Education rights: reports of violations in Burma
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Sub-title:
espite fires burning down learning centres and Cyclone Mocha’s wrath, a record 300,000 Rohingya refugee children attend first day of school
Description:
"COX’S BAZAR, Bangladesh, 23 July 2023 – Against the odds of displacement, fires burning down learning centres, and Cyclone Mocha’s wrath, classrooms in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh are filling up today with children, excited on the first day of school. Thanks to expanded education opportunities for teenagers and girls, a record 300,000 children are enrolled for the 2023/24 school year.
The new academic year marks the first time that Rohingya refugee children of all ages will be studying under the Myanmar Curriculum. Since its launch in 2021, this formal curriculum has gradually been expanded with grades 3-5 and grade 10 opening today for the first time in the Cox’s Bazar refugee camps, significantly increasing learning opportunities for both older and younger children.
“Rohingya refugee children want to learn, and to turn their hopes and dreams for a better future to actual potential,” said Mr. Sheldon Yett, UNICEF Representative to Bangladesh. “The single most important ingredient for ensuring a safe and dignified return of these children to Myanmar is ensuring that they can continue their education while they are here in Bangladesh. I urge our partners and donors to stand by UNICEF as we deliver on our promise to provide education for every Rohingya refugee child.”
In addition to the new opportunities for older children, a dedicated campaign has brought more than 13,000 children who were out of school into the classroom. Efforts to support adolescent girls to continue their education are key to the record attendance this year. Due to social norms, parents are often reluctant to send girls to school once they reach puberty. In response, UNICEF and partners have worked closely with the refugee community to demonstrate to parents the benefits of education for girls, to provide girls-only classrooms, and to organize chaperoning to classes by female mentors.
Delivering education in the largest refugee settlement in the world is an immense operation. One million refugees – half of them children – have lived in the densely populated camps in Bangladesh since 2017 when they fled violence and persecution in neighbouring Myanmar. Education for Rohingya refugee children is provided through 3,400 learning centres – 2,800 of which are supported by UNICEF – as well as through community-based learning facilities.
On the first day of school in the camps, UNICEF appeals for US$33 million to urgently support education for Rohingya refugee children in the 2023/24 academic year..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Children's Fund
Date of publication:
2023-07-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Children, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
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"Executive Summary:
Myanmar is likely to be in a protracted state of crisis for some time. Consequently, the crisis is also very likely to derail the steady progress the country was making in sustained high GDP growth, poverty reduction, creation of employment including that of women, increasing exports and overall, getting closer to achieving many of the SDGs. Myanmar will be challenged in arresting the rising vulnerabilities of the people from lost jobs and lost or diminished livelihoods, providing widespread access to basic services and social safety nets, creating the necessary fiscal space, and curbing the conflict spreading throughout the country resulting in growing insecurity of civilians.
The crisis is posing a serious, and possibly generational threat to the well-being of the people. With extremely limited domestic and international resources available, and an extremely complex and dynamic operating context, the challenge is to try to understand the nature and pace of the southward slide of all conceivable metrics of progress and determine how best to target interventions for maximum impact.
The main purpose of this empirical analysis is to provide that information base. First from 2005-2017 – a period of high progress at the national level and well-captured by comprehensive datasets – followed by estimates of regression post 2020, due to the crises based on smaller but frequent surveys in the absence of any comprehensive national level datasets..."
Source/publisher:
UN Development Programme (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-05-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNDP - Burma/Myanmar, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Human Rights Education, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations
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3.48 MB (62 pages) - Original version
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"Nicolas Salem-Gervais, Summer Aung, Amber Spreelung, Ja Seng, Jung Benatar, and Chan* outline the evolving language-in-education landscape following the coup, within and beyond military-controlled territory in Part 2 of a 2-part post.
*Some authors used pseudonyms for security purposes.
Read Part 1.
In addition to spurring the partial collapse of the state education system and yielding a confusing language-in-education policy from the SAC (see Part 1), the 2021 military coup has profoundly affected the education landscape outside military-controlled schools and territories, notably in its linguistic dimension. The NUG has indeed committed to a Federal Democracy Education Policy and non-state education systems and schools have been expanding or (re)appearing. In the following sections, we try to outline the NUG’s language-in-education policy, before moving on to three brief case studies.
An evolving language-in-education landscape, amidst conflict
Seemingly inspired to some extent by the National Network for Education Reform pre-coup proposals and in line with the Federal Democracy Charter, the NUG has reiterated its pledge to mother-tongue based multilingual education (MTB-MLE) formulated in its (draft) Federal Democracy Education Policy released in September 2021 (and which should be transformed into a more final document in the near future). This policy entails a trilingual system (mother tongue, national language, international language) in primary and middle schools. This model, in comparison to what was being deployed under previous governments, is thus much more ambitious, with extensively documented, multiple and genuine potential benefits, but also a number of tradeoffs and/or challenges to deal with, particularly in the most linguistically heterogeneous regions. With federalism as a core inspiration, the (draft) Federal Democracy Education Policy entails a great deal of decentralization, with school education councils being in charge to decide, among other things, the language(s) of instruction, and with the possibility for each township and each ethnic region within a Region or State to develop local curricula in accordance with their respective State/Region framework and with the approval of the State/Region Education Council.
Following the coup, pro-revolution higher education institutions such as Spring University Myanmar have been offering online classes for learning several ethnic languages (including Mon, Tai Long, Sgaw and West Pwo Karen, Jinghpaw, Rakhine and Tedim Chin). At the basic education level, multiple education programs, some of them directly accredited or supported by the NUG, have come to provide “interim education” (ကြားကာလပညာရေး) in “people’s schools” (ပြည်သူ့ပညာရေးကျောင်း), among other administrative functions, in regions where the military-controlled state administration has collapsed, which include large parts of Sagaing and Magway Regions. In ethnic minority regions, these education programs rely to different extents on local languages, with both educational and ethnic identity mobilization objectives – in alignment with the perspectives articulated in the Federal Democracy Charter and the Federal Democracy Education Policy – amidst a dramatically disrupted political context and a daily reality marked by conflict, displacement, threats of violence, and often an extremely acute lack of resources.
The sections that follow aim at providing a brief outline of some of the many significant language-in-education post-coup developments. The three case-studies – Kayah/Karenni, Chin and Kachin States – have been selected because of their relevance to our perspectives and the availability, access, and interest of researchers in our team. Other key geographies/organizations are not included here, and a comprehensive understanding of the multiple, complex, and rapidly evolving dynamics taking place in often dramatically difficult contexts is beyond the scope and ambitions of this post.
Kayah/Karenni State
Kayah (Karenni) State has been hit extremely hard by post-coup armed conflict, with up to two-thirds of its population displaced by the crackdown on resistance groups as the military is striving to secure the main roads. According to the Karenni Civil Society Network’s April 2023 figures, since the coup more than 200,000 people in Kayah State have become IDPs, over 1,100 have been killed, arrested or injured, and more than 2,600 CDM education staff have been dismissed. In multiple instances, schools have been directly targeted by military attacks, including airstrikes.
The number of students enrolled in Kayah’s State government schools has plummeted in comparison with pre-coup figures, with SAC MoE statistics showing a drop of 87.5% in students sitting the matriculation exam in 2022-23 when compared with 2018-19. The vast majority of formal education in this state now appears to happen outside of schools controlled by the military regime. Rather, provision occurs through schooling led by CDMers and by Ethnic Basic Education Providers (EBEPs), in alignment with the perspective of a federal education as articulated by the NUG but often operating independently of the NUG.
Kayah/Karenni State is one of the many ethnolinguistically diverse regions of Myanmar: a total of nine languages (Kayah, Kayan, Kayaw, Gaybar, Yintelay, Manumanaw, as well as Tai Long, Sgaw Karen and Pa-o) were being introduced as subjects in its government schools in 2019-20 as part of the local curriculum. As elsewhere, this diversity remains one of the key challenges in the post-coup context, and the realization of an inclusive Karenni identity has been set as a priority by the Karenni State Consultative Council, a revolutionary body formed in April 2021 that works in partnership with the NUG and National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC).
Amidst the partial collapse of State administration and a new impetus for a federal education system since the coup, several networks of schools using different combinations of languages have been operating in the midst of conflict and forced displacement, although many face an acute lack of basic school supplies. In townships such as Demoso, community schools run by CDMers are seeking support from local and national resistance organizations, and the Karenni Education Department (KnED) has expanded its network of schools while also developing a MTB-MLE approach in the Karenni/Kayah language. Within interim community-based schools, lessons inconsistent with Federal Democracy — History first and foremost — are being omitted, and a Karenni National History book was finalized in September 2022. Similarly, Kayan New Generation Youth (KNGY) has started to implement in 2022-23 a MTB-MLE program through a curriculum produced by the Central Kayan Literature and Culture Committee (using Pekon region’s main dialect, often considered of high status and adopted as the Kayan standard since the early 2000s).
In addition to an education center with a strong focus on Karenni and English languages in eastern Demoso, a number of post-secondary options, such as Youth Academy College and New Horizon, have been working in partnership with Spring University Myanmar toward ongoing projects of creating Diploma programs. These higher education courses include local languages, cultures, and histories, although finding teachers for some of the local languages has constituted a challenge in the current context. New post-secondary education programs have also included a transnational focus, such as preparation courses towards Thai and international universities.
