Human Rights Defenders

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Websites/Multiple Documents

Source/publisher: human rights defenders mechanisms
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-01
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "...The mandate on human rights defenders is broad and stipulates that the Special Rapporteur?s main roles are: seek, receive, examine and respond to information on the situation of human rights defenders; establish cooperation and conduct dialogue with governments and other interested actors on the promotion and effective implementation of the Declaration; recommend effective strategies better to protect human rights defenders and follow up on these recommendations; integrate a gender perspective throughout her work ..."
Source/publisher: UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-01
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English (Arabic, Chinese, French, Russian, Spanish also available)
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Description: " The main objectives of the ?Human Rights Defenders” Programme are: To focus the international community?s attention on cases of harassment and repression of human rights defenders. Thanks to the Observatory and in collaboration with other OMCT programmes, the ?defenders” programme maintains a system of ?urgent interventions”. Every time the Observatory receives a report concerning the repression of a defender, information is verified with its OMCT and/or FIDH partners, and an action is launched as soon as possible in the form of an urgent appeal, a press release or a letter to authorities, on a case by case basis. Between 1997 and 2001, the Observatory prepared more than 600 urgent interventions concerning approximately 1,000 defenders in more than 60 countries. These interventions have enabled the release of certain defenders and the improvement of the situation of many of whom were victims of harassment. To offer concrete and personalised assistance via international fact-finding missions, judicial observation and support missions, solidarity missions, and the granting of material assistance to defenders and defender organisations. Since the creation of the Observatory, more than 40 international fact-finding missions and judicial observation and support missions have been conducted. Fact-finding missions aim to collect information on the situation of defenders in a given country, and to make them public. Legal observation missions must bring support to defenders that are the object of often-arbitrary prosecution, so that all the guarantees of a just and equitable trial be respected, and to alert the international community if need be. Material assistance enables the evacuation of defenders who are in grave danger and provides support for organisations that risk disappearing because of a lack of means (e.g., following the destruction of their working material during a raid). To mobilise civil society and international opinion through the elaboration, the publication and the diffusion of reports on the violations of the rights and freedoms of people or organisations working for human rights in the world. The Observatory publishes an annual report that includes all the urgent interventions conducted during the year, follow-up and thematic analysis on the situation of human rights defenders. This work is presented during the Human Rights Council?s session in Geneva. A monthly bulletin, which presents a summary of all the actions undertaken in the previous month, is also widely diffused and available on the Web site in three languages (French, English and Spanish). To promote and reinforce international and regional mechanisms aimed at protecting defenders with various intergovernmental, regional and international bodies, such as the United Nations, the Organisation of American States, the African Union, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe and the European Union." .
Source/publisher: OMCT, FIDH
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-01
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Individual Documents

Description: "Myanmar junta’s Supreme Court says it has rejected appeals by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s lawyers to overturn six corruption convictions. Four related to the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, a charity named after the 78-year-old state counselor’s mother, and two cases involved the accusation of receiving US$550,000 from crony Maung Weik. On August 29, the Supreme Court declined to hear five special appeals for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Her team has been asking unsuccessfully since January for a meeting to discuss an appeal for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint. They have been in detention since the February 2021 coup. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi faced 19 convictions and 33 years in jail but junta chief Min Aung Hlaing pardoned her of five convictions in a national amnesty on August 1. She faces 27 years in jail and denies all the charges. The Nobel laureate has been unwell and in September suffered from a serious dental problem, was unable to eat without vomiting and suffered from dizziness. The prison authorities denied her request to see an outside dentist. She is being held in solitary confinement in a Naypyitaw prison and has been denied prison visits and access to her legal team since late last year..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-10-07
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: They were accused of having links to pro-democracy forces.
Description: "Junta troops have arrested 11 people in a raid on Myitkyina township in Myanmar’s Kachin state, locals told RFA Thursday. They said that six men and five women were detained three days ago after around 30 soldiers went to a house and accused the residents of having ties to the local People’s Defense Force, part of the pro-democracy forces created in 2021. As of Thursday, the detainees were still being questioned at the Northern Command base in Myitkyina, according to township residents. One local, who didn’t want to be named for security reasons, told RFA none of the arrested have links to anti-junta militias and had just gathered for a celebration. “I heard people chanting ‘Happy Birthday’ at around 8:00 p.m. I think it was a birthday party, with people gathered for food and drinks,” the local said. “Some employees of phone shops were among those detained. I have no idea who informed the junta soldiers about them.” The local added that the arrests may have been prompted by an attack on the Northern Command in which five bombs exploded close to the base. No group has claimed responsibility for the attack and the junta has not released any statement about it. Win Ye Tun, the junta’s spokesperson for Kachin state, declined to provide comments. According to figures exclusively compiled by RFA, the junta arrested at least 700 people between June 2023 and August 2023, and among them, only 500 were released. More than 24,000 people, including pro-democracy activists, have been arrested since the Feb. 1, 2021, coup, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2023-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In her dreams at least, Phyu Nyo hoped to see all the colors of the outside world and experience freedom, even though she was in prison. But it never happened. “I thought I could exist only in my dreams,” she said over the phone, recalling her 19 months locked up in two notorious junta prisons. “But I never escaped from the prisons, even in my dreams. [The dreams] were all about prison, about running away and being recaptured. It was like my mind was also jailed,” the now 30-year-old said in a low voice. The number of female political prisoners in Myanmar is at a record high under the military junta led by coup leader Min Aung Hlaing. According to rights group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), at least 4,883 women were arrested for anti-regime activities between Feb. 1, 2021 and Aug. 23 this year. Another 602 were killed, including 114 girls. Of those arrested, more than 3,770 are still in custody, 15 of whom face the death penalty. The women arrested include political leaders, elected lawmakers, activists, striking civil servants, medics, resistance fighters, students, journalists, businesswomen and those from all walks of life. Before the military staged a coup and overthrew Myanmar’s elected civilian government in February 2021, Phyu Nyo was a fashion designer and trainer from Yangon, living a decent life with her husband, who had a livestock farm and agribusiness. But the pair were forced to become fugitives after participating in anti-coup protests and supporting striking civil servants who took part in the civil disobedience movement (CDM). The two left their house in Yangon and fled to Mandalay to evade arrest, but were detained after being discovered in their hideout in the city in October 2021. The junta also sealed off Phyu Nyo’s fashion shop in Yangon and seized everything inside including clothes, bags and shoes. She and her husband were sent to the junta’s notorious Mandalay Palace interrogation center, where Phyu Nyo was threatened with rape. “They [the junta forces] yelled at me and said ‘We could rape and kill you!’” Phyu Nyo recalled. Since the coup, women in Myanmar have been tortured, sexually harassed and threatened with rape in custody. The National Unity Government’s Ministry of Women, Youth and Children’s Affairs said in March that junta troops have sexually assaulted at least 122 women since the beginning of the coup. Another form of sexual harassment that female political prisoners increasingly face is humiliating mass strip searches by prison staff. Phyu Nyo said she had heard in June from female political inmates still held in Yangon’s Insein Prison that such searches had become worse this year. Female inmates in Insein Prison are being forced to submit to thorough checks of their intimate body parts after court appearances. Told that it is necessary to ensure that the detainees don’t smuggle papers, female political prisoners are required to lift their breasts and expose their vulva. And prison staff wearing gloves touch and rub all of the inmates’ private parts and even use their hand to forcefully penetrate into the vagina during the searches. In addition to the usual strip search humiliations, women who are menstruating are ordered to remove their sanitary pads in order to be strip-searched. Supposedly done in order to search for smuggled “papers”, all such activities are violations not only of the detainees’ human rights but also their dignity, Phyu Nyo said. Phyu Nyo was held in Mandalay’s Obo Prison and Myingyan Prison. During her imprisonment, she didn’t experience the most invasive searches into the vagina but did endure occasional body searches. “Human rights abuses were common and the prison staff would swear at all of us, including women old enough to be their mothers and grandmothers, every day,” Phyu Nyo said, sobbing as she described the encounters. “In prison you can’t do anything the way you wish, from speaking to taking a bath,” she said. For bathing, prisoners are limited to 15 regular