of safety.  Swift action is needed to protect lives. Further delays to alleviate this suffering or any attempts to send Rohingya back to Myanmar where they face persecution are unconscionable. “Regional governments must urgently coordinate and cooperate on search and rescue operations. They must attempt to locate any boats in distress and ensure the people on board are allowed to disembark safely and receive proper medical support, food and water.” Search and rescue UNHCR has reported a six-fold increase of mostly Rohingya people making risky journeys by sea from Myanmar and Bangladesh in 2022, with 119 people reported dead or missing. Regional authorities have made extensive commitments to improve their coordination of search and rescue operations of boats in distress, after the loss of lives due to delayed response. Systematic assault on Rohingya villages In August 2017, more than 740,000 Rohingya women, men and children fled northern Rakhine State to neighboring Bangladesh after Myanmar security forces launched a widespread and systematic assault on Rohingya villages, including extrajudicial killings, destruction of property and sexual assault. More than 130,000 Rohingya people remain in squalid internment camps in Myanmar’s Rakhine State. Rohingya in Myanmar continue to face severe restrictions on freedom of movement, access to education and health services in a system that Amnesty has called apartheid. Myanmar military authorities routinely and arbitrarily detain Rohingyas for travelling outside of Rakhine state. Those detained are sent to prisons without the right to defend themselves or access to legal counsel. Conditions in Myanmar prisons are inhumane and do not meet international human rights standards..."
Source/publisher: "Amnesty International" (UK)
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-09
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Sub-title: The incident comes a week after 68 Rohingya men and women were arrested in the same area while being transported in a truck
Description: "The bodies of 13 Rohingya men and boys were found dumped on the side of a road in a northern Yangon suburb on Monday morning, two sources told Myanmar Now. The victims, who were estimated to be between the ages of 16 and 20, were found dead near Ngwe Nant Thar, a village in Hlegu Township about 25km north of Yangon’s city centre, said a local regime authority who spoke on condition of anonymity. “There were no injuries found on their bodies. The cause of their deaths is still unknown. The bodies were sent to the Yangon General Hospital and we are still waiting for the autopsy results,” the official told Myanmar Now on Monday afternoon. The bodies were all dumped along a road less than a kilometre from Ngwe Nant Thar, he added. A police source familiar with the case said that while the victims were known to be Rohingya, it was unclear where they had travelled from or how they got to Ngwe Nant Thar. “I was informed that they were smuggled inside a vehicle and died due to a lack of oxygen,” the police source said. Myanmar Now was unable to independently verify this information. Most of Myanmar’s more than one million Rohingya have fled the country in recent years due to ethnic cleansing campaigns by the military. They have been subject to restrictions on their freedom of movement and other basic rights for decades. These restrictions have made them vulnerable to human traffickers, who promise them better living conditions and work opportunities in Malaysia and other countries in the region. Many are arrested in transit as they make the journey from Rakhine State to the Thai-Myanmar border or coastal areas in the country’s south. They are then charged with immigration offences that carry sentences of at least two years in prison. On November 28, Radio Free Asia’s Burmese-language service reported that 54 men and 14 women of Rohingya ethnicity were arrested at a checkpoint in Hlegu while travelling inside a truck..."