Chin State
Following staunch local resistance and the constitution of the Chin Defense Forces as early as March-April 2021, Chin State has also been extremely disrupted by the coup. Particularly hard-hit regions include Thantalang (see also here), Mindat, and bordering areas of Sagaing and Magway Regions. According to the Chin Human Rights Organization, two years after the coup a quarter of the state’s population has been displaced (including both refugees and IDPs). In addition to hundreds of deaths, close to 1,500 people have been arrested and over 2,000 houses and religious buildings have been destroyed; tens of thousands have fled to the neighboring Indian state of Mizoram, with reportedly thousands of children in government and private schools, as well as many out-of school children.
Characterized by a sharp mountainous topography, Chin State (and its neighboring regions) is home to a great ethnolinguistic diversity, even by Myanmar’s standards: prior to the 2021 military coup, 24 languages and counting were in the process of being introduced as subjects in its government schools, while multiple and often challenging projects to select (or even create) one or several main/common languages were underway. This diversity remains one of the challenges to the mobilization of a common identity, yet the coup has also contributed to strengthening a sense of belonging to an overarching Chin nation.
The Chin State administration and schooling system has collapsed to a significant extent outside of some major towns and roads. Township-level People’s Administration Bodies (PABs), in general alignment with the NUG’s federalist perspectives (but not under its direct authority), have taken over with associated education departments (some community schools also seem to operate independently). These local education systems run in extremely difficult conditions, with volunteer or quasi-volunteer (sometimes CDM) teachers in the context of an acute lack of resources, and deal with major security threats. In some cases, they operate both sides of the border with India: for instance, the Matupi township education committee runs 150 schools, some of which are located inside Mizoram, which lead towards the NUG’s Basic Education Completion Assessment (BECA).
In terms of curriculum, these schools usually follow to some extent the national framework but with various degrees of adaptation to the local contexts. Local Chin languages tend to be included, both as subjects and “classroom languages” (oral media of instruction — a situation which is not new in Chin State). In some cases, most of the schooling seems to be conducted through local Chin languages, which is described as a very positive development by the newly established education administration, and with Burmese as a subject in primary schools. As the national history curriculum in its current version is perceived as irrelevant for Chin State and incompatible with federal education, ongoing projects also include the development of a Chin history curriculum, with 80% on the history of the Chin Nation (ချင်းပြည်ထောင်သမိုင်းကြောင်း) and 20% of local content (မိမိဒေသ သမိုင်းကြောင်း).
Kachin State
Experiencing conflict since 2011, Kachin State has also been profoundly disrupted by the coup and its consequences. The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), one of the Myanmar military’s most long standing and redoubtable opponents, has been largely aligned with the NUG’s federal perspectives. In the wake of the coup in 2021 and 2022, the KIO’s education system has experienced a major increase in the number of enrolled students from diverse ethno-linguistic backgrounds, which is not unlike the experiences of the Karen National Union’s (KNU) Karen Education and Culture Department (KECD). However, its model in terms of language-in-education (with, so far, Kachin language and culture as an additional subject alongside the national curriculum and as a “classroom language”) seems to have required less adaptation than KNU’s Karen-medium education system, which recently opened additional Karen language classes to help this new population of students overcome language challenges.
Similar to the KNU, the KIO shelters CDMers from the education sector, who have become involved in a variety of online and in-person education projects. The graduates of KIO’s high schools can enroll in a number of higher education institutions, notably those located in its territory. This includes the newly opened Kachin State Comprehensive University, which was jointly established by the KIO, the NUG, and CDM teachers, and has recently held the first graduation ceremonies of programs in literary and scientific subjects.
In Kachin State, the SAC, in line with previous military governments, has carried on with its divide and rule strategy (a practice itself largely rooted in Myanmar’s colonial past); other regional armed groups have different political stances and strategies vis-à-vis the junta. Some schools controlled by the military regime have been reopening in Kachin State, particularly in the more remote regions where alternatives are lacking and access to the internet is scarce (in addition to other challenges of alternative online schooling). Despite financial incentive, however, the extent of this reopening is limited and the schools’ educational standards often seem questionable.
The Kachin Baptist Convention’s church-based education programs have been revived, retaking to some extent the role churches had between the early decades of the 20th century and the mid-1960s with full-time teaching. These schools tend to at least partially follow the (Burmese language) national curriculum, but some prefer a curriculum in English. Different combinations of Jinghpaw and other local languages are also used in these schools, which seem to gather children from very diverse populations.
Other recent language-in-education developments in Kachin State include an increasing popularity of Chinese schools, which tend to be affordable and open academic, as well as at times professional, avenues towards Taiwan, Hong Kong and mainland China. Several Kachin National Schools (Myusha Jawng / Myu Shalat Jawng), which started before the coup, also run in urban centers and constitute an alternative to government education, using Jinghpaw and English as the main media of instruction.
Amidst dramatic situations of conflict and with new impetus for an education in line with federalist perspectives, the coup has profoundly altered Myanmar’s education landscape, which more than ever resembles a battlefield. Regarding language-in-education policy, the SAC, in contrast with its communication in state-media, has made major legislative steps back in the schools under its control, which have experienced a severe drop in enrolment and attractivity (see Part 1). Meanwhile, non-state education systems and schools in Kayah/Karenni, Chin and Kachin States (and assuredly in other States/Regions) are largely integrating local languages and have been expanding or appearing, often in extremely precarious contexts, in general alignment with federalist perspective, and with various degrees of collaboration with the NUG. At a time of great disruption and great political uncertainties for Myanmar and its populations, one of the few predictions that seems safe to make is that education, ethnic identities and, at their intersection, language-in-education matters will remain among the core aspects of Myanmar’s longstanding and unresolved issues, and thereby one of the key components of any durable political solutions.
This two-part article is dedicated to Mael Raynaud (1976-2022). It is part of a research project involving several organizations, inside and outside of Myanmar, including the Institut de Recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est Contemporaine (IRASEC), Mahidol University’s Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies (IHRP), and CASE.
The six authors all work/study in the field of education, in very diverse positions and locations, inside and outside of Myanmar. We wish to warmly thank all the reviewers for their close readings and constructive comments..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2023-05-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
more
Description:
"Nicolas Salem-Gervais, Summer Aung, Amber Spreelung, Ja Seng, Jung Benatar, and Chan* outline the evolving language-in-education landscape following the coup, within and beyond military-controlled territory in Part 1 of a 2-part post.
*Some authors used pseudonyms for security purposes.
Education ranks high among the sectors most impacted by the 2021 military coup and its aftermath. Following a long history of involvement in Myanmar’s successive political struggles, scores of students and school and university teachers have been at the forefront of the protests and subsequent resistance movements, notably the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Choosing to participate in the revolution either with their chalk (“မြေဖြူကိုင်ပြီးတော်လှန်မယ်”) or trading it for a gun (မြေဖြူကိုင်သည့် လက်မှသည် သေနတ်ကိုင်သည့် လက်အဖြစ်သို့), many have sacrificed their careers, their family life, their homes and even their lives to oppose the return of a military dictatorship.
To a greater extent than at any time in Burma/Myanmar’s history, the education sector itself has become a battlefield. After two years of interruption in response to the Covid pandemic and the immediate repercussions of the coup, the State Administrative Council (SAC) has been attempting to reopen schools and universities, starting with the urban areas under its control. It has aimed for a return to “business as usual” despite an at least 40% drop in overall basic education student enrolments (the drop in matriculation exam enrolment, in 2022-23 as compared with 2019-20, is much steeper: around 83% according to official figures). Amidst the SAC’s official declarations repeatedly asserting the role of schooling in the fostering of core military values, such as “patriotism” and “discipline”, sending or not sending their children back to schools controlled by the military regime has been an extremely difficult choice for many, notably among low-income families.
In contrast, the National Unity Government (NUG) has been striving to set-up a parallel, pro-revolution and progressive-leaning education system, of federalist inspiration, in the regions controlled by the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and other allied groups as well as online. In multiple instances, schools and education personnel have been struck by violent attacks by the military, and at times by other actors, resulting in injuries and deaths of both students and teachers, sometimes in unspeakable circumstances. Teachers working for NUG-affiliated schools have repeatedly been arrested, sometimes condemned to life sentences, and parents also risk prosecution under the Anti-Terrorism Act for enrolling their children in these schools. Predictably, these profound disruptions and climate of violence surrounding education often have disastrous consequences, including on children’s mental health.
For many decades, Ethnic Basic Education Providers (EBEPs), which include some of the Ethnic Armed Organizations’ (EAOs) education departments as well as other and newly formed organizations (see Part 2), have been providing education and relying to different extents on their respective languages. In the post-coup context, the EAOs offer diverse and potentially shifting political stances vis-à-vis the junta and the NUG. Some of the major organizations, including the Karen National Union, Kachin Independence Organization, Karenni National Progressive Party, as well as the historical and newly formed Chin groups, are currently in conflict against the SAC. These EAOs, among those sometimes referred to as Ethnic Resistance Organization (EROs), are militarily aligned with the NUG (in accordance with the federalist perspectives it has put forward), actively involved in education (but with diverse levels of actual collaboration with the NUG’s Ministry of Education), and working to different extents with CDMers.