cups or 30 small cups of water a day. Phyu Nyo said that while she would prefer not to think about those days in the military interrogation center and the prisons, as the memories are suffocating and painful, she felt a responsibility to speak up for her sisters who continue to languish in jails across the country, and to let others know their stories and what is happening behind bars. “Sometimes, I have even thought of suicide. But the mindset that I will not give up on these guys, and that we will be free if we win, keeps me alive.” Alinn, another former political prisoner who was also jailed in Obo Prison and Myingyan Prison for two years, similarly recalled that the prison authorities, especially in Obo Prison, treated political prisoners with hostility, adding that non-political inmates were encouraged to take part in abuses against political prisoners, and to monitor their activities. A first year student at a nursing training school at the time of the coup, Alinn took part in peaceful protest rallies in Mandalay to demand the return of democracy in the country. During a dawn protest on May 12, 2021 in Mandalay’s Pyigyidagon Township, she was violently arrested together with 30 other protesters. She was beaten on the head, back and arm, and collapsed during the arrest. Almost all of the detained protesters were later sentenced to two years’ imprisonment on incitement charges. Alinn said many political prisoners suffer from health problems inside due to the lack of proper healthcare provisions. “In prison, whatever your illness, they just give you para [paracetamol],” Alinn said. According to accounts from media and rights groups, some political prisoners have died because of inadequate medical treatment and health care, including denial of emergency care at public hospitals. The lack of adequate health care and medical treatment is only compounded by the growing number of female political prisoners that continue to be crammed into Myanmar’s overcrowded prisons across the country. Khin Waddy, a 27-year-old former female political prisoner and student activist from Monywa, Sagaing Region, said she was forced to share a space, including while sleeping, with 100 to 150 inmates in one single dormitory in Monywa Prison. Around 60 percent of the inmates there were political prisoners, she said. Being locked up with more than 100 people makes it difficult for prisoners to even change position from one side to another or turn around while sleeping, and inmates were forced to sleep face to face due to the lack of space. Hygiene is another problem; those positioned near the septic tank were directly exposed to the smell, with liquid leaking from the tank passing near their heads. To avoid being positioned near the septic tank, prisoners must pay the head of the dormitory for a sleeping space farther away, Khin Waddy said. The former student activist and human rights advocate was arrested in May 2021 for providing support to 1,500 striking civil servants who joined the CDM following the military takeover. Khin Waddy recalled that while she was being interrogated in the military interrogation center in Monywa, she was forced to kneel down while holding her hands up for 24 hours, and was beaten if she lowered her hands. She was also denied food and water. After two-and-a-half days of interrogation, she began experiencing stomach pains and vomiting and had to be sent to a military hospital. While there she met Daw Khin Mawe Lwin, National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker for Sagaing Region’s Mingin Township, who was also hospitalized while undergoing military interrogation. The 56-year-old was twice elected a lawmaker for her constituency, in both the 2015 and 2020 elections. The results of the latter were annulled by the military following the coup. Khin Waddy said Daw Khin Mawe Lwin, despite her frail outer appearance, stood firm and served as a mother figure for all of the female detainees in the prison. Later, Khin Waddy and Daw Khin Mawe Lwin were both transferred to Myingyan Prison. In prison, the two engaged in activities together including political talks and discussions during which prisoners could exchange political views, and organizing strikes mirroring those taking place outside, such as silent strikes, Thanakha (traditional cosmetic paste) strikes and flower strikes, and strikes to mark occasions such as Martyrs’ Day, the anniversary of the 1988 uprising, and detained leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s birthday. In prison, staging such activities can have repercussions ranging from the imposition of stricter rules or a reduction in the water allotted for showering, to a beating. There have been many reports of female political prisoners being brutally beaten and seriously injured, or being transferred to a remote prison, simply for asking that their rights be observed. Khin Waddy was released in November last year. But instead of releasing Daw Khin Mawe Lwin, the junta hit the NLD lawmaker with another charge and transferred her to Kalay Prison. Daw Khin Mawe Lwin suffered facial paralysis due to a stroke while in Monywa Prison. Denied timely medical care, she did not fully recover and later suffered another stroke in Kalay Prison, Khin Waddy said. “If people like Amay [mother] Mawe were outside, they could do much more than us,” Khin Waddy said, adding that her wish is for Amay Mawe [Daw Khin Mawe Lwin] and all political prisoners to be released soon. Despite the horrific, traumatizing experiences they have endured, female former political prisoners like Khin Waddy, Alinn and Phyu Nyo are not disheartened, and refuse to abandon their activism. Instead, they have joined other women who are at the forefront of the revolution. Women from all walks of life have bravely participated in Myanmar’s democracy struggle under successive military regimes, including the current junta, to restore democracy in the country. Similarly, women civil servants in the education, health and other sectors have joined the CDM, refusing to work under military rule—to date, their strike continues. This is to say nothing of the many women resistance fighters who are fighting alongside their male comrades in the armed struggle against the junta. Phyu Nyo, who was released together with her husband in May this year, said she has continued to dream of her days of imprisonment over the past three months. “In my dreams, we are both still on the run and being caught, again and again,” she said with frustration. “Only when I wake up without seeing any [prison] bars, and recognize that I am now outside, do I feel relief,” she said. However, Phyu Nyo hasn’t let her traumatizing experiences stop her from resuming her contributions to the political movement. She has joined the Political Prisoners Network-Myanmar, which was founded by her husband and other former detainees to help political prisoners still being detained by the junta. Alinn, the former political prisoner from Mandalay, also joined the network with the same aim as Phyu Nyo. “I couldn’t feel happy on the day of my release. Though I was free, people who had become like family members to me remained behind,” Alinn said. Through the network, both Phyu Nyo and Alinn now help to send parcels containing medicines and cash to female political prisoners. Khin Waddy is also working on raising funds for displaced people in Sagaing Region who were forced to flee their homes amid the junta’s raids and arson attacks. “We want this revolution to end quickly. Only if we win will all the political prisoners be released, and thus we are determined to contribute in all ways we can. The same mindset we had while inside [prison], we now have on the outside,” Khin Waddy said. Phyu Nyo said that some of the female political prisoners still locked up are serving terms as long as 30 to 40 years. “I want all of them to escape quickly and return home. That can only happen if the revolution succeeds at the earliest possible time. And thus I will devote myself to the revolution,” she said. With the exception of Daw Khin Mawe Lwin, the names of the women mentioned in this story were changed to protect their safety..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Junta soldiers stole food and set fire to houses.
Description: "Junta troops arrested around 100 villagers in Myanmar’s Magway region, killing one man, locals told RFA Tuesday. Around 100 soldiers raided Shwe Lin Swea in Myaing township on Sunday after bombarding the village with heavy artillery. They arrested 40 men and around 60 women, setting most free the following day. Locals said they held onto four men and tortured them, killing one 50-year-old man. “There were four arrested including Htay Win but he was killed,” said a local who didn’t want to be named for fear of reprisals. “One man escaped … When he was asked to drive a bullock cart by the soldiers he released the bullocks, pretended to chase them and ran away.” The local said two men were still being held by the troops but he didn’t know their names. The troops took rice, oil, beans and cooking utensils from the villagers before heading to another village, according to another local who also requested anonymity for safety reasons. “The troops moved on to Let Htoke Taw village in the afternoon and grabbed things from the village and even from the monastery [and put them in] three trucks,” the local said. “There is no one left in the village. The village was set on fire without anyone to defend [the houses].” Another local said troops burned around 40 houses in Myaing township. He said nearly 1,700 residents of Shwe Lin Swea and Let Htoke villages fled ahead of the junta raids. Aung Zeya, leader of the Myaing Villages Revolutionary Front, told RFA local defense forces clashed with the troops on Sunday as they moved the stolen food to another village in the township but he didn’t say how many casualties there were on either side. The junta spokesperson for Magway region, Than Swe Win, said that he was not aware of the incident because he was on medical leave. More than 10,000 homes in Magway region have been burned down by the junta and affiliated militias since the Feb. 2021 coup, according to the independent research group Data for Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2023-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Aug 15 to 21, 2023 Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Kayin State, and Kachin State from August 15th to 21st. Military Junta troops attacked with heavy artillery which seemed to contain chemical poison, to Thasi Village, Kale Township, Sagaing Region, and 20 civilians were poisoned and took medical care. They also arrested over 30 civilians from Sagaing Region and Magway Region as human shields. Military Junta arrested and killed 8 civilians from Pinlebu Township and Khin-U Township. Civilians were forced to leave their places by the Military Junta troop’s matching, for 5 times within a week. 2 children died and 1 was injured by the Military’s Human Rights Violations. 5 underage youth were arrested within a week. Military land mines killed a civilian and injured 2 people..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Kim Aris says in an interview with RFA that the junta hasn’t responded to his requests to contact his mother.