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Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-05
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Description: "DHAKA — Several Rohingya organizations and activists have united to form a group to demand human rights in Myanmar. The Arakan Rohingya National Alliance (ARNA) called for Rohingya unity and said the Muslim community was not secessionist. It said the Rohingya wanted to be part of a future federal democratic Myanmar to uphold peaceful coexistence through unity in diversity. The groups said it would work with the civilian National Unity Government (NUG) and United League of Arakan in Rakhine State to achieve full and effective equality and the right to self-determination, like other ethnic groups in Myanmar. An online press conference on Sunday aimed to unite the global Rohingya diaspora and announce the alliance’s intent to achieve self-determination for the Rohingya in Myanmar. Rohingya leaders thanked the Bangladeshi people and government for sheltering more than a million Rohingya refugees. They also condemned the killing of a Directorate General of Forces Intelligence officer, Squadron Leader Rizwan Rushdee, by a criminal gang on Myanmar’s border on November 14. An ARNA statement said: “For more than half a century, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have been brutally murdered, raped and tortured by Myanmar’s military and regime-sponsored non-state actors. The violence reached a peak in 2017 when Myanmar’s brutal military led the worst genocide of the 21st century in northern Rakhine State, forcing more than a million Rohingyas to cross the border into Bangladesh where they currently live in squalid refugee camps aided by the Bangladesh government and international aid organizations. “This is the first time since the genocide of 2017 that a broad coalition of the Rohingya organizations, politicians and activists have joined together in a common platform, a development greeted with hope by the Rohingya people, including half a million stuck inside the open-air prison of Arakan [Rakhine].” Rohingya leader Nurul Islam will chair ANRA’s central executive committee and the prominent Dr Yunus and Reza Uddin will be the vice chairs. Other members include U Kyaw Min, Aman Ullah U Tun Khin, U Nay Saw Lwin, Dr Hla Myint, U Zaw Min Htut, Dr Habib Ullah and Dr Abu Siddique Arman. Retired Dhaka University international relations academic CR Abrar, a specialist on refugees, welcomed the move and said unity is essential for the persecuted community, many of whom are genocide survivors. Aung Kyaw Moe, a Rohingya activist and advisor for the NUG, told The Irrawaddy: “There is no such thing yet in the Rohingya community as representation. I wish one day it will exist. It must be secular, inclusive, and diverse and uphold human rights. “The Rohingya are an issue for Myanmar which impacts the region heavily and must be tackled with the core leadership of emerging youth and female leaders in Myanmar and civil society organizations leaders in Myanmar. “The diaspora may offer support but history suggests no issues in Myanmar will be solved by leaders overseas. While unity is needed more than ever in the Rohingya community, it needs to be initiated with principled and correct processes to avoid endangering the Rohingya.”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-11-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "16 November 2022, New York – European Union General Statement at the 77th Session of the United Nations General Assembly Third Committee Resolution on the Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar: A/C.3/77 /L.33 Rev 1 Mr. Chair, I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its Member States. The Candidate Countries North Macedonia*, Montenegro*, Albania*, Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, the country of the Stabilisation and Association Process and potential candidate Bosnia and Herzegovina, align themselves with this statement. The resolution that the EU and the OIC are presenting today for adoption by the Third Committee of the General Assembly is about atrocities committed for many years against Rohingya and persons belonging to other minorities in Myanmar, and about atrocities committed against all the population of Myanmar since a military coup forcibly overthrew the civilian government in blatant violation of the will and democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar on 1 February 2021. The indiscriminate use of violence by the Myanmar armed and security forces across the country, the widespread cases of killings, torture and other forms of ill-treatment, the obstruction of humanitarian aid and the breaches of international humanitarian law, sexual and gender-based violence as well as the maiming and killing of children occurring every day in Myanmar are intolerable. The international community, in particular the United Nations and ASEAN must act to stop these atrocities. This joint resolution prepared by the EU and the OIC aims at contributing to this urgent call for action. I would like to thank the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Bangladesh for the good cooperation in preparing the resolution. We are appalled by the death sentences carried out by the junta in July 2022 against four pro-democracy activists, after decades with no recorded executions in Myanmar. We are extremely alarmed by the continued arbitrary detention of journalists, peaceful protesters and politicians, and by the unjustified restrictions to fundamental freedoms in Myanmar, aggravated by the junta. The continued military build-up and flow of arms into Myanmar also gravely undermine human rights and must stop immediately. Mr Chair, Rohingya and persons belonging to other minorities in Myanmar continue to face severe movement restrictions, impeded access to services and livelihoods, disenfranchisement and violations of their fundamental rights. The current situation in Myanmar also suppresses hopes for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of the 1.5 million Rohingya and other minorities who have found refuge in Bangladesh and across the region. This joint EU-OIC resolution is also about accountability: It sends a strong message on the importance of the work ongoing with the ICC and the ICJ, and calls on all countries to actively cooperate with the Independent Investigate Mechanism for Myanmar, including by facilitating access to witnesses of human rights violations. The European Union wishes to express its unequivocal support for all the people of Myanmar, including Rohingya and other minorities, their democratic aspirations, and their legitimate expectation that their human rights and the rule of law be respected. The European Union continues to underline the importance and urgency of the full implementation of the ASEAN “Five Point Consensus”. The EU stands ready to actively support ASEAN’s efforts towards the establishment of a constructive political dialogue, which is essential for the country’s return to a democratic path..."