Major legislative steps backward
In this greatly disrupted context, where education is at the heart of battles between vastly different conceptions of the nation, the state and the society — and with the 2008 Constitution being void as far as the NUG and allied groups are concerned, — the SAC amended the 2014-2015 National Education Law in October 2022. This amendment entails, among other things, the nullification of articles allowing the formation of teachers and students’ unions (section 4(c) which was added in the 2015 version of the law, following the 2014 students protests), and the modification of the composition and prerogatives of the National Education (formerly “Policy”) Commission (sections 5 and 6). In terms of language-in-education policy, many observers also did not fail to notice major steps backward at the basic education level, firmly condemning them as evidence of the military’s Burmese chauvinism.
Almost a decade ago, the promulgation of the 2014 National Education Law (which was amended in 2015) sparked controversy around several aspects of its content and was faced by reiterated demands for a proper mother tongue-based multilingual education (MTB-MLE) policy. Although debatable in many regards, these legislative developments were nonetheless part of a process, along with UNICEF work and advocacy for multilingual education, to noteworthy steps towards including ethnic minority languages and cultures in government schools in the late 2010s through some extent of decentralization to the States and Regions and including the development of local curricula. Although implementation was often slow, imperfect, and contingent upon many factors, this framework offered the possibility to teach ethnic minority languages as subjects in government schools a few periods every week and to use them as “classroom languages” (oral media of instruction — different from MTB-MLE) when relevant.
The 2022 amendment to the National Education Law by the SAC, in addition to reducing the prerogatives of the regional governments in education (nullification of 49(f) granting them the freedom to administer educational matters), explicitly suppresses the possibility of using ethnic minority languages as “classroom languages” through the amendment of article 43(b), from:
“If there is a need, an ethnic language can be used alongside Myanmar as a classroom language at the basic education level.”
to:
“Myanmar language shall be used as the classroom language at the basic education level.”
Similarly, the amendment of article 44 unambiguously restricts the teaching of ethnic minority languages as subjects to the primary level (Grades 1-5), from:
“In Divisions or States, teaching of ethnic languages and literature can be implemented by Division or State governments, starting at the primary level and gradually expanding (to higher grades). ”
to:
“Learning ethnic literature and languages in regions and states shall be undertaken at the basic education primary level under the relevant region or state government.”
These major steps back towards a more monolingual and monolithic conception of language-in-education policy potentially have two sets of consequences: not only do they limit the usage of ethnic minority languages in government schools themselves, but they also hinder the possibilities of recognition and bridging with non-state ethnic education systems, which typically use their respective languages to a wider extent, as documented in several studies. Many non-state ethnic education systems are far from being on any kind of speaking terms with the military-controlled MoE at the moment, but some of the organizations which are not currently in open conflict may be wondering what the mid-to-long-term implications of such an amendment might be for them. This backwards shift in language inclusion must also be situated in the perspective of a national education system which does not seem on track to offer attractive perspectives in the foreseeable future, including in terms of the development of analytical skills and of recognition outside of Myanmar, while alternatives largely grounded in ethnic identity and often eager to connect with transnational/international avenues are developing in the border areas (see Part 2).
Contradictory signals
Interestingly, in parallel to this tightening legislative framework, the SAC has recently been communicating heartily regarding the teaching of ethnic minority languages in universities and in basic education schools, as well as the hiring and training of the Teaching Assistants (TA) and Language Teachers (LT) in charge of these subjects. In March 2021, the SAC chairman “instructed to appoint more TA/LT and provide decent salaries,” reiterating these instructions in September 2022. Ministry of Ethnic Affairs (MoEA) officials frequently include in their speeches the ubiquitous saying of warning against the “disappearance” of ethnic groups as a consequence of failing to protect their languages (စာပျောက်ရင် လူမျိုးပျောက်မယ် and variations around that formula). During the late months of 2022, short trainings for the improvements of these ethnic language teachers’ skills were organized in several States and Regions (including Karen, Kachin, Mon, Tanintharyi, Ayeyarwady, Magway and Yangon) with ceremonies held in the local Education Colleges and widely reported in military-controlled media.
These were followed in late 2022 and early 2023 by public donations from the MoEA to some of the Literature and Culture Committees (LCCs, some of which may have been compelled to reluctantly participate), including in Mon State (see also here) and Bago Region, as well as other education ceremonies involving some of the LLCs and the regional authorities. Incidentally, perplexing articles (original here) have seemingly advocated for MTB-MLE and could be spotted in the state media for 2023 International Mother Language Day, underlining the contradictions between the SAC’s desire to project an image of inclusivity and actual legislative reforms under its rule.
In 2017 and the following years until the Covid pandemic and the coup, the civilian government began a process of hiring more than 11,000 ethnic languages TAs and creating the opportunity for the matriculation exam holders among them to pursue their training in Education Colleges and to ultimately become full-fledged teachers. In each State and Region, the LCCs attached to each ethnic group were playing a central role in this process by designing the curricula, selecting the teachers, and training them. Although from many stakeholders’ standpoint the overall language-in-education policy was not going far enough, these developments were nonetheless generally perceived (see also here) as a noteworthy step forward, linking ethnic languages to job opportunities and increasing the proportion of teachers able to use and teach ethnic minority languages in government schools, with potentially genuine long-term educational and political benefits for the country. Critically, although the process was still young, some of the EAO’s education departments were involved in the development of their respective State local curricula.
In the post-coup context, however, the SAC’s interest for ethnic languages teachers and willingness to appoint TAs belies other motives. In 2021, after an increase of their salaries, some of the TAs who did not choose to join CDM were promoted in order to “fill the gaps” and replace the missing workforce among primary school teachers. Late 2022 speeches in the Education Colleges suggest that the TAs could be perceived as a reserve of a (rather docile) workforce, constituted of individuals in often precarious positions who would be grateful for a substantial promotion. Wearing colorful ethnic costumes during the ceremonies as reported in the state media, these TAs not only contribute to illustrating the idea of an ethnically inclusive education system but may also be seen as a credible vehicle to convey the military’s national narrative into schooling.
The reports of the trainings given to the TAs in Education Colleges seem to emphasize their role as a kind of civics (စာရိတ္တနှင့်ပြည်သူ့နီတိ) teacher in charge of upholding “Union spirit” (ပြည်ထောင်စုစိတ်ဓာတ်), “patriotism” (မျိုးချစ်စိတ်ဓာတ်), and the “unity of the national races” (တိုင်းရင်းသားစည်းလုံး ညီညွတ်ရေး), all of which have been core concepts of the central state, and particularly of the various military governments, for many decades. Some of these speeches even exhort the TAs to contribute to “အမျိုးစောင့်” (protecting/defending the race/religion), a concept commonly used by Buddhist and nationalist hardliners (probably understood as inclusive of all the “national races” in this case).
Despite this communication and reiterated objectives in the state media, in practice the teaching of ethnic minority languages seems at best very unsystematic in the schools controlled by the military regime that have reopened. While the teaching of some ethnic languages in the schools under the SAC MoE has recently been the topic of bilateral negotiations in order to be more systematic (and possibly going beyond the primary level in some regions), elsewhere the interruption of education due to the pandemic and CDM in reaction to the coup, as well as delayed salaries for the TAs, have often led to the disappearance of local languages classes.
Overall, the opportunistic prioritization of short-sighted political benefits, including the desire to hold elections for which the SAC needs the participation of a credible number of ethnic parties, seems to be at odds with the military’s monolithic conception of the Myanmar nation. This contradiction is also found in the SAC’s language-in-education policy, which is rather confusing: a desire to seize upon previous governments’ reforms to project an image of inclusivity in its political communication; a drive towards using ethnic language teachers to instill the military’s values and conception of the nation in the students’ heads; the granting of privileges to groups willing to negotiate with the military in the frame of what resembles a classic divide-and-rule strategy; but also decisive legislative steps backward and very unsystematic teaching of ethnic minority languages in the schools controlled by the junta MoE. Meanwhile, in large chunks of the country’s territory, non-state education systems, largely relying on local languages, have been expanding or have appeared since the coup (see Part 2).
This two-part article is dedicated to Mael Raynaud (1976-2022). It is part of a research project involving several organizations, operating inside and outside of Myanmar, including the Institut de Recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est Contemporaine (IRASEC), Mahidol University’s Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies (IHRP), and CASE.
The six authors all work/study in the field of education, in very diverse positions and locations, inside and outside of Myanmar. We wish to warmly thank all the reviewers for their close readings and constructive comments..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2023-05-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
more
Description:
"Before the annexation of Burma by the British, the only place where one could learn how to read and write was the country’s monasteries. The education of most young boys (since girls were prohibited from studying at monasteries) often culminated in the rote memorization of Buddhist scriptures. During the colonial era, the British government and foreign missionaries established schools and universities that taught modern subjects such as mathematics and science; consequently, monasteries as centers for learning became less relevant.
However, at the beginning of the twentieth century, a new movement for national independence emerged, led by youths from Burma who were educated in Europe and India, and who aimed to establish a nation based on Buddhism and Burmese nationalism. During the 1930s, this movement had a strong influence over students from Rangoon University, who brought Buddhist traditions and rituals to the university precinct. The construction of a University dhamma-yone in 1934 and the existence of the tradition of paying respects to teachers, or saya-gadaw-pwe-dale were the most significant physical manifestation of Buddhism’s influence in the university campus. In other words, a secular realm, like a university campus, was influenced by a religion. This was not surprising; the majority of the students were Buddhists, and, at that time, they thought that the purity and very existence of Buddhism were being threatened by British colonialism, and they took it upon themselves to guard it.