Description: "Radio Free Asia’s Soe San Aung spoke with Kim Aris, the son of former State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, last week. Suu Kyi served as Myanmar’s de facto leader following national elections in 2015, which her National League of Democracy won by a landslide. The party also won the 2020 national elections, but the military seized power from the democratically elected government on Feb. 1, 2021. The army immediately arrested civilian leaders, including Suu Kyi, who were in Naypyidaw for the convening of the newly elected lower house of parliament. She was held at Naypyidaw Prison until last month, when a source told RFA that she was relocated to “a more comfortable state-owned residence.” Aris is living in the United Kingdom and has been unable to contact his mother since the military coup. RFA: You’ve been involved in supporting the Burmese community in London and you’ve been finding funds to support back home. First, tell me what you’ve been doing to support the spring revolution, the nationwide wave of popular resistance to the Myanmar military following the 2021 coup. Kim Aris: But I never really wish to be a public figure. I kind of already stand by and see what others do and what is needed. And as my mother’s son, I have a unique position whereby I can speak out to the world. Outside of the Burmese community, people aren’t very aware of what’s happening. So I’m doing what I can to raise funds and awareness for the cause. RFA: As we know, your mother, Aung San Suu Kyi, was once given the chance to leave Burma, but chose to stay with the Burmese people over her family. How would you describe your mother? Kim Aris: It always saddens and angers me that my mother has sometimes been portrayed as cold hearted because she was unable to be by my father’s side while he was dying. I was nursing him at that time, and I can say that he did not wish for her to return to England. We wanted to be by her side in Burma. Unfortunately, the military couldn’t find it in their heart to allow him his dying wish. And from my point of view, I’ve never felt like she left me. I was with her when she was first put under house arrest in Burma. And it never felt like she abandoned me in any way. Also in Burma, everybody’s now lost their parents to the military. It’s not as though I’ve actually lost my mother. People in Burma are going through far worse than what I have been through. It’s lucky for me that my mother left me here in England, where it’s safe. I feel privileged. Compared to what’s happening to the people in Burma, I have a very easy life. RFA: Now your mother, Aung San Suu Kyi, is under house arrest again. Have you had any contact with her? Kim Aris: As far as I’m aware, she’s not actually under house arrest. She’s in prison somewhere. The military has said that she’s been moved into house arrest, but there’s been no evidence that that’s actually the case. I have had no contact with her. And the military hasn’t responded to any requests I have made for contact or to inform me of her whereabouts. In the past, I have had some contact when she was under house arrest in Yangon, but now I don’t know what condition she’s being kept under or where she is. RFA: We are aware that you went to the Burmese embassy to give a birthday gift to your mother, but they didn’t let you in and they didn’t even say anything to you. How many times have you sent a request to the junta to get in contact with her? Kim Aris: There’s actually very little point to corresponding with these people because I haven’t received any response ever. So I’ve tried various other avenues, such as through the British Foreign Office and via the International Red Cross, but they’ve had the same result, which is no response. RFA: I’m sorry to hear that. But in the last amnesty, they commuted some of your mother’s sentence. What was your reaction? Kim Aris: It’s a military gesture. The military has used these tactics in the past to try and appease the international community whilst they still continue to perpetrate all sorts of atrocities against their own people every day. And even with the reduced sentence, my mother would still be over 100 when she’s released. RFA: So you’ve been back to Burma, like when your mother was released in 2010. What was your perception about the country? Kim Aris: Well, obviously the situation there was incredibly sad, especially since the country was going through a period of development. There was a great deal to look forward to. Now, all of that has been taken away. The country has gone backwards since the coup. So it seems like it is worse now than it was back in 1988. RFA: Yeah, it’s like the country is in chaos right now. You know, young people are fighting back for their freedom. What's your point of view about today’s crisis? Kim Aris: Well, from what I can gather, the situation is not sustainable for anybody. The military aren’t as strong as people think they may be. They have lots of high tech weaponry, but they do not have the manpower that the people have. And I hope that this war cannot go on for too much longer. No more bloodshed. But obviously, that’s not going to happen any time soon. Hopefully things will play out before two years’ time. The military will collapse, but we’ll see. RFA: What if you had a chance to talk directly with Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the chairman of the junta’s governing body? Kim Aris: I would ask him to stop waging this war against his own people. The resolve and fortitude of the Burmese people is absolute. They will never accept the military rule, and the youth of Burma will never accept having their freedom taken away. Now, for the first time in a long time, all the different ethnicities are starting to work together, and that shows that the army will never win this war. RFA: What hope do you have for Burma? Kim Aris: I hope that Burma will achieve the freedom that it’s been looking for so many years now. And that people can start to rebuild their lives. In the future, hopefully people will be united and be able to work together in a more inclusive manner. RFA: Burmese people asking for international help. As Aung San Suu Kyi’s son, what is your message to the international community? Kim Aris: I would ask the international community not to stand by and let the military junta brazenly commit crimes against humanity. I would ask them to increase humanitarian assistance and support organizations that are actually able to get aid to the areas which are in need. Also, to impose more targeted and effective sanctions against the junta. Also to recognize a meaningful dialogue with the shadow National Unity Government. As stated in a recent UN report, war crimes committed by Burma’s military, including the vengeance bombings, is becoming increasingly frequent. 1.7 million civilians have been displaced, over 15,000 arrested and 6,000 killed. The military are conducting a war on their own people, regardless of race, ethnicity or religion. 17.6 million civilians are now in urgent need of lifesaving aid, protection and support. Recent floods triggered by heavy monsoon rains have added to this crisis, with a further 50,000 people displaced. A regime that uses airstrikes against civilian villages, then returns to kill mothers and children while they are collecting the dead for burial. It’s a situation that needs to be addressed by the international community, who seem to be happy to stand aside and let this happen. RFA: We have learned that your mother doesn’t want you to get involved in politics. Is that true? Did she ever say anything to you? Kim Aris: Yeah, she’s never wanted me to be involved in politics. I’ve never wanted to be involved in politics. As I said, I would much rather not be any sort of a public figure. But since the military are not allowing me any access to my mother at all, I feel like I need to do something to try my best to help the situation in Burma. After all, my mother cannot tell me what she thinks. So I have to think what she would want me to be doing. And I know she would want me to be helping where I can. RFA: Do you hold out hope that she would be set free again? Kim Aris: Absolutely. I cannot see the situation in Burma continuing as it is. I hope she will be free – along with all the other political prisoners in the country – and can find peace again. RFA: What is your message to the people who are fighting for democracy in Burma, especially young people? Kim Aris: I would say never give up. And this fight is one that cannot be lost. The military will never win. And the rest of the world is thinking about what is happening today, even though it doesn’t seem like it. Sometimes people around the world are trying to help. RFA: By the way, I have seen the pictures with your mother and Taichito (Aung San Suu Kyi’s dog). We know you left Taichito with your mother in Burma. What is his situation now? Kim Aris: I believe he is in Yangon. I’m not sure where exactly. He’s getting old. His eyesight isn’t as good as it was, and I’m sure he'll be missing May May (Burmese word for Mommy)..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2023-08-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "London, 18 August 2023: Myanmar’s junta has filed a complaint with the British police to expel the pro-democracy Ambassador, Kyaw Zwar Minn, from the official ambassadorial residence in London and take possession of the property. The complaint accuses Ambassador Minn of trespassing and before it can go to trial it must be approved by the UK Attorney General. The Ambassador was locked out of the embassy by pro-military representatives shortly after the coup in 2021, but he has remained in his residence, ‘Myanmar House’. Ambassador Minn said he was “adamant” that he would not leave the property. “I will resist all attempts to expel me and I will remain the custodian of the property on behalf of the people of Myanmar House until the threat from this kleptocratic criminal gang passes and I am able to hand the house over to an incoming democratic ambassador.” Chris Gunness, Director of the Myanmar Accountability Project, which has been involved in this case, said “according to the English land registry, the Union of Myanmar owns the house and as the junta does not represent the Union of Myanmar, this move has no legal validity.” Gunness condemned “in the strongest terms” what he described as “an attempted property heist”. He said it was “inconceivable that the British authorities, who have condemned the coup and imposed economic sanctions on the generals, would permit this move by an illegal junta that has imprisoned the country’s democratically-elected government and which carries out massacres, indiscriminate air strikes and mass arson attacks on a daily basis.” Gunness urged Myanmar’s democratic National Unity Government “to establish a representative office in Myanmar House and to continue with the important task of representing the people of Myanmar in all major diplomatic hubs. Failure to do this risks handing the junta a major diplomatic prize.” Myanmar’s military regime has been accused at the International Court of Justice of committing genocide against the Rohingya people and is being investigated by the International Criminal Court. The Myanmar Accountability Project, MAP, has initiated criminal complaints against members of the junta in Turkey and Indonesia and will file a criminal complaint in the Philippines later this year. The latest report by the UN’s Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, says there are credible reports that the junta has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Accountability Project
2023-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Dr Yanghee Lee, the former United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, told CNA’s Asia Tonight on Tuesday (Aug 1) the move signals that the military-controlled government, led by junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, is “really out of ideas and really at the end of the rope” in managing the country.
Description: "Reducing the jail term of Myanmar's former leader Aung San Suu Kyi is part of the military junta’s attempt to seek international recognition as the country's legitimate government, said Dr Yanghee Lee, the former United Nations Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. The move signals that the military-controlled government led by junta chief Min Aung Hlaing is “really out of ideas and really at the end of the rope”, she told CNA’s Asia Tonight on Tuesday (Aug 1). Reducing the jail term of Myanmar's former leader Aung San Suu Kyi is part of the military junta’s attempt to seek international recognition as the country's legitimate government, said Dr Yanghee Lee, the former United Nations Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. The move signals that the military-controlled government led by junta chief Min Aung Hlaing is “really out of ideas and really at the end of the rope”, she told CNA’s Asia Tonight on Tuesday (Aug 1). “Reducing the sentence of a 78-year-old lady who had been locked up on bogus charges should not be seen as an act of contrition or a conciliatory gesture by the brutal generals,” said Dr Lee, who took on the UN role from 2014 to 2020. Her comments came hours after Ms Aung San Suu Kyi was pardoned on five of the 19 offences for which she was convicted and jailed a total of 33 years, reducing her jail term by six years. Former president Win Myint, who was also arrested at the same time as Ms Aung San Suu Kyi after the 2021 coup, was also pardoned on some of the charges for which he was convicted. The military junta has struggled for control in Myanmar, as conflict continues to break out across the country and its economy grapples with rising inflation. On Monday, the military-controlled government had extended the country’s state of emergency by another six months, delaying elections that were promised. SEEKING INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION Dr Lee said the pardon was “just another one of the schizophrenic behaviours of Min Aung Hlaing”, as the military resorted to its decades-old playbook. “They think that reducing sentences for Aung San Suu Kyi and the president U Win Myint will first of all get some of the support of the people, and more importantly, get them international recognition,” she said. “It’s like a coating, a veneer, so that the international community can recognise them as a legitimate government of Myanmar.” She noted that the military junta does not have control over the country, with over 50 per cent of the country under the control of the local ethnic groups. Junta chief Min Aung Hlaing had acknowledged that much of the nation is not under full military control, with fighting continuing in Sagaing, Magway, Bago and Tanintharyi regions, as well as Karen, Kayah and Chin states. The military junta will be aiming to be recognised as the country’s legitimate government, especially with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit and the UN General Assembly session coming up later this year. INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY RESPONSE “I think it's time that the international community really wakes up and sees that what he (Min Aung Hlaing) is doing has been a decades-old trick, and will not get him far enough because he will never have the support of the people,” said Dr Lee. Dr Lee added that she has been surprised by the international community’s response to the Myanmar crisis as compared to the war in Ukraine. She said the international community has been generous with aid for Ukraine, as it is seen as a “country-to-country invasion … and it's in the backyard of the European continent”. “But when it comes to Myanmar, it's the same thing. Min Aung Hlaing and the military have invaded its own people. It's not just a coup,” said Dr Lee. “There has been an average of 30 airstrikes per month recently. 85 per cent of the casualties are civilian, and millions of people have been displaced.” She noted that the junta is employing the same tactics it had used against the Rohingya in 2016 and 2017 when driving them away, which is to burn their villages, schools and places of worship. DOES IT MATTER TO THE MYANMAR PEOPLE? Dr Lee said that Ms Aung San Suu Kyi’s pardon will not affect the Myanmar people’s fight against the junta. “I think the people of Myanmar have moved on. Aung San Suu Kyi is still very much respected. However, the fight now is the people's fight (and) the young generation’s,” she said. “The people have now been united. They are built on solid consolidation and solidarity across ethnic lines and across generation lines. The Bamar people cannot fight this war by themselves without the ethnic communities, and the ethnic communities are now joining hands with the Bamar and the young generation.” The Bamar is Myanmar's largest ethnic group, accounting for 68 per cent of the country's population. Dr Lee said that the young generation are fighting for a dream that has existed since their parents’ time, which is for a “free democratic federal Myanmar”. “Aung San Suu Kyi’s pardon may not and definitely will not affect the young people's minds, because they are fighting for their lives, to defend their family and their country and their hope and their aspirations,” she said..."