Source/publisher: Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations in New York
2022-11-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-16
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Description: "The European Rohingya Council (ERC) condemns Arakan Army (AA) in the strongest terms for its atrocious crimes perpetrated against the Rohingya population in northern Arakan State of Myanmar. We also express our concerns on safety and security of the remaining Rohingya population in Arakan State where clashes between Myanmar Military and Arakan Army intensify. Since the fighting broke out between the military and the Rakhine insurgent group in August 2022, the Rohingya population is on the edge as both groups deliberately choose Rohingya villages in Buthidaung township as the battlegrounds. Hundreds of Rohingya civilians are either trapped in their villages or forced to flee to nearby villagers as both the military and Arakan Army shelled the villages in the presence of civilians. The fighting has also left between 800 and 900 Rohingya families stranded in Dhangkhali at the Myanmar-Bangladesh border after fleeing their villages. The Rohingya civilians trapped in villages and stranded at the borders are at high risk of hunger as Myanmar Military continues to place blockages in the northern Arakan. Moreover, land mines are being planted around the Rohingya villages and farms, causing injuries to Rohingya civilians. Over a dozen of Rohingya civilians including women and children have been injured in open firing at the civilians since the fighting broke out. On October 8, Sheikul Islam, a 48-year-old highly educated Rohingya teacher was shot death by Arakan Army’s sniper after he went to feed his animals at his house in Gu Dar Pyin, Buthidaung. Besides widespread arbitrary arrests, abductions and extortions, there are serious allegations and crimes of sexual abuses and rapes that Arakan Army has committed against Rohingya women and girls before and after the fighting erupted between the two armed groups. The conducts of Arakan Army are not dissimilar to those of Myanmar Military, which amount to crimes against humanity. It is also a clear violation of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) that sets out the responsibilities of the state and non-state armed groups during the armed clash. Arakan Army violates the responsibilities by its deliberate actions while Myanmar Military continues to fail to protect the Rohingya civilians through provisional measures set out by the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The European Rohingya Council condemns both Arakan Army and Myanmar Military for their crimes against the remaining Rohingya population and calls on the international community to take preventive measures to protect the population in Arakan State. The European Rohingya Council also closely monitors and documents every crime that Arakan Army perpetrates against the Rohingya population in Arakan State..."
Source/publisher: The European Rohingya Council
2022-10-10
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-10
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Description: "DHAKA—A Rohingya teenager was killed and another man injured when a land mine exploded on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border adjacent to Bandarban district, Bangladesh on Sunday morning, officials said Monday. The victim, Omor Farok, 17, was a resident of Konarpara Rohingya camp in no man’s land, said community leaders. They named his injured companion as Abdu Yah. Gumdhum Rohingya camp leader Abdur Rohim said the youths had gone fishing on the border when they were caught in the blast. The body of Farok was recovered and buried in Konarpara cemetery. The injured man was rushed to nearby MSF Hospital in Ukhia, Cox’s Bazar. Bangladesh Border Guards said the incident occurred about 1 km inside Myanmar’s border, opposite Bangladesh border marker 35, at about 9 a.m. BGB Cox’s Bazar battalion commanding officer Lieutenant Colonel Md Mehedi Hussain Kabir reiterated that the explosion occurred inside Myanmar’s border. The BGB said land mines are not used inside Bangladesh territory as the country is a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines. Bangladesh signed the UN convention on May 7, 1998 and ratified it on Sept. 6, 2000. BGB officials said three mines have exploded on the border this year, killing one person and injuring two. Another ethnic minority youth, Aung Thein Tanchangya, was injured in a land mine blast on the same border on Sept. 16. He was sent to Chattogram Medical College Hospital but lost his left leg. Over 4,000 Rohingya have been living in the Bangladesh-Myanmar border strip since 2017 when hundreds of thousands took refuge in Bangladesh following a military crackdown in neighboring Rakhine State..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-10-03