Nevertheless, even after Burma gained independence in 1948, Buddhist elements influenced and intervened in secular affairs such as politics and education. Under pressure from the monks, in 1961, then prime minster U Nu proclaimed that Buddhism is the national religion of Burma.
Today, the tradition of paying respects to teachers continues to exist in schools and universities throughout Burma. The tradition has transformed into a formal ceremony held annually and organized collectively by teachers and students, in which students gather and sit on the floor of a great hall to pay respects to the teachers, who sit before them on rows of chairs. This tradition, I argue, is a hazard to ideals such as freedom of discussion and criticism upon which many modern universities are built.
According to the Burmese tradition, paying respect to the parents, elders, and teachers is a noble act; people believe that by crouching down on the floor and asking for forgiveness before the abovementioned persons, one’s sins can be erased. Paying respects is also an act of admission that the person who earns this respect is also greater than and superior to those who offer it. It is obvious that only an inferior individual pays respects to the superior one, not vice-versa. This act also establishes a relationship in which the inferior person must listen to and obey the superior individual’s orders. Being inferior means one has neither the intellectual capacity nor the right to question the superior person’s wisdom. I call this kind of relationship a “one-way relationship.”
This culture of deification of the figures in authority leads to the deification of public and political figures, and people would blindly follow those ‘teacher-like’ figures who preach what they want, rather than building a culture of healthy pluralistic democracy. It is worth noting that there are several teacher-like figures—whether they are civilian politicians, monks, or military personnel—who preach different doctrines, and they (and their followers) sincerely believe that the absolute truth is in their hands, while others are following the wrong path. However, they have a particular thing in common. They want to build a stronger and more powerful Burma, but they want to do it based on traditional values, not on democratic values. This might be the main reason why mainstream Burmese politics is brimming with populist politicians and their followers, despite intellectuals and academics’ efforts to shape a democratic Burma (since few hear the latter’s voices).
On the other hand, modern universities aim to seek new knowledge for the benefit of humanity as a whole. To acquire new knowledge, academics and scholars need to conduct research by doing critical analyses of accepted theories, exchanging information and results with each other, and looking at conventional wisdom with scrutiny. So, what does critical education mean in the global context? It means that students must constantly question established knowledge and hierarchy and be active thinkers rather than passive followers. In the Burmese context, however, we should start with teachers asking students what they think about the topic, and students answering back and explaining their reason for holding a particular opinion. However, for this to occur, it is necessary for students not to see the teacher as an all-knowing deity, and for the teacher to not look down on the students and try to shut down their voices. This would necessarily mean that one has to criticize one’s master’s works if they contain inconsistencies or if one disagrees. Moreover, even in the classrooms—or at least in the universities that follow the Western tradition—students are encouraged to debate and exchange ideas with each other and with their teachers. They can question their teacher’s ideas and even criticize them; although it is important that they do this rationally, showing respect for their teachers and fellow students when they raise questions. I name this kind of relationship, in which both student and teacher listen to each other’s ideas, a “two-way relationship.”
In Burmese universities, this kind of relationship does not exist due to the suppression of freedom of expression by successive military juntas and the deification of teachers. The lecture room in Burmese universities instead resembles a preaching ceremony or ta-ya-pwe in which monks preside over a whole ceremony, preach the sermon, and the audience obediently agrees with all the things the monk said. Teachers in Burmese universities read the textbook word-by-word and students sit in the classroom indifferently, occasionally murmuring their assent to the teacher. Students have not been given the intellectual freedom nor the skillset to analyze critically the textbooks nor the theories and ideas in them. The Burmese education system trains them to be obedient and not to question anything that has been spoon-fed to them. In other words, they have been put into a ‘one-way relationship” vis-à-vis their teachers.
It is worth noting, however, that there are some major ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) which, for several years, have been running parallel educational institutions for youth who live in the area under their control. A few years ago, I had a chance to visit one of these places and learnt that their classes are run differently from government-funded universities. They either draw up their own curriculums or adopt foreign ones, and I noted that, in the classroom, the teacher encouraged students to ask questions freely and to actively participate in classroom activities. It would be a good start if the students from those institutions and state-funded universities had a chance to exchange experiences.
To conclude, we must admit that this institutionalized tradition of paying respects to the teacher is an obstacle to realizing the ideals of modern universities. We must transform the relationship between teachers and students in Burma from a “one-way relationship” to a “two-way relationship.” Only after overturning the teacher-student relationships would Burmese universities abound with discussion and debate..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2023-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Educational resources and materials (Burma- and non-Burma-related)
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Description:
"The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic and 11 years of conflict in Kachin have affected tens of thousands of internally displaced people (IDPs) who have sought shelter in various camps across Kachin State. People in Need (PIN) and our local partner organisation, Diocesan Commission for Education (DCE-Banmaw), support quality education for children in need through Education in Emergencies (EiE) programmes in the most conflict-affected areas in Kachin State.
With financial support from the Myanmar Humanitarian Fund (MHF), PIN and DCE-Banmaw distributed student kits, provided home-based learning materials, and facilitated psychosocial support activities for more than 2,700 children in five IDPs camps and one host village in Bhamo district, Kachin State.
New academic year and new challenges to accessing education
In June 2022, children were supposed to return to school for the new academic year. However, many parents and caregivers faced financial crises and could not send their children back to school. At that time, PIN and DCE-Banmaw continued to support the educational needs of children between kindergarten (KG) and Grade 8.
Htang Nu (name changed), a mother of three school children who received support from PIN and DCE-Banmaw, showed her gratitude to PIN and our donor. “I have three children, in Grades 1, 4, and KG. I have no money to enrol my children in school, so I borrowed money to pay school registration fees. At the beginning of the school year, my children were sad about using old school equipment, which was quite damaged. Now, they are happy to wear new school backpacks and use books, pencils, and raincoats from the distribution.” With these educational materials, children can continue their learning.
Hkawng Hkawng (name changed), a 16-year-old, Grade 8 student studying at one of the IDP camps’ schools, dreams of becoming a doctor: “I love receiving student kits, such as backpack, raincoat, books, pens and other things. I am thankful I have them. I want to be a doctor and treat poor people in camps. That is why I study so hard to achieve my goal.” In addition to providing educational materials, children also receive psychosocial support activities to develop their social and emotional capacities and support their well-being.
Supporting teachers, parents, and schools
There are numerous challenges facing displaced and conflict-affected families and children, and access to quality education is one of the most urgent and critical needs. Volunteer teachers, educators, and parents play a key role in providing quality education to these children. Yet teachers and parents face many challenges; Lu Hpring (name changed), a headmistress of a school camp, expressed, “Most of the parents in the camps are earning money from daily labour at sugar cane farms, and some are returning to their land from which they fled to plant rice. Sugar cane farmers are losing profits and investments due to lingering border restrictions on exports to China, which have impacted the internally displaced people who can earn money from it.”
Lu Hpring shared concerns regarding enrollment, “Our school accepts kindergarten to Grade 9 students. Some school children experienced late entry into the school system because their parents could not save the money to send them to school. Ongoing conflicts, COVID and border closures have caused several challenges for the parents.”
Likewise, she adds, “despite the financial barriers, parents still face challenges to enrol in school. Most high school students drop out whether they fail or pass the matriculation exam. Parents cannot afford to send them back to school because they lack financial support. As all know, we live in a conflict-affected area with limited resources for better education.”
To help ease these tensions, PIN and DCE-Banmaw provide volunteer teacher incentives, teacher capacity-building training (including on teacher well-being practices), and positive parenting skills workshops to parents and caregivers. Through school improvement planning, education committees and others (including parents and community leaders) work together to define the needs of the schools (e.g., materials and resources, infrastructure needs, training, etc.) and receive funds to address what is most necessary.
Helping the most hard-to-reach children is essential
In Kachin, only “a few local aid organisations can access hard-to-reach areas,” says Gam Seng (name changed), a DCE-Banmaw project focal person. Under this project, and through People in Need’s leadership, providing educational support to the most hard-to-reach children has been possible. A holistic approach to education is needed, even in these areas. “That is why DCE-Banmaw and PIN aim to strengthen quality education,” including by training “local teachers and camp-based volunteer educators with the Teaching in Crisis Contexts (TiCC) and Social and Emotional Learning (SEL) curricula” and providing activities that can help to “protect the children,” such psychosocial support activities and “parent [and caregiver] skills workshops.”
*The names of certain individuals and locations have been changed for their protection..."
Source/publisher:
People in Need
Date of publication:
2022-11-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
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Description:
"The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar is collecting evidence concerning the recent sustained attack on a school located in Let Yet Kone village, Sagaing Region, to assess criminal responsibility. At least 12 people are reported to have been killed, including several children.
Multiple reports indicate that the school, located in the compound of a monastery, came under attack by Tatmadaw forces for several hours on 16 September – first from helicopters firing rockets and machine-guns, followed by an infantry attack.
Armed attacks that target civilians are prohibited by international laws of war and can be punished as war crimes or crimes against humanity.
Tatmadaw spokesperson, Major General Zaw Min Htun, has claimed that the attack on Let Yet Kone did not target civilians but rather Kachin Independence Army and People’s Defence Force soldiers thought to be present at the school. However, even if this was the case and the armed attack had a military objective, it is prohibited according to the laws of war if it is expected to result in civilian injuries or deaths that are excessive in relation to the expected direct military advantage achieved by the attack.