Source/publisher: "Channel NewsAsia" (Singapore)
2023-08-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-02
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from July 22 to 31, 2023 Military Junta Troops launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region and Shan State from July 22nd to 31st. A woman who died was hitted by a car and arrested by the Military junta in Shwepyitha Township, Yangon Region.Electricity was also cut off at the 31 villages in Kyaukdaga Township, Bago Region. Military Junta troops arrested over 100 civilians and used them as human shields in Sagaing Region and Tanintharyi Region. Also, about 9 civilians were arrested and killed by the Military’s junta in Magway Region and Sagaing Region. Local administrative authorities under the Military Junta troops threatened local people to attend the Pyusawhtee Military training in Kyunhla Township, Sagaing Region. Military Junta imposes Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code to impose curfews and restrict gatherings and freedom of movement in Muse TownshiShan State on July 29th. 11 civilians also died from the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-08-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-02
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Sub-title: Locals say the group has been held for 5 days.
Description: "Junta troops have detained 17 civilians from a village in Myanmar’s southernmost Tanintharyi region, locals told RFA Wednesday. They said the 12 women, two men and three children were arrested five days ago as they returned to the village in Kyunsu township and accused of supporting a local People’s Defense Force (PDF). RFA has been unable to confirm the names and ages of those detained because phone and internet links are unreliable in the region. The villagers were in a motor boat, returning from market, when they were stopped by junta troops, locals told RFA on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals. A Kyunsu resident said the 17 are being held in the township’s police station and denied access to their families. “They were arrested on the way home after buying rice, cooking oil and salt from Bait [Myeik city], and were accused of supporting PDFs near Tha Zin village by the police,” the local said. “It is said they were arrested because they allegedly bought the rice and cooking oil to support the PDFs.” Another local resident told RFA that troops and police have been patrolling in speedboats near the coastal city of Myeik to check passengers in other vessels. “They are collecting information like names, registration numbers and where people are heading from the jetty,” he said. “Every single boat from Myeik and Kyunsu heading to villages has to report to the junta security forces.” On July 25, a local People’s Defense Force attacked a police station in Kyunsu township and exchanged fire with the police, according to a Kyunsu township PDF statement. The military junta has not released any statement about the situation. RFA called the junta spokesperson for Tanintharyi region, Yin Htwe, but he said he was in a meeting and turned off the phone..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2023-08-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-02
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Description: " August 2, 2023 On the Full Moon of Waso, the junta made 7 announcements in regards to the release of sentenced prisoners and prisoners facing trial. The announcements in question covered: (1) President U Win Myint (2) State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (3) 22 political prisoners from Ethnic Resistance Organizations (4) 72 members of Ethnic Resistance Organizations who were facing trials had their cases dismissed (5) 7,749 prisoners (6) 125 foreign prisoners were released (7) Several prisoners on death row had sentences commuted to life imprisonment Two of the five charges against President U Win Myint, and five of the 19 charges against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were removed. U Win Myint’s prison sentence was commuted by 2 years for the two removed charges, he still has to serve 10 years in prison. In a similar vein, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s prison sentence was only commuted by 6 years for the five removed charges, she still has to serve 27 years in prison. 22 people who were imprisoned for their relations with 4 Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs), MNDAA, TNLA, SSPP/SSA, and AA, were released. Only a handful of political prisoners were released out of 7,749 prisoners across the country. As of 10 a.m. at the time of writing this report, AAPP has confirmed over (120) prisoners but further verification of prisoners is ongoing. The junta continues to deny its criminal detention of (24,130) innocent civilians since the coup. The political prisoners released were unjustly arrested and should never have been detained in the first place. The military refuses to be transparent about the identities of the political prisoners to impede independent verification of accurate numbers released, and whether political prisoners are included among them. Political prisoners released will have had less than 6-months of their sentences remaining. AAPP Secretary U Tate Naing, said Releasing people after forcibly arresting them arbitrarily in the first place does not signal a relaxation in repression. The military uses these announcements to deceive international opinion on a regular basis. The military wants the outside world to think they are compromising. But the Burma military is not interested in dialogue, that much is clear from its 2021 coup and its decades of atrocities against ethnic people seeking autonomy. AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said that The junta is using political prisoners for its hostage diplomacy, these releases are not acts of good will. On the same day of this so-called amnesty, the military junta continued its violent oppression of an entire country. In this past month, junta soldiers and supporters continued to terrorize the population, as evident in their detainment and killing of (144) and (101) people respectively. [AAPP data July 1, 2023 – July 31, 2023]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2023-08-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-02
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Sub-title: Family members believe that transfers are an excuse to execute the prisoners without accountability.
Description: "At least 13 political prisoners in Myanmar have been killed by the junta while transferring from one detention facility to another, family members and rights organizations told Radio Free Asia. During the month of June alone, 37 political prisoners transferred from Daik-U prison, in the Bago region north of Yangon, went missing before reaching their destinations. At least eight of these have been killed, the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, or AAPP, announced on July 19. Several family members have suggested that the junta is transferring the prisoners as a pretext to execute them away from surveillance, and they doubt the official explanations of how the prisoners died. In one such explanation seen by RFA’s Burmese Service, in a letter from prison authorities, a family was informed that the prisoner was shot while trying to escape after the prison transfer vehicle carrying him overturned in a road accident. In another case, prison authorities notified the family of 31-year-old Nay Aye that he had died in a strikingly similar way, one of Nay Aye’s friends told RFA. “The mail arrived after 3 p.m on the 14th. It was the notification letter from the Daik-U prison department signed by Kyaw Zay Ya,” Nay Aye’s friend said. “The letter said that he was shot dead while he and other prisoners were attempting to escape when the prison transfer vehicle transporting them from Daik-U to Tharyarwaddy Prison almost overturned on a road accident.” He said that the report was not believable and that he considered it to be a deliberate and premeditated murder. Nay Aye was arrested in Yangon on Nov. 24, 2021, sentenced to life imprisonment by the secret tribunal in Insein Prison under the Anti-Terrorism Act, and then sent to Daik-U Prison by the junta. While at Daik-U, he was praised by the prisoners for trying to open an in-prison clinic, get access to clean water and secure the right for political prisoners to read. Zin Win Htut, 27, is another prisoner who was killed in a transfer. He had been incarcerated since December 2021 and was serving a 15-year sentence for violating the Anti-Terrorism Act. His family was informed of his death on July 18, sources close to him told RFA. A member of the Myingyan University Student Union which Zin Win Htut once vice-chaired, said he believes it was an intentional murder. Anti-junta activities According to AAPP, the eight prisoners killed on transfers in June are Zin Win Htut alias Ta Yoke Gyi, Nay Aye alias Arkar Htet, Paing Myo, Yar Lay alias Zin Myint Tun, Pyae Phyo Hein alias Ko Pyae, Wai Yan Lwin alias Jar Gyi, Khant Lin Naing alias Ko Khant, Bo Bo Win alias Htan Taw Gyi, and Aung Myo Thu. According to a junta report issued on Dec. 12, 2021, all eight were arrested for their association with the Bago People’s Defense Force, or PDF, one of many grassroots militias formed by citizens after the Feb. 1, 2021 coup. In addition to those eight, Aung Soe Moe alias Mae Lone died in Daik-U Prison on July 16. Maung Dee, a former lawmaker who was ousted during the coup from Waw township in the Bago region, died on July 17 after being transferred to Bago Hospital due to ill health, AAPP reported. Earlier, in May, 19-year-old student activist Thant Zin Win and two other political prisoners whose names cannot be confirmed, were killed when 24 political prisoners from Daik-U Prison were taken out and interrogated again by the junta authorities, according to people close to the prison. These incidents summed up the total deaths of 13 political prisoners in Daik-U Prison alone. No bodies Whenever the families of the dead political prisoners ask to see the body, the prison authorities always refuse, a person close to one of the families told RFA. “They said that he died but we couldn’t see or know anything about the body,” the source said. “They issued notification letters to the families but we don't know what purpose they were issued for. We want to know the truth about what happened.” RFA reached out to Naing Win, the spokesman and the deputy director general of the prison department for comment, but his phone rang unanswered. An AAPP official told RFA that these killings are human rights violations. He said that AAPP urges the international community, including the United Nations, to investigate and take effective action as soon as possible. “It was evident that the junta shot and killed the inmates from Daik-U prison outside,” he said. “ It is a really horrible and brutal violation of human rights.”..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2023-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-28
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Sub-title: The 78-year-old leader is now reportedly being detained at a government building in Naypyidaw.