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Facebook owner Meta’s dangerous algorithms and reckless pursuit of profit substantially contributed to the atrocities perpetrated by the Myanmar military against the Rohingya people in 2017, Amnesty International said in a new report published today. The Social Atrocity: Meta and the right to remedy for the Rohingya,details how Meta knew or should have known that Facebook’s algorithmic systems were supercharging the spread of harmful anti-Rohingya content in Myanmar, but the company still failed to act. “In 2017, the Rohingya were killed, tortured, raped, and displaced in the thousands as part of the Myanmar security forces’ campaign of ethnic cleansing. In the months and years leading up to the atrocities, Facebook’s algorithms were intensifying a storm of hatred against the Rohingya which contributed to real-world violence,” said Agnès Callamard, Amnesty International’s Secretary General. Meta must be held to account. The company now has responsibility to provide reparations to all those who suffered the violent consequences of their reckless actions. Agnès Callamard, Amnesty International Secretary General “While the Myanmar military was committing crimes against humanity against the Rohingya, Meta was profiting from the echo chamber of hatred created by its hate-spiralling algorithms. “Meta must be held to account. The company now has a responsibility to provide reparations to all those who suffered the violent consequences of their reckless actions.” Sawyeddollah, a 21-year-old Rohingya refugee, told Amnesty International: “I saw a lot of horrible things on Facebook. And I just thought that the people who posted that were bad… Then I realized that it is not only these people – the posters – but Facebook is also responsible. Facebook is helping them by not taking care of their platform.” The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim ethnic minority based in Myanmar’s northern Rakhine State. In August 2017, more than 700,000 Rohingya fled Rakhine when the Myanmar security forces launched a targeted campaign of widespread and systematic murder, rape and burningof homes. The violence followed decades of state-sponsored discrimination, persecution, and oppression against the Rohingya that amounts to apartheid. © Tamara-Jade Kaz Artwork commissioned for publication of research looking at the Rohingya right to remedy from Meta AN ANTI-ROHINGYA ECHO CHAMBER Meta uses engagement-based algorithmic systems to power Facebook’s news feed, ranking, recommendation and groups features, shaping what is seen on the platform. Meta profits when Facebook users stay on the platform as long as possible, by selling more targeted advertising. The display of inflammatory content – including that which advocates hatred, constituting incitement to violence, hostility and discrimination – is an effective way of keeping people on the platform longer. As such, the promotion and amplification of this type of content is key to the surveillance-based business model of Facebook. In the months and years prior to the crackdown, Facebook in Myanmar had become an echo chamber of anti-Rohingya content. Actors linked to the Myanmar military and radical Buddhist nationalist groups flooded the platform with anti-Muslim content, posting disinformation claiming there was going to be an impending Muslim takeover, and portraying the Rohingya as “invaders”. In one post that was shared more than 1,000 times, a Muslim human rights defender was pictured and described as a “national traitor”. The comments left on the post included threatening and racist messages, including ‘He is a Muslim. Muslims are dogs and need to be shot’, and ‘Don’t leave him alive. Remove his whole race. Time is ticking’. Content inciting violence and discrimination went to the very top of Myanmar’s military and civilian leadership. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the leader of Myanmar’s military, posted on his Facebook page in 2017: “We openly declare that absolutely, our country has no Rohingya race.” He went on to seize power in a coup in February 2021. In July 2022, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that it has jurisdiction to proceed with a case against the Myanmar government under the Genocide Convention based on Myanmar’s treatment of the Rohingya. Amnesty International welcomes this vital step towards holding the Myanmar government to account and continues to call for senior members of the Myanmar military to be brought to justice for their role in crimes against the Rohingya. In 2014, Meta attempted to support an anti-hate initiative known as ‘Panzagar’ or ‘flower speech’ by creating a sticker pack for Facebook users to post in response to content which advocated violence or discrimination. The stickers bore messages such as, ‘Think before you share’ and ‘Don’t be the cause of violence’. However, activists soon noticed that the stickers were having unintended consequences. Facebook’s algorithms interpreted the use of these stickers as a sign that people were enjoying a post and began promoting them. Instead of diminishing the number of people who saw a post advocating hatred, the stickers actually made the posts more visible. The UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar ultimately concluded that the “role of social media [was] significant” in the atrocities in a country where “Facebook is the Internet”. Mohamed Showife, a Rohingya activist, said: “The Rohingya just dream of living in the same way as other people in this world… but you, Facebook, you destroyed our dream.” The Rohingya just dream of living in the same way as other people in this world…but you, Facebook, you destroyed our dream. Mohamed Showife, Rohingya community member FACEBOOK’S FAILURE TO ACT The report details how Meta repeatedly failed to conduct appropriate human rights due diligence on its operations in Myanmar, despite its responsibility under international standards to do so. Internal studies dating back to 2012 indicated that Meta knew its algorithms could result in serious real-world harms. In 2016, Meta’s own research clearly acknowledged that “our recommendation systems grow the problem” of extremism. Meta received repeated communications and visits by local civil society activists between 2012 and 2017 when the company was warned that it risked contributing to extreme violence. In 2014, the Myanmar authorities even temporarily blocked Facebook because of the platform’s role in triggering an outbreak of ethnic violence in Mandalay. However, Meta repeatedly failed to heed the warnings, and also consistently failed to enforce its own policies on hate speech. Amnesty International’s investigation includes analysis of new evidence from the ‘Facebook Papers’ – a cache of internal documents leaked by whistleblower Frances Haugen. In one internal document dated August 2019, one Meta employee wrote: “We have evidence from a variety of sources that hate speech, divisive political speech, and misinformation on Facebook… are affecting societies around the world. We also have compelling evidence that our core product mechanics, such as virality, recommendations, and optimizing for engagement, are a significant part of why these types of speech flourish on the platform.” Our recommendation systems grow the problem Meta report, 2016 ‘META MUST PAY’ Amnesty International is today launching a new campaign calling for Meta Platforms, Inc. to meet the Rohingya’s demands for remediation. Today marks the first anniversary of the murder of prominent activist Mohib Ullah, chair of the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights. Mohib was at the forefront of community efforts to hold Meta accountable. Rohingya refugee groups have made direct requests to Meta to provide remedy by funding a USD $1 million education project in the refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. The funding request represents just 0.002% of Meta’s profits of $46.7 billion from 2021. In February 2021, Meta rejected the Rohingya community’s request, stating: “Facebook doesn’t directly engage in philanthropic activities.” Showkutara, a 22-year-old Rohingya woman and youth activist, told Amnesty International: “Facebook must pay. If they do not, we will go to every court in the world. We will never give up in our struggle.” There are at least three active complaints seeking remediation for the Rohingya from Meta. Civil legal proceedings were filed against the company in December 2021 in both the United Kingdom and the USA. Rohingya refugee youth groups have also filed an OECD case against Meta which is currently under consideration by the US’ OECD National Contact Point. “Meta has a responsibility under international human rights standards to remediate the terrible harm suffered by the Rohingya that they contributed to. The findings should raise the alarm that Meta risks contributing to further serious human rights abuses, unless it makes fundamental changes to its business model and algorithms,” said Agnès Callamard. “Urgent, wide-ranging reforms to their algorithmic systems to prevent abuses and increase transparency are desperately needed to ensure that Meta’s history with the Rohingya does not repeat itself elsewhere in the world, especially where ethnic violence is simmering.” “Ultimately, States must now help to protect human rights by introducing and enforcing effective legislation to rein in surveillance-based business models across the technology sector. Big Tech has proven itself incapable of doing so when it has such enormous profits at stake.” On 20 May 2022, Amnesty International wrote to Meta regarding the company’s actions in relation to its business activities in Myanmar before and during the 2017 atrocities. Meta responded that it could not provide information concerning the period leading up to 2017 because the company is “currently engaged in litigation proceedings in relation to related matters”. On 14 June 2022, Amnesty International again wrote to Meta regarding the relevant allegations contained in the report, and to give the company the opportunity to respond. Meta declined to comment..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