Commanders who decide to launch a military attack in proximity to civilians have three specific obligations under international law. They must do everything possible to verify the existence of the military objectives; take all practicable precautions in the choice of methods and means of warfare to avoid or minimize harm to civilians; and must not launch attacks which may be expected to cause disproportionate civilian casualties or civilian property damage.
Commanders who intentionally or recklessly disregard these obligations in ordering or launching an attack may be criminally liable, as would be any soldiers or pilots who follow orders to carry out what they must know, given the circumstances, to be a disproportionate attack.
Schools are places where civilians – including children – are typically present in large numbers. Commanders must therefore take special care to confirm the existence and nature of any possible military target, assess the number of civilians in the area, and adopt means and methods to minimize the risk of harm to them.
Information on how to communicate securely with the Mechanism about this or other serious international crimes that may have been committed in Myanmar can be found at iimm.un.org/contact-us/. Please avoid taking unnecessary risks that may compromise safety, and only communicate with us via secure channels.
The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyse evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing case files for use in future prosecutions of those responsible in national, regional and international courts..."
Source/publisher:
Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-09-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group
Language:
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Title: စစ်ကျွန်ပညာရေးယန္တရား၏ စာမေးပွဲအောင်စာရင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်းနှင့်ပက်သက်၍ သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Source/publisher:
University of Mandalay Students' Union
Date of publication:
2021-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general
Language:
Format :
pdf
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239.23 KB
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Description:
"ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် - ၇ / ၂၀၂၁
နေ့စွဲ - ၇ / ၇ / ၂၀၂၁
ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၇ ရက်နေ့သည် ဗကသများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်မှ ဦးဆောင်၍ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ပြတ်သားစွာ ဆန့်ကျင်ဖွင့်ချ တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သော ၅၉ နှစ်မြောက် နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဆဲဗင်း ဂျူလိုင် (၇၊ ၇၊ ၁၉၆၂) အရေးတော်ပုံကြီးသည် ဗမာပြည်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ပထမဦးဆုံး စတင်တိုက်ပွဲဆင်ခဲ့သည့် အရေးတော်ပုံ ဖြစ်သည်။
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်အုပ်စုမှ တိုင်းပြည်အာဏာကို အဓမ္မနည်းဖြင့် တကျော့ပြန် ပေါ်ပေါ်ထင်ထင် သိမ်းပိုက်ခဲ့သည်။ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ ပညာရေး များသည် ယခင်ကထက် နိမ့်ကျခဲ့ရပြီး ဒီမိုကရေစီ အခွင့်အရေးများလည်း ဆိတ်သုဉ်းခဲ့ရသည်။ ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်တပ်နှင့် လက်ပါးစေများမှ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကို အကြမ်းဖက်၍ နေ့စဉ် ထိပါး စော်ကား သတ်ဖြတ်နေသည်။
စစ်အစိုးရ၊ စစ်အုပ်စု၊ စစ်ဗျူရိုကရေစီယန္တရား (စစ်သုံးစစ်) ကို အမြစ်ဖြတ်ချေမှုန်း သုတ်သင်ရန်မှာ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ဖိနှိပ်ခံလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ ပြည်သူလူထုတရပ်လုံး၏ အဓိက တာဝန်တရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ သွေးများဖြင့် စွန်းပေနေသော ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်တပ်ကို အမြစ်ဖြတ်ချေမှုန်းပြီး လူထုအာဏာတည်ဆောက်ရမည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် စစ်သုံးစစ်ကို အဖိနှိပ်ခံလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ ပြည်သူလူထု တရပ်လုံးက ထိရောက်မှန်ကန်သည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် အုံကြွဆန့်ကျင် တော်လှန်ကြပါရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ဗကသများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်က တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်အပ်ပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ဗကသများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်သည်လည်း အဖိနှိပ်ခံလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ ပြည်သူလူထုတရပ်လုံးနှင့်အတူ စစ်သုံးစစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်းနိုင်သည်အထိ ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
ဆဲဗင်းဂျူလိုင်စိတ်ဓာတ် ကိုင်စွဲတိုက်ပွဲဝင်ကြ
စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ရရာနည်းနဲ့ အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်းကြ
ဗဟိုအမှုဆောင်အဖွဲ့
ဗမာနိုင်ငံလုံးဆိုင်ရာကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်..."
Source/publisher:
All Burma Federation of Student Unions
Date of publication:
2021-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Political History, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
185.85 KB
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Description:
"The Union Minister of International Cooperation and Spokesperson of National Unity Government of Myanmar H.E. Dr. Sasa’s address the People and Government of the United States of America- USA..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-05-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), USA-Burma relations, Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Food Security and militarisation in Burma, Public Health, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.76 MB
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Sub-title:
Children in Myanmar urgently need support now
Description:
"The crisis following the military takeover on 1 February this year is having a catastrophic toll on the physical and mental wellbeing of children in Myanmar. Children are being killed, wounded, detained and exposed to tear gas and stun grenades and are witnessing terrifying scenes of violence. In some areas, thousands of people have been displaced, cutting children off from their relatives, friends, communities and their traditional means of support.
Even before the current crisis, children in Myanmar were experiencing huge challenges due to the devastating impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and conflict in several parts of the country. Over one million people, including an estimated 450,000 children, were already affected by Myanmar’s conflict and vulnerable to gender-based violence, exploitation, abuse, detention, family separation, displacement and trafficking,[1] and about 34 per cent of the country’s 17 million children lived below the poverty line. In addition, almost 33 per cent of the population living just above the poverty line were in a state of extreme vulnerability and are now at great risk of falling back into poverty due to economic disruptions resulting from the current crisis[2]......A generation in peril: The compounding impacts of the current crisis threaten the lives and wellbeing of millions of children, putting an entire generation in peril. The ongoing loss of access to key services, combined with economic contraction, will push many more into poverty, potentially creating an entire generation of children and young people who will suffer profound physical, psychological, educational and economic impacts from this crisis and be denied a healthy, prosperous future.
Hard-won gains in the area of child rights are now being wiped out, threatening children’s lives, wellbeing and prosperity. This represents a serious failure by duty bearers to protect, promote and fulfil the rights of children, as required by the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Myanmar is a State Party, and the Myanmar Child Rights Law, issued in 2019.....UNICEF’s response: UNICEF is committed to children in Myanmar, to upholding children’s rights and to providing the services critical for children’s survival and wellbeing. UNICEF is adapting the way it works and taking advantage of its extensive and diverse network of partners, including national and international non-governmental organizations, civil society organizations and private sector partners, striving to ensure continuity of access to critical services at scale.
Drawing on its 70 years of experience in Myanmar, delivering for children including in times of conflict and crisis, UNICEF is able to continue to reach children in need even in the most challenging situations. UNICEF brings strong capacity to mobilize and deliver at scale, coordinating the efforts of multiple partners to achieve coherent approaches that span across the country. In addition to its coordinating role, UNICEF brings strong capacities in direct implementation of programming and efficient and cost-effective procurement and transport of commodities and supply.
As always, UNICEF’s focus is particularly on reaching the most vulnerable children including the poorest children, children with disabilities, children living in camps for displaced people, migrant and refugee children and those in hard-to-reach areas, now including areas of key cities, including Yangon and Mandalay, which are under martial law.....Keeping children safe: Before the current crisis, it was already a major challenge to keep children safe from violence, abuse and exploitation in Myanmar. Between January and September 2020, 49 children were killed and 134 maimed as a direct result of conflict. During the current crisis, many more children have been killed, seriously injured, arbitrarily detained without access to legal counsel or forced to flee their houses and communities. On top of the loss of innocent lives, the daily exposure to scenes of horrific violence will have long-lasting impacts on children’s mental and emotional well-being.....How UNICEF is responding: Working with legal aid providers, UNICEF supports children and young people’s access to justice across the country. UNICEF has supported children and young people in contact with the law to access quality legal aid, including legal advice, legal consultation, and legal representation. Since February 1, UNICEF has supported 62 children and 176 young people to access quality legal aid.
Working with partners, UNICEF is establishing a nationwide toll-free justice hotline, expanding on already existing helpline numbers operated by several partners to ensure children and young people have timely access to quality legal advice.
We are also producing informational materials for children and young people to know about their rights when dealing with the law enforcement and how to access free legal assistance in both English and Myanmar languages. Materials are being disseminated widely in collaboration with Child Protection Working Group (CPWG) members.
UNICEF is working with national organizations to support a nationwide mental health and psychosocial support helpline, ensuring children are able to access counselling and mental health support in several local languages. UNICEF also support referrals of child survivors of abuse and violence to mental health experts for individual counselling and therapy sessions. UNICEF is currently working on setting up psychosocial peer-support groups for adolescents and young people.
UNICEF is supporting efforts to monitor and report grave child rights violations and reporting these violations to United Nations and other bodies that pursue justice.....Keeping children out of extreme poverty: A UNICEF study carried out before the military takeover estimated that COVID-19 could push a further one third of children into poverty on top of the almost one third of children already living in poor households. The current crisis has the potential to force millions more children into poverty, denying them the ability to access basic services, depriving them of opportunities to fulfil their potential, and putting them at even greater risk of abuse and exploitation.....How UNICEF is responding: UNICEF has established mechanisms to monitor how the current crisis is impacting children, particularly children in families which have lost their income, whose caregivers are detained and those who are unable to access learning or healthcare. Data and evidence generated through this monitoring work will inform UNICEF’s efforts to protect children from the worst impacts of poverty.