Description: "Myanmar’s military government has transferred deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi from prison to a government building in the capital Naypyidaw, an official from her party has confirmed, three days ahead of the expected extension of the current state of emergency. The AFP news agency cited an anonymous official from Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party that the 78-year-old Nobel laureate was “moved to a high-level venue compound on Monday night.” The NLD official confirmed earlier reports from Burmese-language media that Aung San Suu Kyi, whose government was removed by the military in February 2021, has been transferred to housing used by government officials. Rumors to this effect have swirled since the junta allowed Thai Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai to meet Aung San Suu Kyi on July 9. The party official also confirmed to AFP that Aung San Suu Kyi had met Ti Khun Myat, the former speaker of parliament, and was likely to meet Deng Xijun, China’s special envoy for Asian Affairs, who it reported is visiting the country this week. The transfer comes ahead of the expected extension of the country’s state of emergency on Monday. Initially imposed for a period of one year following the coup, the state of emergency has since been extended twice – Monday’s extension would be the third – a testament to the level of resistance that it has since faced. Aung San Suu Kyi has been under tight control since the morning of the coup, which took place as she and other NLD lawmakers were preparing to be sworn into office at the parliament in Naypyidaw. After initially keeping her under house arrest at her residence in the capital, the junta put the 78-year-old ousted leader in solitary confinement in Naypyidaw Prison in June of last year. During that time, she has been sentenced to 33 years in prison on a number of outlandish criminal charges, including corruption, possession of illegal walkie-talkies, and the violation of COVID-19 restrictions. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. What this all means is hard to say. Nikkei Asia reported that there is “speculation the military could make further announcements regarding Suu Kyi next week, coinciding with the consecration of a new marble statue of Buddha in Naypyitaw on Tuesday.” The Buddha in question is the $7.6 million Maravijaya statue, purported to be the tallest marble sitting Buddha in the world, which is due to be inaugurated in the capital on August 2. It is hard to imagine that the transfer of Aung San Suu Kyi into slightly a less austere form of detention marks a sign of the junta’s genuine desire for reconciliation with forces that it has described as “terrorists” and pledged to eliminate by force. Like the military’s account of Aung San Suu Kyi’s meeting with Don Pramudwinai earlier this month, in which it claimed that she disavowed the anti-junta resistance and the National Unity Government (of which she is the titular head), this is probably best seen as an attempt to leverage Aung San Suu Kyi’s potent symbolic status in order to win over public sentiment and to ease mounting international pressure. For years, the military has been well aware of Aung San Suu Kyi’s totemic image at home and abroad, and sought to manipulate it to its own advantage. Indeed, the NLD leader’s willingness to endorse the military-led process of reform in the early 2010s was among the primary factors for Western governments going along and ultimately removing the economic sanctions and investment bans that they had erected since the 1990s. Angshuman Choudhury of India’s Centre for Policy Research today described the move as “literally a leaf out of the junta’s old, deadbeat playbook – designed to placate international audiences, quieten the resistance at home & sow divisions within the revolution.” Whether this gambit will have quite the same effect remains to be seen. In the West, Aung San Suu Kyi’s glow was tarnished considerably by her apparent collusion in the military’s vicious assaults against the Rohingya populations of western Myanmar. At home, too, the resistance to military rule, while still drawing inspiration from Aung San Suu Kyi, is no longer quite so reliant on her person and has in many ways moved above the old paradigm of political resistance with which she is inseparable. All this is to say that the shift of Myanmar’s most prominent political prisoner out of solitary confinement may represent a tactical shift on the part of the country’s military, but not a fundamental shift in its desired end goal..."
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Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2023-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-28
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from July 15 to 21, 2023 Military Junta troops launched airstrikes and dropped bombs including fire bombs in Sagaing Region, Chin State, and Kayin State from 15th to 21st July. 12 civilians including 2 children died by the Military’s arresting and killing. They also burnt and killed 3 civilians from Kyaukdaga Township in Bago Region. Military Junta troops killed at least 12 local civilians from Sonechaung Village, Yinmabin Township, Sagaing Region on 21st June. The rumors came out that the Military Junta will arrest the CDMs in Pyay Township, Bago Region and they searched the houses. 2 civilians died and 1 was injured by the Military’s land mines within a week..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-07-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Sunday marks the first anniversary of the deaths of veteran 88 Generation pro-democracy activist Ko Jimmy (Kyaw Min Yu) and former National League for Democracy lawmaker and hip-hop star Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, who were hanged by the regime in Yangon’s Insein Prison on this day last year. Two anti-coup protesters, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw, met the same fate. The deaths of the four marked the first executions of political prisoners since 1989 and shocked Myanmar people and the international community; many governments had appealed for their death sentences to be commuted. Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, who were charged under the Counterterrorism Law, were allowed to meet their families on July 22, 2022 for the first time since their arrest. However, the meetings were conducted via Zoom, not in person. Their family members did not know it would be their last meeting with the pro-democracy activists, or that the two would be hanged the next morning. Their families only found out about the deaths on July 25 when the junta announced through its state-run newspapers that the executions had been carried out. Family members rushed to Insein Prison, but were not allowed to see the bodies, nor were they told when their husbands and sons were hanged. On July 27, pro-junta thugs including members of the military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party and the ultranationalist Association for Protection of Race and Religion (known by its Burmese acronym Ma Ba Tha) stoned the houses of Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw. Rallies in support of the executions were held in Yangon and Mandalay in the following days, with junta soldiers and police providing security for protesters. Prior to the executions, Captain Ohn Kyaw Myint, who plotted to assassinate the generals of the Myanmar Socialist Programme Party, and ethnic Chin student leader Salai Tin Maung Oo were the best-known cases of political dissidents being hanged in Myanmar. Ko Jimmy was 53 and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw was 41 when the two made the ultimate sacrifice for the democracy struggle in Myanmar. According to the Assistance Association for Political prisoners, as of June 2023 more than 150 people including politicians, students and women had been sentenced to death since the putsch..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-07-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-23
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Description: "Myanmar junta troops killed 11 civilians and three resistance fighters in Yinmabin Township, Sagaing Region, on Friday, according to residents. Troops stationed in Yinmabin town raided Sone Chaung village before dawn on Saturday and beheaded three Bo Tun Tauk People’s Defense Force members, who were guarding the village. They then killed 11 male villagers, the group said. “First, we found the bodies of the three fighters in the village center. The other bodies were spread around. Some had been tortured,” said a villager. Other villagers were taken away and their condition is unknown. The Irrawaddy could not independently verify the reports. The three resistance fighters were named Ko Pyae Phyo Tun, Ko Sai Thu San and Ko Nay Min Tun. The civilians killed were U Myo Myint Oo, U Kyaw Oo, U Yan Naing Soe, U Swe Gyi, U Aung Win Swe, U Naing Min, U Tote Kyi, U Lwin Moe Tun, U Htay Zaw, U Phoe Aung and U Aung Zaw Win, according to the resistance group. Pro-junta Telegram channels released the same names but said they were all resistance fighters. A funeral was held yesterday and the 14 bodies were cremated together. Dr Sasa, the National Unity Government’s minister for international cooperation, posted on Facebook that the Yinmabin atrocity was one of around 80 massacres committed by the junta since the 2021 coup. “The genocidal military junta hides behind secrecy, evading international scrutiny. But we cannot remain silent observers; we must take decisive action now,” he said. Dr Sasa, known by only one name, called on the international community to cut the flow of money, weapons and legitimacy to the junta. “Let us stand in solidarity with the loved ones, families and villagers of Yinmabin during this heart-wrenching time, deliberately created by the genocidal junta and supported by their partners in crime,” he said. In March at least four civilians in Kone village, Yinmabin Township, were killed by junta troops after they torched the village..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-07-22
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-22
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Sub-title: Fighting increases in border states while junta continues to delay elections
Description: "Fighting between the Myanmar army and anti-junta rebels has flared up in recent days, with local people in one village saying on Saturday that 14 people were killed in a single raid. Deadly violence has engulfed Myanmar since the military deposed Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian government in February 2021 and unleashed a bloody crackdown on dissent that has left thousands dead. The junta has been battling anti-coup “people’s defence force” (PDF) militias and long-established ethnic rebel armies that control large areas of territory near the country’s borders. A senior military source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told AFP that fighting had been going on in recent days in the states of Kachin, Karen and Kayah, as well as Sagaing and Magway regions. Two people from Sone Chaung village in Sagaing – a hotbed of opposition to junta rule – told AFP the army had killed 14 people in a raid in the early hours of Friday morning. The villagers, who both spoke on condition of anonymity, said the army came looking for PDF leaders. One said that six of the dead were PDF fighters, but the rest were civilians, and the bodies were found scattered over a wide area, apparently shot or cut down as they tried to flee. “Fighting and raids of PDF places in Sagaing and Magway regions are ongoing these days,” another military source said without giving further details. Access to the areas affected is extremely difficult for journalists, making it hard to independently verify local accounts. Earlier this month, the US secretary of state, Antony Blinken, told south-east Asian ministers that Washington and regional states must pressure the junta to put an end to violence and return to democracy. But diplomatic and economic pressure on the generals has so far had no effect. The junta, which justified its coup by alleging fraud in elections won by Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, has promised to hold fresh polls. But it has delayed them once, and earlier this month hinted it would extend the state of emergency and postpone polls again..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2023-07-22
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-22