2022-09-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Beginning in August 2017, the Myanmar security forces undertook a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims. This report is based on an in-depth investigation into Meta (formerly Facebook)’s role in the serious human rights violations perpetrated against the Rohingya. Meta’s algorithms proactively amplified and promoted content which incited violence, hatred, and discrimination against the Rohingya – pouring fuel on the fire of long-standing discrimination and substantially increasing the risk of an outbreak of mass violence. The report concludes that Meta substantially contributed to adverse human rights impacts suffered by the Rohingya and has a responsibility to provide survivors with an effective remedy..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
2022-09-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.08 MB (Original version) - 74 pages
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Description: "Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) has again petitioned Facebook to share information relevant to the genocide case it is pursuing in an Argentinian court. A federal court in Buenos Aires has, through the US State Department, asked the social media giant to submit any evidence as soon as possible. The move is part of the universal jurisdiction case on the Rohingya genocide that was opened in Argentina last year after a petition from BROUK. “Facebook continues to put profits and its own ‘brand value’ before the lives of Rohingya people. The platform has been used to spread hatred and misinformation against the Rohingya for years, including when the military killed thousands in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017,” said Tun Khin, President of BROUK. “We urge Facebook to respond as soon as possible with any relevant information. This is crucial not just to our case, but to expose the deeply harmful effects of misinformation and online hate speech everywhere.” In 2016 and 2017, Myanmar military launched vicious operations in Rakhine State which killed thousands of Rohingya women, men and children, and drove close to 800,000 to flee into Bangladesh. There is much evidence that Facebook, the overwhelmingly most popular social media platform in Myanmar, was used to vilify the Rohingya before, during and after the campaigns. The UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar in 2019 concluded that “Facebook is the leading platform for hate speech in Myanmar” and that the company has a responsibility to tackle its spread. While Facebook has since taken some positive steps – including strengthening monitoring in Myanmar language and banning military-linked accounts – activists and human rights groups have consistently said that the company’s efforts fall short of what is required. In February this year, the Argentinian judiciary first petitioned Meta, Facebook’s parent company, to share information relevant to BROUK’s universal jurisdiction case. In its new request issued on 17 August 2022, however, the Federal Court in Buenos Aires has approached the US State Department Directly to ensure the compliance of Facebook. While there is no formal deadline attached to the request, Facebook is legally required to respond as soon as possible. The request has been made through the Inter-American Convention on Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters, a treaty adopted by Members of the Organization of American States in 1996 to facilitate cooperation in criminal cases. Facebook is being asked to; Identify and block all pages promoting hate or violence towards the Rohingya, and provide information on its users; Provide information on accounts or pages linked to Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the Myanmar Commander in Chief, and other senior military figures; and Provide information on how its own algorithms might have facilitated the spread of hatred against the Rohingya, and what steps the company has taken to prevent the dissemination of hate speech in the future. “The genocide against the Rohingya is still ongoing to this day. International justice is crucial to ensure that those responsible are held to account, and are never in a position to commit the same crimes again,” said Tun Khin. “Since the military’s attempted coup, our case in Argentina is now even more relevant. This is a fight for justice not just for the Rohingya, but for repressed people all over Myanmar.” In a separate communication, the Federal Court has also requested that the US State Department provide information relevant to the US’s determination that the Rohingya are facing a genocide, announced in May this year. Background: Universal jurisdiction case On 13 November 2019, BROUK petitioned Argentinean Courts to open an investigation into the role of Myanmar’s civilian and military leaders in committing genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya. Under the principle of universal jurisdiction, such crimes can be investigated anywhere in the world regardless of where they were committed. On 28 November 2021, the Argentinian judiciary took the historic decision to accept the case and begin the first-ever universal jurisdiction trial anywhere in the world regarding the Rohingya. Since then, BROUK President Tun Khin has testified in court in Argentina, and later this year BROUK hopes to bring genocide survivors to share their stories in person in the Federal Court in Buenos Aires..."