UNICEF is coordinating with relevant partners to design, establish and roll out a national child cash grant scheme, through which families with children between the ages of 2-5 and children aged under 5 with disabilities will receive unconditional cash grants, which can be used to supplement family incomes and pay for access to key services.
UNICEF is working with Common Health, a private company, to roll out mobile-based health micro-insurance, ensuring that all children in Myanmar under the age of 6 have are covered by health insurance and are able to access health care.....Keeping children learning: COVID-19 had already disrupted the learning of almost 12 million children and young people. With the ongoing closure of schools due to COVID-19 preventive measures, children are still being denied access to learning, destroying their aspirations and hopes for a better future. Many will never be able to catch up or get another chance.....How UNICEF is responding: UNICEF is working with national and international NGOs to scale up home-based learning using high quality educational materials.
We are supporting young children’s readiness for learning and language development by training civil society organization partners, including ethnic language teachers, and developing and printing storybooks in ethnic languages.
UNICEF is working with national and international NGOs to provide alternative learning opportunities for primary and middle-school-age children. Support includes providing learning materials and assisting children with learning and language development, while also offering mental health and psychosocial support.
We are working with national and international NGOs to deliver non-formal education for children who were out of the formal education system even prior to the COVID pandemic.....Keeping children healthy: Since the military takeover, health workers have experienced threats, intimidation and violence, putting them in danger and further increasing their reluctance to provide services. With health services seriously disrupted, children are missing out: almost 1 million children are missing out on routine immunization; almost 5 million children are missing out on vitamin A supplementation, putting them at risk of infections and blindness. There is a risk that the spread of COVID-19 will accelerate.
In addition, access to water, sanitation and hygiene services are facing disruptions due to limited availability of supplies, disruption of transportation and banking channels. Across the country, more than three million children lack access to a safe water supply at home, threatening a large-scale outbreak of diarrhoea which could be fatal, particularly for children under the age of 5.....How UNICEF is responding: UNICEF is working with partners to support emergency care through supply of first aid kits and essential medicines for children most in need of medical care
While routine immunization has been suspended in the largest part of the country, in Non-Government Controlled areas UNICEF is working with partners to carry out routine vaccinations to prevent vaccine-preventable disease outbreaks, such as measles, diphtheria and polio.
We are developing smartphone apps to train health workers on provision of trauma and emergency care for women and children.
UNICEF is providing pregnant women, new mothers, newborns, children and adolescents with healthcare services and procuring essential medicines and supplies to save lives and treat diseases.
We are working with partners and the private sector to coordinate and explore options for delivery of clean drinking water to vulnerable households in urban areas.
We are also coordinating with communities in Shan and Magway to deliver supplies for community managed water supply.....Keeping children nourished: Before the current crisis, many children in Myanmar were already experiencing malnutrition, with almost 30 per cent pre-school children experiencing stunting (being too short for their age), 7 percent of pre-school children (In Rakhine 14 percent) experiencing wasting (being seriously low for their height) and 57 percent pregnant women experiencing anaemia. Loss of access to water, sanitation and hygiene services, which can lead to diarrhoeal disease, will further exacerbate the situation. The situation is particularly severe for young children under the age of 2, who are at risk of death or irreversible physical and cognitive delays if they suffer undernutrition for an extended period. The impacts – for the children, their families, communities and the country as a whole – may be devastating.....How UNICEF is responding: In Kachin, Rakhine and northern Shan states,
UNICEF is working with partners to screen and treat children with severe acute malnutrition.
We are providing lifesaving micro-nutrient supplements to children and pregnant women.
UNICEF is working with local NGOs to provide mothers advice on infant and young child feeding.
In all these efforts, UNICEF and its partners are determined not to let down the children of Myanmar at this critical time, when their lives, wellbeing and future are at stake..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Children's rights: resources and organisations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - Impact on village life, including health and education, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Joint Statement of Save the Children, UNESCO and UNICEF
Description:
"YANGON, 19 March 2021 – The occupation of education facilities across Myanmar by security forces is a serious violation of children’s rights. It will exacerbate the learning crisis for almost 12 million children and youth in Myanmar, which was already under tremendous pressure as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and ensuing widespread school closures. Save the Children, UNESCO and UNICEF call on security forces to vacate occupied premises immediately and ensure that schools and educational facilities are not used by military or security personnel.
As of 19 March, security forces have reportedly occupied more than 60 schools and university campuses in 13 states and regions. In at least one incident, security forces reportedly beat two teachers while entering premises, and left several others injured. Other public institutions including hospitals have also been occupied.
These incidents mark a further escalation of the current crisis and represent a serious violation of the rights of children. Schools must be not used by security forces under any circumstances. Save the Children, UNESCO and UNICEF remind security forces of their obligation to uphold the rights of all children and youth in Myanmar to education as enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Myanmar Child Rights Law, and the National Education Law and call on them to exercise maximum restraint and end all forms of occupation and interference with education facilities, personnel, students and other public institutions.....ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ ၁၉ ရက် – မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းရှိ ပညာရေးအဆောက်အအုံများတွင် လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များက တပ်စွဲထားခြင်းသည် ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများကို ကြီးလေးစွာချိုးဖောက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ နဂိုကတည်းကပင် ကိုဗစ် - ၁၉ ကပ်ရောဂါနှင့် နေရာအနှံ့ ကျောင်းများပိတ်ထားကြရသည့် အကျိုးဆက်ကြောင့် ကြီးမားလှသော ဖိစီးမှုများကြုံနေကြရသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှ ကလေးသူငယ်များနှင့် လူငယ်များ ၁၂ သန်းနီးပါးအတွက် ယင်းကဲ့သို့ကိစ္စရပ်များသည် သင်ယူလေ့လာရေး အကြပ်အတည်းကို ပိုမို ဆိုးရွားသွားစေမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအား တပ်စွဲထားသော အဆောက်အအုံဥပစာများမှ ချက်ချင်းဖယ်ရှားပေးကြရန်နှင့် ကျောင်းများနှင့် ပညာရေးအဆောက်အအုံများကို စစ်တပ် သို့မဟုတ် လုံခြုံရေး ဝန်ထမ်းများမှ အသုံးမပြုကြပါရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အနေဖြင့် တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။
မတ်လ ၁၉ ရက်အထိပြည်နယ်နှင့်တိုင်းဒေသကြီး ၁၃ ခုတွင် လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် စာသင်ကျောင်းနှင့် တက္ကသိုလ်ပရိဝုဏ် ၆၀ကျော်တွင် တပ်စွဲထားကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။
ဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခုတွင် လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် အဆောက်အအုံ ဥပစာများအတွင်း ဝင်ရောက်ချိန်တွင် ဆရာ/ဆရာမနှစ်ဦးအား ရိုက်နှက်ပြီး အခြားလူပေါင်းများစွာကို ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာများ ရရှိစေခဲ့သည်ဟု သိရှိရသည်။ ဆေးရုံများအပါအဝင် အခြားအများပြည်သူပိုင်အဆောက်အအုံများတွင်လည်း တပ်စွဲထားကြသည်။
ဤဖြစ်ရပ်များသည် လက်ရှိအကျပ်အတည်း ဆက်လက်အရှိန်မြင့်တက်လာခြင်းကိုပြပြီး ကလေးသူငယ် အခွင့်အရေးများကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ပါသည်။ မည်သို့သော အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင်မှ ကျောင်းများကို လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များက အသုံးမပြုရပါ။ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ သဘောတူညီချက်စာချုပ် (CRC)၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ကလေးသူငယ် အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေနှင့် အမျိုးသားပညာရေးဥပဒေတို့တွင် ဖော်ပြပါရှိသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကလေးသူငယ်များနှင့် လူငယ်များ၏ အခွင့်အရေးများအားလုံးကို စောင့်ထိန်းလိုက်နာရမည့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဝတ္တရားများကို လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအားလုံးက စောင့်ထိန်းလိုက်နာရန် သတိပေးလိုက်ရပြီး အမြင့်ဆုံးကန့်သတ်ထိန်းချုပ်မှုကို ကျင့်သုံးရန်နှင့် ပညာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အဆောက်အအုံများ၊ ဝန်ထမ်းများ၊ ကျောင်းသားများနှင့် အခြားအများပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အအုံများကို သိမ်းပိုက်ခြင်းနှင့် ဝင်ရောက်နှောင့်ယှက်ခြင်းပုံစံမျိုးစုံကို အဆုံးသတ်ရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့က တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-03-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Children, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
Abstract: "Women?s
political
participation
and
representation
vary
dramatically
within
and
between
countries.
This
paper
selectively
reviews
the
literature
on
gender
gap
and
women?s
participation
in
politics,
focusing
on
women?s
formal
political
participation
particularly
from
2010
general
election
in
Burma/Myanmar.
The
paper
discusses,
however,
various
barriers
and
challenges
including
traditional,
religion,
lack
of
education,
experience
in
public
discussion,
participation
and
more
importantly
the
military
drafted
2008
constitution
for
women?s
political
participation
and
representation
in
Burma/Myanmar.