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Description: "JAKARTA – The Myanmar military must be held accountable for their continued mockery of the rule of the law, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) said today, marking one year since four political prisoners committed to the success of the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar were executed at the order of junta leader Min Aung Hlaing. Former lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw and three other activists – Kyaw Min Yu, known as “Ko Jimmy,” Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw – were all sentenced to death in closed-door military courts during sham trials backed by junta-appointed judges. “The executions of the four activists was a gross miscarriage of justice and a grave loss for the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar. The fact that the military continues to sentence scores of people to death is evidence of their disregard for upholding any qualified measure of the law. ASEAN should take this for what it is – evidence of a brutal military regime with no intention of abiding by human rights principles, including the right to a free and fair trial. One year on, there has yet to be any justice for the victims’ families and the thousands of political prisoners detained,” APHR Chair and member of the Indonesian House of Representatives Mercy Barends said today. The junta intended the executions to send a strong message to the pro-democracy movement but their cruelty has only propelled activists to amplify their calls to the international community to go beyond condemning the brutal military regime and respond with tangible actions that hold the junta to account, including an immediate referral by the United Nations Security Council to the International Criminal Court. The situation in Myanmar remains volatile as the junta continues to torture, kill, arrest and detain people who resist their dictatorship. As indicated in the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and other rights-based reports, crimes against humanity continue to be systematically perpetrated in the country by the junta. “We stand in solidarity with the Myanmar people and pro-democracy movement and their courageous stand against the illegal military junta. We echo their calls and urge the international community, including ASEAN, to take concrete measures to hold the junta accountable for their terrible crimes, including by supporting the legal cases in the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice as well as ongoing efforts to assert universal jurisdiction,” said Barends..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
2023-07-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "၁။ “မမများနဲ့ပွဲကမယ်” ဘဏ္ဍာငွေ ရှာဖွေရေးအစီအစဥ်တွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ပြည်သူများ၊ Fundraiser များ ၊ အနုပညာရှင်များ၊ အတတ်ပညာရှင်များအပါအဝင် “မမများနဲ့ပွဲကမယ်” အဖွဲ့သားအားလုံးကို ကျေးဇူးအထူး တင် ရှိပါကြောင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ဂုဏ်ပြုမှတ်တမ်းတင်အပ် ပါသည်။ ၂။ “မမများနဲ့ပွဲကမယ်” ကရင်နီ၊ စစ်ကိုင်း၊ ချင်း မကွေး၊ အလယ်ပိုင်းဒေသ ဘဏ္ဍာငွေရှာဖွေရေး အစီအစဥ် (၄) ကြိမ်မှ စုစုပေါင်း ဘဏ္ဍာငွေ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၁.၉၈ သန်း လက်ခံရရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၃။ ယင်းလက်ခံရရှိခဲ့သော ဘဏ္ဍာငွေများအနက်မှ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၁.၅၅ သန်းကို ကာကွယ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကွပ်ကဲမှု လက်အောက်ရှိ တပ်ရင်း၊ တပ်ဖွဲ့များအတွက် လည်းကောင်း၊ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၀.၂၅ သန်းကို KNDF အတွက် လည်းကောင်း၊ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၀.၁၄ သန်းကို CJDC အတွက် လည်းကောင်း၊ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၀.၀၄ သန်းကို အခြားသောတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများအတွက် လည်းကောင်း လျာထား သုံးစွဲလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၄။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုမှ တော်လှန်ရေးအတွက် ထည့်သွင်းလှူဒါန်းထားသည့် ဘဏ္ဍာငွေကြေးများကို တာဝန်ခံမှု၊ တာဝန်ယူမှုအပြည့်ဖြင့် အဖိတ်အစင်မရှိ စနစ်တကျ စီစစ်သုံးစွဲလျက်ရှိပြီး အလေအလွင့်မရှိစေရေး ထိန်းကျောင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေပါသည်။ ၅။ “မမများနဲ့ပွဲကမယ်” အစီအစဥ်မှ ရရှိခဲ့သော ရန်ပုံငွေဖြင့် ဝယ်ယူတပ်ဆင်ထားသည့် လက်နက်ကြီးများ ၏ မြေပြင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်မှုများကို သင့်လျော်သည့်အချိန်တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန် အပ်ပါသည်။ ၆။ ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေးကြီး အမြန်ဆုံးအောင်မြင်ရေးအတွက်လည်း ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံး အနေဖြင့် “မမများနဲ့ပွဲကမယ်” အစီအစဉ်အပါအဝင် အခြားသော တော်လှန်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ရန်ပုံငွေ ရှာဖွေရေး အစီအစဉ်များ ကိုလည်း အင်တိုက်အားတိုက် ဆက်လက် ပါဝင်ပေးကြပါရန်လည်း မေတ္တာရပ်ခံ တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
2023-07-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-19
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Description: "The Myanmar crisis and implementation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ peace plan for the country’s post-coup conflict is set to dominate the ASEAN foreign ministers’ retreat on Wednesday (July 12). One notable absentee will be junta foreign minister Than Swe, who has not been invited despite Myanmar’s membership in the regional bloc. The junta leadership has been excluded from ASEAN meetings since late 2021 after they failed to honor the peace plan, known as the five-point consensus. ASEAN ministers joining the meeting are expected to express their frustration and concern over the conflict, with many showing signs of ‘Myanmar fatigue.’ But Myanmar’s neighbor Thailand will likely maintain its policy of appeasing the junta. Thai foreign minister Don Pramudwinai flew into Naypyitaw on Sunday to meet with the regime’s senior leadership. Details of the meeting are unknown. Don plans to attend this week’s foreign ministers’ retreat in Jakarta, where he will be able to update other ASEAN members on his talks in Myanmar. Patience is wearing thin with a peace process that has failed to gain traction, and ASEAN is under pressure to find a solution for Myanmar. Stubborn generals have been unable to control vast swaths of the country despite waging a brutal military campaign against both armed and peaceful opposition to their rule. The majority of Myanmar citizens continue to oppose the regime following the military takeover in February 2021. Current ASEAN chair Indonesia is taking a hardline stance against Myanmar’s military rulers for failing to implement the five-point consensus, especially the points related to ending violence, humanitarian assistance and jump-starting political dialogue. ASEAN leaders reached the consensus for Myanmar during an emergency summit in April 2021, two months after the military staged a coup against the democratically elected National League for Democracy government. But the Southeast Asian bloc has since been heavily criticized for its inaction in pressing ahead with the five-point plan. As chair, Jakarta has also held several meetings with Myanmar stakeholders including the country’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), its People’s Defense Force (PDF) armed wing and allied ethnic armed organizations (EAOs). “We have conducted 110 engagements, in the form of in-person meetings, virtual meetings, and phone calls, including my own face-to-face meetings with both the NUG and SAC [junta] foreign ministers on several occasions,” Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi said. But observers say the peace process has made little if any progress, citing the junta’s ongoing atrocities including deadly airstrikes against civilians. At the same time, ASEAN has been under pressure from its dialogue partners, especially the US, which wants to see the cessation of all violence against the Myanmar people. Washington has also imposed sanctions on junta leaders and two state-owned banks that the regime uses for international transactions, including for buying arms. The purpose is to cripple the military regime’s ability to wage war against civilians and the resistance. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken will meet with his ASEAN colleagues at the Post Ministerial Conference on Friday (July 14). He will then join the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the East Asia Summit (EAS), due on the same day, to discuss regional and international issues. Thailand’s concern with Myanmar crisis Thailand’s outgoing military-backed government stepped into the limelight on Myanmar again on Sunday when acting foreign minister Don Pramudwinai paid a secret visit to Naypyitaw prior to the retreat. In June, Thailand hosted highly criticized informal talks with Myanmar, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, the Philippines, India and China to reengage with Myanmar’s military leaders. Outgoing Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha argued that direct talks were necessary to protect his country, as the crisis has a direct impact on Thailand which shares a 2,416-kilometer border with Myanmar. The meeting was, however, shunned by ASEAN chair Indonesia as well as Singapore and Malaysia, driving a rift between the regional bloc’s member states. Of ASEAN’s 10 members, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam are not democracies while Thailand’s outgoing government first came to power in the same way as the current Myanmar junta, via a military coup. There is deep frustration among ASEAN members as the conflict in Myanmar drags on into its third year with no end in sight. The regime has rejected a peaceful settlement in favor of brutal suppression of opposition forces. Jakarta is frustrated but has so far maintained a fairly balanced policy of engaging with stakeholders on both sides in Myanmar. However, this could change when Laos takes over the chair next year. There is concern among ASEAN democracies that Laos may lift the ban on Myanmar junta leaders and allow them to rejoin regional meetings. This move would likely cause an even deeper split in ASEAN. So far, ASEAN has come up with no effective ‘carrots’ or ‘sticks’ for Myanmar. In May, Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo somberly acknowledged to fellow Southeast Asian leaders that no progress had been made to end the civil strife gripping Myanmar and renewed his call for an end to violence. He spoke after yet another deadly regime airstrike on the civilian population. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim also voiced his frustrations, noting that about 200,000 people had fled to Malaysia to escape the tumult in Myanmar. Anwar called into question ASEAN’s rigid principle of non-intervention in its members’ internal affairs. “Yes, there is non-interference, but we will have to then have a new vision that could give us some flexibility in order to navigate and maneuver the way forward,” he said. So far, Myanmar’s military regime has successfully managed to hold two groups hostage – the people of Myanmar and ASEAN..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-07-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-10
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from July 1 to 7, 2023 Military Junta troops arrested over 100 civilians from Sagaing Region from July 1st to 7th. Over 8 civilians died by the Military’s arresting and killing within a week and a civilian was burnt and killed in Khin-U Township, Sagaing Region. 7 civilians died and 6 were injured by Military junta troops in Sagaing Region on July 6th. A child also died and 2 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light attacks. Military Junta troops also arrested over 30 civilians within a week in Bago Region, Yangon Region and Tanintharyi Region. When youths from Yangon and Mandalay apply for a job offer that opportunity at Facebook, however the military arrests and recruits instead of getting the job..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-07-09
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-09
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Description: "North Kalay Police Station at Kalay in Myanmar’s Sagaing Region was among the first police stations to be established by the anti-junta resistance forces and recognized by the National Unity Government (NUG) after the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar. Pa Ka Pha, the local defense force in the region, began work on setting up a police station following a decision by the NUG early in October 2021 to set up a People’s Police under the Civil Disobedience Movement. The police station that existed at north Kalay near Letpanchaung, which functioned under the government before the coup, had been abandoned by police personnel after Kalay erupted in massive protests against the junta. With the arrival of Han Thar Oo in early December 2021, the efforts of the Pa Ka Pha gathered momentum. Han Thar Oo, who hails from north Kalay, was a one-star police officer at Yangon when he decided to join the resistance movement after the coup. He is among the 2,937-odd police officers attached to the NUG — all of whom had joined the CDM after the coup. Resistance groups appointed him as head of the police in North Kalay and tasked him with establishing a system to check crime in the region. In May of last year, police forces and stations under the NUG received a boost after the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament), the legislative body of the NUG, enacted the People’s Police Force Law to regulate law enforcement in areas controlled by resistance forces. On January 24, I visited the North Kalay Police Station near Letpanchaung. Similar to other stations, it is rudimentarily equipped and has a lock-up for criminals. But it is also different in that it is prepared for an attack from the regime forces. There are trenches around the police station and landmines have been manufactured for planting where necessary. Locations have been identified for police personnel to take positions as a defensive measure against junta attacks. Here are excerpts from an interview with North Kalay Police Station chief Han Thar Oo. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. Tell us about yourself. I was born in Kalay. I joined the police service in 2013 as a one-star officer. I received training in Shan State at the Police Training Center for six months. I was posted there for two years and then transferred to Yangon, where I served for around a year. Our duty was mainly to patrol some parts of the city. This was stopped after the coup on February 1, 2021. Subsequently, we were tasked with apprehending anti-coup protesters. We were instructed to shoot at them. I shot some protesters with rubber bullets. Then I realized that as a policeman my duty is to protect the people and not to shoot them. On March 5, I escaped from Yangon. Two of my friends from the police helped me escape. They took me to the taxi stand. I reached Mandalay and then Sagaing Region. How many have left the police service like you? Around 20,000 probably all over the country, but not everybody has registered with the CDM. This is almost double the number of army personnel who have left their jobs after the coup. How did you get associated with this police station? After arriving from Yangon, I was in hiding for almost two months at different locations in Sagaing Region. I realized I could not rest content with the CDM but wanted to engage against the military regime at a deeper level. At Chang-U in Sagaing Region, another policeman and I provided training to a batch of wannabe rebels, who were equipped with their own guns. But after the training ended, some members of this group were apprehended by the army. We then shifted the camp to another location very high on a hill. Then the group broke up. Around May-June 2021, the Kalay PDF was formed. Meanwhile, some people who were trained by the Chin National Army at Camp Victoria in Chin State also returned to Sagaing Division. Then as the PDFs took shape and began to operate, I realized that a police service would be of huge importance if we were to set up our own government. I returned to Kalay. There was a high demand for the police in this region mainly because of drug trafficking and addiction. PDF and resistance leaders and a Member of Parliament from Kalay had also requested me to begin the police service. On December 6, 2021, the Kalay Police Service was formed. It was a big challenge given the scant resources at our disposal. There is a constant danger of attacks from regime troops. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. Prior to the coup, police here were not following the law. People had lost faith in the police because it was lax against criminals. Police were active mainly against the functionaries and sympathizers of the resistance movement. Many stations were attacked and burned in this region. There was lawlessness. The police service had collapsed. This police station was already abandoned before we occupied it. Some personnel had also joined the CDM. How has the police service been organized in North Kalay? Before the coup, there were five police stations in Kalay, including the one in North Kalay. We moved here on March 3, 2022. The military has no presence here. I began with a team of 10 people, including myself; all of us had joined the CDM. Thirty-five more people were engaged with the station after training. Currently, our strength is 45 personnel. We remain in touch with the chief of the police service of the country, who is based at a secret location in Sagaing Region. We have established two lock-ups – one in this police station and another in the jungle, where 17 and 21 people respectively are locked up. The NUG has recognized this police station. You can see the letter pasted on the wall of the station. What is the area and population covered by this police station? This station is responsible for the northern region of Kalay. There is a separate police station for the southern region. We cover about 50 villages, comprising around 50,000 people. What are the challenging crimes that you deal with in Kalay? The most challenging for us is checking drug trafficking. Drug trafficking has increased after the coup and the junta is involved in this illicit activity. A section of the military is compelled to get engaged because they do not receive regular salaries. The military’s objective is also to destroy the young generation through drugs. Consignments come mostly from Shan State. I have not heard of any place near Kalay where either Heroin No 4 or synthetic drugs are produced. After the coup, 2,000 acres of poppy were planted at Tonzang in Chin State by farmers owing to poverty and lack of livelihood alternatives. There were some other places in and around Tedim where this phenomenon is discernible. Traffickers and consumers are from all income groups and include men and women. Small packets are packed in soap boxes and then ferried across huge distances. Before the coup, the NLD government had made optimum efforts to curb the menace. Three sophisticated X-ray scanners were installed at three highways believed to be the main arteries of the drug trade to detect the consignments. On one occasion, drug barons attacked one of the X-ray scanners because it impeded the illicit trade. After the coup, the efforts have become lax. The scanners’ primary objective now is to detect weapons and not drugs. Assassinations and killings have also emerged as a big challenge for us. Many dalans (informers of the military) have been killed on mere suspicion, on false information and without evidence. There were five cases of killings last year. In total, there were 96 cases of crime in the first year. This includes all types of cases. Drug trafficking accounted for most of the cases, followed by killings, theft, and rape. Almost every week there are seizures of drug consignments in India’s northeastern states. Are there cartels that have been specifically pushing drugs to India? The export of drugs to India has certainly increased after the coup, which is very apparent from the quantity that has been confiscated in the last two years. It is the junta that is actively involved in drug trafficking, and there are people to ferry the consignments through numerous routes in the country. There is a wrong notion among some people that PDFs and refugees in India are involved in drug trafficking. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. What happens to the criminals after they are arrested? After they are arrested, a chargesheet is submitted to the court based on the investigation of the offense. Then, the accused is produced before the court. Currently, there are five courts with four judges. The verdict is binding on the police. The laws that are followed are mostly those that were in place under the earlier system before the coup, and some have been amended to suit the local conditions and situation. How do you meet the expenses of the police station? All personnel in the police station are volunteers. We do not take salaries. Expenses are met through local contributions and from the Pa Ka Pha. How can the police administration be made more efficient? Are any plans being implemented? We need more unity, support, a stable situation and effective expansion of our operations to more areas. Now we cannot go to the Pyu Hsaw Htee (allies of the military) villages, even if a serious offense or crime is committed there. If the junta decides to launch operations in this locality, then we would have to pack up and relocate to safer places. And in all probability, the station would be burned, and we will have to start all over again. Of course, we need more funds and manpower. Now very often we have to spend money from our pockets. What kind of assistance have you received from the NUG? Our police station is under the NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs. Under the NUG, police services have been formed in only four districts so far, including Tamu and Wetlet. Kalay is among the first police stations recognized by the NUG. Guidelines and laws have been formulated by NUG. Police stations also function as per the norms laid down by the NUG. It is a process that has to grow and evolve. There are so many guns everywhere with civilians in Myanmar. Imagine a situation when the military regime is toppled and democracy is restored in the country. Will so many weapons not trigger a serious law and order situation in the future? In my personal opinion, it will be a very big challenge. But now, all the resistance groups have the same goals and are not much of a problem at the moment. Could you deliver a message to the world from us? I will, certainly. This is an appeal to the world and especially to democratic nations. Myanmar is suffering. We appeal to the world not to forget us. Please assist us in our struggle against the atrocious junta. This must end once and for all..."
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2023-07-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-06
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from June 22 to 30, 2023 Military Junta troops launched an airstrike and dropped bombs in Chin State, Kayah State, Kachin State, and Sagaing Region from June 22nd to 30th. Over 9 civilians were injured and 11 died by the airstrike and civilian buildings were burnt within a week. Over 35 civilians were arrested as human shields in Salingyi Township and Khin-U Township, Sagaing Region. 6 children were also injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks. Military Junta troops raped and killed 2 women in Sagaing Region and also arrested and killed 18 civilians including 13 PDF Fighters. The Pyusawhtee troop which is under the Military Junta, also threatened the civilians from Kanbalu Township that they will occupy the houses and farms if the local civilians do not attend the Pyusawhtee military training..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-07-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-04
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Sub-title: RFA interviews anti-junta fighter who faced torture before the daring escape.
Description: "In a daring escape from a prison in Myanmar last month, 10 inmates wrestled guns away from guards, got into a gunfight and sped away on stolen motorcycles, one of the former prisoners told Radio Free Asia. Junta authorities acknowledged the jailbreak at Taungoo Prison, in the Bago region in central Myanmar, saying police were searching for the escapees. But the de facto leader of the inmates, Baydar, who goes by one name, gave RFA Burmese a first-hand account of what happened, saying it all unfolded as the prisoners – some of whom were facing a death sentence – were being taken from their cells to a small courtroom within the prison walls go on trial. Secret trials inside prisons have become a common practice in Myanmar, where the military took control of the country in a February 2021 coup d’etat, overthrowing the civilian government. Baydar, a 30-year-old government telecommunications worker who had become a rebel fighter against the junta, had been captured in March and held in the prison since then, enduring frequent torture at the hands of guards seeking to extract information from him. To protest the military takeover, he had quit his job, traveled to Kayah state in eastern Myanmar and joined the anti-junta People’s Defense Force – made up of civilians who have taken up arms against the military – where he underwent combat training. “We realized that we could not protest peacefully because the soldiers are inhuman,” he told RFA. “From then on, we decided to take up arms to launch a revolution.” Baydar started fighting the Burmese army and even formed an anti-junta militia called the Underground Revolution Knights Force. Captured and tortured In March, he was arrested, along with seven other PDF fighters, imprisoned and tortured. “I was interrogated for five days in Yedashe police station,” he said, referring to a town in the Bago region. “If they weren’t satisfied with the answers, they beat me. I said ‘no’ because I didn’t do it, or they asked rubbish questions, but they beat me until I made an admission.” “You had to admit every charge whether you committed it or not because you were afraid of being beaten,” he said. In prison, Baydar constantly thought of ways to escape. Six of the people he was arrested with were also at the prison, and together they secretly brainstormed about ways to get out. Deposed President Win Myint, who was arrested in the coup, was also being held at Taungoo. Baydar and his inmate friends tried to come up with a way of bringing him out. But one rough plan they devised had to be abandoned when word got around the prison they were planning a jailbreak. “There was no one who could provide cover for us in the city,” Baydar said, referring to Taungoo. “We trusted no one to ask for help to give us cover.” One-time shot On May 18, Baydar and about 20 other prisoners were taken to a small building that acts as a courthouse. Normally, there is a heavy amount of security when trials are held, but on that day there were only two prison guards at the gate and seven other policemen nearby, he said. Baydar and others noticed that one police officer had a revolver, and a rifle was laying upon a bench. Several of the prisoners discreetly started talking among themselves. “We would get such an opportunity only once,” he said “We could not get it again.” Suddenly, one prisoner grabbed the officer’s revolver, and another inmate pinned down a second officer so they could get the rifle. “And then we wrestled with those guards,” he said. Gunfire erupted as police officers started firing at the prisoners, who fired back, wounding some of the officers. Baydar collected more guns from them. “The sergeant tried to get back his gun, so I had to shoot him in the chest,” he said. Since the small courtroom was already outside the prison wall, the ten prisoners were able to escape much more easily. Quickly locating some motorcycles nearby, they pleaded with the owners to let them ride away – and sped away from the prison. “We didn’t have time to explain to them about our organizations, so they might think we were rude,” he said. “And we were holding weapons. “But without using harsh words, we apologized by supplicating with palms togethers to promise that we would return the motorcycles at an appropriate time,” he said. They drove into the nearby jungle, where they have since re-joined PDF units. After the escape, there were reports that one prisoner was interrogated and tortured. Families and other sources close to the prisons have said that political inmates are now being treated more harshly. “When I was arrested, the military council made us feel intimidated. From there, I stood firmly on my belief and tried to make the impossible possible,” Baydar said. “What I would like to say is that our revolution won’t take that long if the people participate in big numbers.”..."