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Source/publisher: Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
2022-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
Description: "DEADLY ARMED CONFLICT RETURNS TO MYANMAR’S RAKHINE STATE Following weeks of escalating conflict in Rakhine State and southern Chin State, a ceasefire that has been in place between Myanmar’s (Burma) military — the Tatmadaw — and the ethnic armed organization the Arakan Army (AA) since November 2020 appears to have entirely broken down. The temporary ceasefire was established following two years of war between the Tatmadaw and AA – an armed group seeking greater autonomy for the ethnic Rakhine Buddhist population in Rakhine State. Since June, tensions between the Tatmadaw and AA have steadily risen, with reports of intense fighting, shelling and deployment of troops since early August. Most of the fighting has been concentrated in Maungdaw, Rathedaung, Buthidaung and Mrauk-U townships in Rakhine State, as well as in Paletwa township in southern Chin State. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, as of 5 September the violence had displaced nearly 9,600 people, bringing the total number displaced by past and ongoing fighting between the Tatmadaw and AA to almost 84,000. Key roads and waterways have been blocked, restricting freedom of movement and halting humanitarian assistance from reaching people in need. Escalating armed conflict in Rakhine State comes as populations across the country continue to face atrocity risks resulting from the February 2021 coup. On 12 September Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), presented the IIMM’s fourth annual report on Myanmar during the 51st session of the Human Rights Council. Between 16 June 2021 to 30 June 2022 the IIMM found that “the scope of potential international crimes taking place in Myanmar has broadened dramatically,” with evidence indicating that the military continues to commit war crimes, as well as the crimes against humanity of murder, torture, deportation and forcible transfer, rape and other forms of sexual violence, persecution and imprisonment. Renewed fighting between the Tatmadaw and AA not only increases the risk of atrocities facing civilians but also complicates the prospects for the safe, dignified and voluntary repatriation of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar. Liam Scott, Myanmar Expert at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said, “the resurgence of violence between the Arakan Army and the Tatmadaw underscores the international community’s ongoing failure to effectively respond to the post-coup crisis in Myanmar. Imposing arms embargoes and sanctions against the oil and gas sectors are the least individual states and the UN Security Council should do to uphold their Responsibility to Protect.”..."
Source/publisher: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
2022-09-14
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Shells landing in Bangladesh during fighting in Rakhine state led to diplomatic protests by Dhaka.
Description: "Hundreds of people were waiting to cross into Bangladesh from Myanmar, a small group of newly arrived Rohingya told BenarNews, amid fierce fighting close to the border that has sparked diplomatic protests over reports of artillery and mortar shells landing in Bangladeshi territory. One of the new arrivals said he saw “several hundred” people clustered along a river that separates Cox’s Bazar district in southeastern Bangladesh from Myanmar’s Rakhine state, and who were trying to cross the frontier several days ago. It was not immediately clear what happened to those other people apparently displaced by intense clashes in recent weeks between Burmese junta forces and Arakan Army (AA) rebels. In Bangladesh, where the government has tightened security along the border amid the violence in Rakhine, authorities have not confirmed reports of any new refugee arrivals or influx into Cox’s Bazar. Meanwhile, a Rohingya leader said that at least five Rohingya fleeing Myanmar had arrived at a Cox’s Bazar camp in recent days. “Two Rohingya families of five people, including two infants, have taken shelter at the Lambasia camp in Ukhia,” Muhammed Jubair, secretary general of the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights (ARSPH), told BenarNews. The adults were identified as Abul Wafa, his wife, Minara, and another woman, Dildar Begum. Wafa said they fled from Buthidaung in Myanmar on Sept. 6 as junta and AA forces clashed. “The junta started torturing the Rohingya in Buthidaung,” he told BenarNews. “That’s why we came to Bangladesh to save our lives, but we are also hiding here.” “When we were entering Bangladesh, we saw several hundred Rohingya people, mostly women and children waiting to leave near the Naf River,” Wafa said. Two days earlier, on Sept. 4, the Foreign Ministry issued a news release expressing “deep concern” over mortars that reportedly landed on the Bangladeshi side of the frontier the day before. The release noted that Myanmar Ambassador U Aung Kyaw Moe was summoned regarding the incident, just as he had been summoned on Aug. 21 and 28. “During the meeting, the ambassador was also told that such activities