It
also
explains
significance
of
women?s
political
participation
as
well
as
the
role
of
international
mechanisms
and
gender
quotas
particularly
the
Convention
on
the
Elimination
of
All
Forms
of
Discrimination
against
Women
(CEDAW)
and
the
Electoral
Quotas
System
for
empowering
women?s
participation
in
politics.
Then,
it
explores
the
gap
between
the
2008
Constitution
and
the
CEDAW
standards.
Throughout
the
review,
the
paper
demonstrates
a
very
low
level
of
women?s
political
participation
from
secondary
data
as
well
as
in-‐depth
interviewed
with
women
parliamentarians
explained
the
challenges
and
difficulties
for
women
participation
in
politics
of
decision-‐making.
It
also
reveals
the
most
common
mechanism
for
increasing
women?s
political
participation-‐quotas
and
in
order
to
have
an
effective
the
gender
electoral
quotas
system
it
is
explicitly
important
both
men
and
women
attend
training
and
skills
development.
Importantly,
the
paper
also
asks
what
degree
and
under
what
conditions
elected
women
actually
do
represent
women
and
contribute
to
gender
equality,
democracy
and
whether
women
are
distinctive—does
having
more
women
in
office
make
a
difference
to
public
policy?".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-26 July 2015.
Sang Hnin Lian
Source/publisher:
International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-26 July 2015
Date of publication:
2015-07-26
Date of entry/update:
2015-08-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Burmese political culture - general, Akha (cultural, political, economic), Shan (cultural, historical, political) articles, Akha, Shan, General anthropological literature: politics, society and culture, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Women and Child Rights Project, home page, articles and reports, Anthropological literature on ethnicity and identity, Anthropological literature on sex, marriage and kinship, International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS) 23-26 July, 2015
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
180.74 KB
more
Description:
"Amidst ongoing conflict between the Tatmadaw and armed groups in eastern Dooplaya and Pa?an districts, civilians, aid workers and soldiers from state and non-state armies continue to report a variety of human rights abuses and security concerns for civilians in areas adjacent to Thailand?s Tak Province, including: functionally indiscriminate mortar and small arms fire; landmines; arbitrary arrest and detention; sexual violence; and forced portering. Conflict and these conflict-related abuses have displaced thousands of civilians, more than 8,000 of whom are currently taking refuge in discreet hiding places in Thailand. This has interrupted education for thousands of children across eastern Dooplaya and Pa?an districts. The agricultural cycle for farmers has also been severely disrupted; many villagers have been prevented from completing their harvests of beans, corn and paddy crops, portending long-term threats to food security. Due to concerns about food security and disruption to children?s education, as well as villagers? continuing need to protect themselves and their families from conflict and conflict-related abuse, temporary but consistent access to refuge in Thailand remains vital until villagers feel safe to return home. Even after return, food support will likely be necessary until disrupted agricultural activities can be resumed and civilians can again support themselves."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Date of publication:
2011-01-21
Date of entry/update:
2012-02-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Reports and maps covering anti-personnel landmines and Burma/Myanmar, Non-ILO Reports on forced labour, including forced portering, in Karen (Kayin) State, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Karen (Kayin) State, Internal displacement/forced migration of Karen villagers, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Food Security in Karen (Kayin) State
Language:
English
more
Description:
"This report contains the full transcript of an interview conducted by a KHRG researcher in May 2011 with a villager from Ler Doh Township, Nyaunglebin District. The researcher interviewed Naw P---, a 40-year-old farmer who described her experiences living in a Tatmadaw-controlled relocation site, and in her original village in a mixed-administration area under effective Tatmadaw control. Naw P--- described the following human rights abuses: rape and sexual violence; indiscriminate firing on villagers by Tatmadaw soldiers; forced relocation; arrest and detention; movement restrictions; theft and looting; and forced labour, including use of villagers as military sentries and porters. Naw P--- also raised concerns regarding the cost of health care and about children?s education, specifically Tatmadaw restrictions on children?s movement during perceived military instability and the prohibition of Karen-language education. In order to address these concerns, Naw P--- told KHRG that some villagers pay bribes to avoid forced labour and to secure the release of detained family members; lie to Tatmadaw commanders about the whereabouts of villagers working on farms in violation of movement restrictions; and organise covert Karen-language education for their children."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Date of publication:
2011-07-26
Date of entry/update:
2012-02-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Forced relocation of Karen, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Karen (Kayin) State, Non-ILO Reports on forced labour, including forced portering, in Karen (Kayin) State, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Economic oppression, Extortion, Robbery, Food Security in Karen (Kayin) State
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
157.42 KB
more
Description:
"This report contains the full transcript of an interview conducted by a KHRG researcher in May 2011 with a villager from Ler Doh Township, Nyaunglebin District. The researcher interviewed Naw Ka---, a 50-year-old villager who described the situation prior to and after her community was forcibly relocated by the Tatmadaw in 2007. Naw Ka--- cited the following human rights abuses in her testimony: forced labour, including sentry duty and portering; arrest and detention, including physical violence against detained villagers; forced relocation; and movement restrictions. The interviewee also described the humanitarian challenges people in her community have faced, including serious constraints on access to adequate education for children, healthcare, and food. In order improve their humanitarian situation, Naw Ka--- explained how residents of her village decided to return to their homes in 2010 without formal permission from the Tatmadaw, despite villagers? fears that this action entailed serious risks to their physical security."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Date of publication:
2011-08-03
Date of entry/update:
2012-02-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Forced relocation of Karen, Non-ILO Reports on forced labour, including forced portering, in Karen (Kayin) State
Language:
English
more
Description:
"This report contains the full transcript of an interview conducted by a KHRG researcher in May 2011 with a villager from Ler Doh Township, Nyaunglebin District. The researcher interviewed Saw S---, a 17 year-old student who compared his experiences living in a Tatmadaw-controlled relocation site, and in his own village in a mixed-administration area under effective Tatmadaw control. Saw S--- described the following abuses: killing of villagers; forced relocation; movement restrictions; taxation and demands; theft and looting; and forced labour including portering, sentry duty, camp maintenance and road construction. Saw S--- also discussed the impact of forced labour and movement restrictions on livelihoods; access to, and cost of, health care; and constraints on children?s access to education, including the prohibition on Karen-language education. In order to address these issues, Saw S--- explained that villagers attempt to bribe military officers with money to avoid relocation, and with food and alcohol to lessen forced labour demands; conceal from Tatmadaw commanders that villagers sometimes leave the village to work without valid permission documents; and go into hiding to protect their physical security when conflict occurs near the village."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Date of publication:
2011-07-30
Date of entry/update:
2012-02-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Economic oppression, Extortion, Robbery, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Non-ILO Reports on forced labour, including forced portering, in Karen (Kayin) State, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Forced relocation of Karen, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
743.19 KB
more
Description:
1.(a) Education in Burma (1945-2000), 2000
1.(b) Education in Burma (1945-2000), 2000 (Burmese)
2. Educational Cost of Army Rule, 2000
3. Children Opportunity to Learn in the Ethnic Minority Areas of Burma, 2001
4. Issues Surrounding Curriculum Development in the Ethnic Minority Areas of Burma, 2002
5. Learning in Democracy, 2003
6. Critical Thinking (What, Why, How), 2004 (Burmese)
7. Education in Burma: Hope for the Future, 2006
8.(a) Education and Democracy in Burma, 2007
8. (b) Education and Democracy in Burma, 2007 (Burmese)
9. Teacher Role in Education Transition, 2009 (Burmese)
10. Critical Thinking and Autonomy, 2010 (Burmese)
11. Critical Thinking: The Burmese Traditional Culture of Education, 2010
Thein Lwin
Source/publisher:
Thinking Classroom Foundation
Date of publication:
1998-00-20
Date of entry/update:
2010-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English and Burmese
more
Description:
"A strong education system has long been seen as the standard pre-requisite of overall
national progress for both developed and developing nations. A country populated with
educated citizens generally results in economic growth, innovation, public health and often a
political system that voices the concerns and needs of its people.
To all outward appearances, the SPDC has made legitimate attempts to position itself as a
patron of education for all. In reality, this position amounts to little more than an elaborate
show performed for an international audience. The disparity between government
propaganda and the actual goals of the Burmese education system is striking. The vision of
the Ministry of Education is stated to be, ?To create an education system that can generate a
learning society capable of facing the challenges of the Knowledge Age.? 1 In October 2008,
the state-run New Light of Myanmar ran an editorial emphasizing the importance of teachers
providing an all-around developmental experience, stating that teachers should ?train and
inculcate the students with knowledge, education and skill as well as with the habit of helping
and understanding others and observing ethics and morality.? 2 Despite these lofty
pronouncements, the SPDC treats the education system as something to be feared,
watching closely as primary school students—when given an opportunity—grow into
university students, who have proven to be some of the government?s most vocal protesters
and opponents. In light of this culture of paranoia and suspicion, the SPDC has erected
multiple barriers to accessing education.
In addition to these obstacles, and despite legislation ensuring free and compulsory primary
education, attending school is often an extravagance families struggle to afford. According
to the United Nations Children?s Fund, while enrolment is high at 80%, less than 55% of
enrolled students complete the primary cycle.3
With this high drop-out rate, the number of children left without significant skills increases,
leaving them highly vulnerable to various exploitive trades, such as forced labour, forced
conscription into the army or the sex trade.