are of grave threat to the safety and security of the peace-loving people, violation of the border agreement between Bangladesh and Myanmar and contrary to the good neighborly relationship,” the ministry said. On Tuesday, Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal said he expected firing inside Myanmar along the border to end soon. “We heard that a group called Arakan Army was fighting with the government forces inside Myanmar. When the government forces attack the Arakan Army, some shells land inside our territory,” he told reporters. “Our Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), as well as Foreign Ministry, have strongly protested the incidents by calling the ambassador of Myanmar.” Refugees’ accounts Jubair said Wafa and the others sheltered with a relative after arriving in Bangladesh before moving into another camp. Wafa said his group gave a boatman a piece of gold jewelry to carry them across the Naf River because they had no money to pay him. Dildar Begum, 22, said her husband, Syed Ullah, was killed by the “Mogh army” a month ago. She was referring to the Arakan Army although “Mogh” is a term that Rohingya also often use to refer to the Burmese military. “I fled with Wafa’s family to Bangladesh as there was no other option for me,” she told BenarNews. In Rakhine state, an official with the AA rebels denied that the group was targeting members of the stateless Rohingya Muslim minority. “The allegations on AA targeting Muslims are not just wrong but baseless accusations, because the fighting [in the state between Arakan Army and junta troops] has been more than a month,” Khine Thu Kha, a spokesman for the rebel group, told RFA Burmese. “We want to question back, did you guys see or hear any report of a Muslim killed or injured by the fighting? Did you hear any report or see anyone saying there was a shell or a bullet from AA falling in a Muslim village so far? Otherwise, it is just an accusation with other intentions to defame our organization.” Despite the claims made by the Rohingya, Md. Shamsud Douza, Bangladesh’s commissioner for Refugee Relief and Repatriation, said there was no official information about any new arrivals from Rakhine state infiltrating Bangladesh territory. “Clashes are occurring between two groups in Myanmar. It is very normal that it will create some tension on our border as a neighboring country,” he told BenarNews. “Our decision is very clear – we cannot allow even a single Rohingya to enter Bangladesh.” Robiul Islam, additional superintendent of police, said his unit was “not sure about a fresh entry of Rohingya but we are looking into the matter.” Sheikh Khalid Mohammad Iftekhar, a senior official of Border Guard Bangladesh, said the border police force had tightened security at the frontier to prevent any attempts by refugees to enter the country. From January to June, 478 Rohingya were denied entry and four were arrested, according to the BGB. Repatriation hopes A Rohingya who lives in Maungdaw, Myanmar, and asked to not be named for security concerns, said that the increasing conflict in the state had dampened Rohingya hopes for repatriation. “It will be difficult for them to return in this situation. The current situation will not allow them to come here,” the resident told RFA. “The situation here is not very good. There is no security. People here are fleeing to other areas because fighting is going on. In this situation, they will not be able to come back.” Fighting between the military and the AA resumed in July. Oo Maung Ohn, a resident of Maungdaw Township, blamed the resurgence in Rakhine State after a nearly two-year ceasefire on the junta. “Do you know why all this fighting resumed? They (the junta) closed the roads and started the fighting and they arrested many innocent people,” he told RFA. “They arrested village administrators, questioned them and hit them.” Rakhine State Attorney General Hla Thein, a junta spokesman, did not immediately respond to RFA requests for comment. Regional army chief visit camps Meanwhile, top army officers from 24 countries, including the United States, China and India, who were taking part in a conference in Dhaka, took a side trip on Tuesday to visit the Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar. The delegation, including Bangladesh Army Chief Gen. S.M. Shafiuddin Ahmed and Gen. Charles A. Flynn, the American army chief in the Indo-Pacific, spoke with Rohingya leaders at the camps. The U.S. military did not immediately release details of those discussions. While delivering the keynote address during the first day of the conference on Monday, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina warned that the prolonged stay of more than 1 million Rohingya in the crowded Cox’s Bazar camps had become a serious security and stability concern. Most of those refugees, about 740,000, fled from Rakhine state during a Myanmar government crackdown five years ago. Within months, Bangladesh and Myanmar officials agreed to repatriate the Rohingya, but none have returned to their homeland under the program..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2022-09-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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