An almost complete lack of free speech and expression results in an environment in which
rote learning is standard, and critical thinking is highly discouraged. If a student manages to
successfully reach the university level, he or she incurs a new level of restrictions from the
junta. University students and their teachers are feared most of all; as a group, they
represent the future of democracy and freedom to their families and the world.
Despite these significant hurdles, the Burmese culture highly values education and parents
place great importance on sending their children to school. The struggle for these families is
in overcoming the junta?s roadblocks in order to achieve their educational goals..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Docmentation Unit (HRDU)
Date of publication:
2009-11-23
Date of entry/update:
2009-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
547.2 KB
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Description:
"Attacks on villages in Toungoo and other northern Karen districts by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) since late 2005 have led to extensive displacement and some international attention, but little of this has focused on the continuing lives of the villagers involved. In this report KHRG?s Karen researchers in the field describe how these attacks have been affecting local people, and how these people have responded. The SPDC?s forced relocation, village destruction, shoot-on-sight orders and blockades on the movement of food and medicines have killed many and created pervasive suffering, but the villagers? continued refusal to submit to SPDC authority has caused the military to fail in its objective of bringing the entire civilian population under direct control. This is a struggle which SPDC forces cannot win, but they may never stop trying..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group Field Report (KHRG #2006-F8)
Date of publication:
2006-08-15
Date of entry/update:
2009-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Various rights: reports of violations against several ethnic groups, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Non-ILO Reports on forced labour, including forced portering, in Karen (Kayin) State, Forced relocation of Karen
Language:
English
more
Description:
"In the ongoing offensive against villagers in northern Karen State, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has been working to develop infrastructure supportive of increased military control. The construction of new bases and vehicle roads serve this objective as they obstruct the efforts of local communities to evade army patrols and sustain their livelihoods in areas beyond the reach of SPDC forces. Increased control, in turn, allows the SPDC to more easily exploit rural communities for labour, food and other supplies in support of military structures. This report examines how military deployment and the construction of new roads and bases further into Papun District have led local villagers to respond by evading encroaching army units despite the increasing difficulty of this tactic, and how the subsequent displacement has affected children?s access to education..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group Field Report (KHRG #2007-F3)
Date of publication:
2007-03-26
Date of entry/update:
2009-11-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Karen villagers, Childrens's rights in Karen State - reports of violations, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
English
more
Description:
"SPDC abuses against civilians continue in northern Karen State, especially in Lu Thaw township of Papun District. Because these villagers live within non-SPDC-controlled "black areas", the SPDC believes it has justification to attack IDP hiding sites and destroy civilian crops, cattle and property. These attacks, combined with the SPDC and KNLA?s continued use of landmines, have caused dozens of injuries and deaths in Papun District alone. Such attacks target the fabric of Karen society, breaking up communities and compromising the educations of Karen youth. In spite of these hardships, the local villagers continue to be resourceful in providing security for their families and education for their children. This report covers events in Papun District from May to July 2008..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group Field Reports (KHRG #2008-F12)
Date of publication:
2008-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2009-11-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Reports and maps covering anti-personnel landmines and Burma/Myanmar, Internal displacement/forced migration of Karen villagers, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Karen (Kayin) State, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
English
more
Description:
"Villagers in northern Pa?an District of central Karen State say their livelihoods are under serious threat due to exploitation by SPDC military authorities and by their Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) allies who rule as an SPDC proxy army in much of the region. Villages in the vicinity of the DKBA headquarters are forced to give much of their time and resources to support the headquarters complex, while villages directly under SPDC control face rape, arbitrary detention and threats to keep them compliant with SPDC demands. The SPDC plans to expand Dta Greh (a.k.a. Pain Kyone) village into a town in order to strengthen its administrative control over the area, and is confiscating about half of the village?s productive land without compensation to build infrastructure which includes offices, army camps and a hydroelectric power dam - destroying the livelihoods of close to 100 farming families. Local villagers, who are already struggling to survive under the weight of existing demands, fear further forced labour and extortion as the project continues."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Date of publication:
2006-02-11
Date of entry/update:
2006-02-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination against the Karen, Agricultural land confiscation/grabbing, Food Security and human rights in Burma, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
English
more
Description:
"Burma has one of the poorest health records and lowest standards of living in the developing world. Health and education are given incredibly low priorities in the national budget, and lip-service to these issues often takes the place of substantial reforms or programs. The root causes of problems in these arenas, such as the affects of landmines and forced labor on health and the effect of school closings and censorship on education, are not dealt with in meaningful ways because of political considerations. Low salaries and lack of transparent and effective supervision has made it easy for corruption to flourish among medical personnel and educators. Patients more often than not have to pay a bribe to be seen by a doctor, get a bed in a hospital or receive essential medicine. Primary school students can pay to receive better grades or get private tutoring from their teachers. Higher education in Burma is particularly substandard with students, during those times that the universities are actually open, being given rush degrees in order to prevent any political opposition to the military regime from springing up on college campuses.
The political situation in Burma has a direct impact on the poor quality of education and healthcare available to the general public. The level of access a person has to health and education infrastructure depends on economic level, geographical location and individual, family or ethnic group relations with the military regime. For example, a Burmese military officer and his family living in Rangoon have access to education and medical treatment that are unavailable to a family that is part of an ethnic and religious minority group living in a conflict area on the border. As yet, the military regime has been unwilling to address these inequalities to ensure that all people living in Burma, regardless of their ethnic group, religion, political affiliation, economic status or geographical location have access to adequate health care and education. (For more information about the health and education situations of specific populations such as refugees, women, children, political prisoners and IDPs, please see appropriate chapters)..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Documentation Unit, NCGUB
Date of publication:
2003-10-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-11-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Human rights and education
Language:
English
Format :
htm
Size:
70.47 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"Falling standards and the culture of fear have crippled Burma?s education system and the country?s future...Schools and universities in Burma require sweeping reform to promote a more equitable, multi-ethnic and multicultural society...
Clearly, the regime ... can continue to promote a culture of fear and watch the complete disintegration of the country?s education system, or it can recognize that future national development will stand a better chance with genuine investments in the education of Burma?s youth today."
Min Zin
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 11, No 6
Date of publication:
2003-07-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-11-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
"...Burma has one of the poorest health records and lowest standards of living in the developing world. The desire of the military
government to hold on to power at any cost has meant that human rights, including the rights to health and education, are given
scant attention in comparison to political and security issues. Health and education are given incredibly low priorities in the
national budget, and lip-service to these issues often take the place of substantial reforms or programs. Because of political
considerations the root causes of problems in these arenas, such as the affects of landmines and forced labor on health and the
effect of school closings and censorship on education, are not dealt with in meaningful ways..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Documentation Unit, NCGUB
Date of publication:
2001-10-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Discrimination in language and education: reports of violations in Burma, Human rights and education
Language:
English
Format :
htm htm
Size:
116.76 KB 6.04 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"...Burma has one of the poorest health records and lowest standards of living in the developing world. Health and education are
given incredibly low priorities in the national budget, and lip-service to these issues often take the place of substantial reforms or
programs. Because of political considerations the root causes of problems in these arenas, such as the affects of landmines and
forced labor on health and the effect of school closings and censorship on education, are not dealt with in meaningful ways.
Low salaries and lack of transparent and effective supervision has made it easy for corruption to flourish among medical
personnel and educators. Patients more often than not have to pay a bribe to be seen by a doctor, get a bed in a hospital, or
receive essential medicine. Primary school students can pay to receive better grades or get private tutoring from their teachers.
Higher education in Burma is particularly substandard with students, during those times that the universities are actually open,
being given rush degrees in order to prevent any political opposition to the military regime to spring up on college campuses..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Documentation Unit, NCGUB
Date of publication:
2002-09-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education rights: reports of violations in Burma, Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma, General studies and surveys on health in Burma, Human rights and education
Language:
English
Format :
htm
Size:
70.47 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
Bowing to international pressure, the Burmese junta has opened institutions of higher learning across the country, returning students to their campuses. It appears the junta is calculating that their increased security will prevent a repeat of 1988.
Moe Gyo/Chiang Mai
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No. 8
Date of publication:
2000-08-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
Recently, Burma?s Education Ministry has postponed the opening of schools and universities indefinitely. The reason, analysts believe, is that military officials hope to avoid any incidents that could complicate the country?s July induction into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. In December, colleges and universities were immediately shut down during student unrest. Since the 1988 democracy uprising, schools in Burma have been shut down frequently.
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 5. No. 3
Date of publication:
1997-06-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
While most young people in Burma have been deprived of their right to a decent education over the past decade, none have suffered more in this respect than the country?s political prisoners. Kyaw Zwa Moe, a former inmate of Rangoon?s notorious Insein Prison, recalls the resourcefulness of prisoners determined to keep their minds free.
Kyaw Zwa Moe
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol 9. No. 5
Date of publication:
2001-06-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Education rights: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
English
more
Description:
Win Htein writes on efforts by Burmese in exile to find ways to educate a neglected generation.
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 7. No. 4
Date of publication:
1999-05-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more
Description:
Burma?s traditional respect for education has been eroded by years of neglect, government apathy and corruption. This presents a problem for the future of Burma, writes Moe Gyo.
Moe Gyo
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy", Vol. 7. No. 4
Date of publication:
1999-05-00
Date of entry/update:
2003-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
more