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Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2023-07-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As Myanmar’s junta continues to lose ground to resistance forces, former army captain Lin Htet Aung, who joined the nationwide civil disobedience movement in March 2021, is helping others to defect. He recently talked to The Irrawaddy about the revolution, how the junta’s tactics might change and the effect of the regime’s scorched earth attacks. Why is the junta conducting so many airstrikes and shelling attacks on resistance and civilian targets? The ground troops cannot meet the regime’s goals. Without shelling and airstrikes, the troops achieve nothing. There is a slogan, “The military will fight with heavy explosives”. They think they can win with explosives and they are prepared to use them plentifully whenever they are attacked. Can the junta use any more extreme tactics? The next step might be to use chemical weapons. The junta expected to have toppled the resistance by now. It is now also using politics and religion to break public support and stop supplies from reaching the resistance. It is suffering badly militarily, which is why we see more shelling. Junta forces burn people’s homes while arbitrarily arresting and killing civilians. These acts are among their high efforts. Chemical weapons and cluster bombs are the next steps. Does the junta have chemical weapons and cluster bombs? The junta will not admit it but we have learned that its factories are producing those weapons. Personnel who have defected from those factories said the military is designing and producing cluster bombs with 120mm explosives. We hear the junta has produced chemical bombs but we have no documents. Defectors from the factories say the regime has been collecting these weapons for several years. How is the junta trying to reduce public support for the revolution? The junta’s airstrike on Pazi Gyi village was a message that anyone who supported the revolution would be killed. Troops burn villages based on accusations they are sheltering resistance fighters. In Magwe Region, the regime banned oil drilling to stop supplies to the resistance. This is nothing new. We used to use these tactics in conflict areas. They follow stages: block off the whole conflict area, conduct violence to divide the revolutionary organizations from the people and, if that fails, kill civilians to increase fear. This is a familiar strategy. Is it easy to conduct airstrikes? In the past, the military used its air force sparingly. Helicopters were sometimes used in clashes with the Arakan Army in Rakhine State. Now fighter jets and helicopters are used in every situation. Helicopters are deployed at many bases and fighter jets are always on standby. The junta uses its aircraft for almost every incident, no matter how small because the routes for reinforcements are controlled by revolutionary forces. In the past, the use of helicopters was restricted due to the costs. Does the junta consider any code of conduct to avoid harming civilians? The regime does not follow any code of conduct. There are also rules about taking up positions near civilian areas but the regime ignores them. They use civilians as human shields during operations. There is no distinction between civilians and military targets. Anyone who opposes military rule is an enemy. Does the regime worry about violating the Geneva Conventions? There are war crimes and crimes against humanity committed but to the junta there is no such thing. It only respects its own rules. From the bottom to junta boss Min Aung Hlaing, they all have the same attitude. Could the revolution succeed if the regime lost its airpower? The resistance groups are much stronger now in tactics and capabilities. They have really improved while junta troops have weakened. The regime is losing ground, despite using 120mm rounds or heavy machine guns that cause great damage. Helicopters and fighter jets have become the main strike force. Everything would change if we could stop the airstrikes. But the revolutionary forces need weapons to match the junta troops. With their current weapons, revolutionary groups can still not counter and protect themselves from junta offensives..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-07-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Documented incidents 14 June 2023: In Taw Kone village, Shar Say Bo village tract, Tantabin township, Taungoo district, Bago region, a local clinic, and a local school and its boarding house were damaged by artillery fire launched by the Myanmar military, injuring three boarding students. Source: Khit Thit Media 15 June 2023: In Pauk Ma village, Sar Taung village tract, Sagaing township, district, and region, a sub-rural health centre was destroyed in a two-day arson attack of around 300 civilian houses in this area by the Myanmar military. Sources: Khit Thit Media and Mandalay Free Press As reported on 16 June 2023: In Mese town and township, Bawlakhe district, Kayah state, junta health workers and other government servants had to flee from their duty station due to the takeover of the town by the local resistance forces and ethnic armed organisations, and airstrikes by the Myanmar military. Sources: Delta News Agency and Facebook 17 June 2023: In Wetlet town and township, Shwebo district, Sagaing region, the main building of the township hospital was damaged due to handmade-electroshock rocket missile attacks allegedly by the local resistance forces. The roof, ceilings, and windows of the building were damaged. There were no casualties. Source: Telegram 17 June 2023: In Tha Mee Hla (East) village, Ta Ku village tract, Tanintharyi township, Myeik district, Tanintharyi region, a combat medic officer and four soldiers of the Myanmar military were killed in the armed drones and ground attacks by the local resistance forces. The victim was not killed during a battle or during rescuing/attending the injured.Sources: Delta News Agency and Tanintharyi Times 19 June 2023: In Tamwe town and township, Yangon (East) district, Yangon region, the junta police raided a private pharmacy and arrested a male pharmacy employee for taking part in the strike marking the birthday of the ousted State Counsellor. Source: Democratic Voice of Burma 19 June 2023: In Mandalay city and region, a doctor was arrested by the junta security forces following his personal post on social media regarding the strike marking the birthday of the ousted State Counsellor. The victim ran his own private general practitioner clinic; he was not a government servant. Sources: Facebook, Irrawaddy and Mandalay Free Press 20 June 2023: In Oke Shit Pin town, Padaung township, Pyay district, Bago region, a doctor was abducted by the junta security forces following his social media post about the strike marking the birthday of the ousted State Counsellor. The victim ran his own private general practitioner clinic. Sources: Democratic Voice of Burma and Telegram 21 June 2023: At a military checkpoint in Yinmabin township and district, Sagaing region, a male aid worker of an LNGO was arrested by the Myanmar military. The LNGO delivered aid to IDPs and a charity clinic serving the people in three townships in Sagaing region. Sources: Facebook, Mizzima and Radio Free Asia As reported on 22 June 2023: At the military checkpoint on the highway connecting Monywa town and Mandalay town, near Nat Yae Kan village and village tract, Chaung-U township, Monywa district, Sagaing region, ambulances without recognised vehicle registration were not allowed to pass and patients had to be transferred to the buses; this added the cost to patient transport. Before the coup, the vehicles used by LNGOs in the process of registration were permitted for patient transport. Source: Democratic Voice of Burma As reported on 23 June 2023: In Tonzang town and township, Tiddim district, Chin state, the Myanmar military were based in the township hospital and high school. Source: Mizzima 23 June 2023: At the entry of Ohn Hne Chaung village, Let Pan Chay Paw village tract, Nyaung-U township and district, Mandalay region, a 60-year-old traditional medicine practitioner, who was also a member of the military political party, was found dead with gunshot wounds and knife-cut wounds. He was reportedly on his way back after delivering medical care in a nearby village. The junta accused the local resistance forces of this attack. Source: Myaelattathan 24 June 2023: In Bawlakhe town, township, and district, Kayah state, the local resistance forces and ethnic armed groups attacked the Myanmar military occupying the traditional medical hospital..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Flash mobs, longyi campaign, and voices from the protest frontlines
Description: "The pro-democracy movement in Myanmar continues to challenge the junta which grabbed power in a coup in February 2021. The opposition government, ethnic armed groups, urban activists, and exiled media are all demanding the end of the military dictatorship, restoring civilian leadership, and reviving the nation’s transition to democratic rule. Massive rallies opposed the junta and a civil disobedience movement emerged against the military dictatorship immediately after the coup. The junta responded by violently suppressing protest actions, revoking the licenses of independent media outlets, and designating the opposition government as a terrorist group. A systematic crackdown on dissent targeted youth activists, opposition leaders, journalists, and ordinary citizens suspected of supporting the pro-democracy movement. Despite the mass arrests and violence, opposition against the junta continues to garner public support as seen in the coordinated “silent strike” across the country. Activists either joined the armed resistance in rural communities or sustained the opposition in urban centers. READ MORE: Myanmar's Spring Revolution Through the help of a solidarity network, Global Voices interviewed the Yangon Revolution Force (YRF) and the Artists Collective about the status and prospect of the urban struggle against the junta. After the violent dispersal of rallies, activists organized flash mobs to evade security forces while spreading the message of the resistance. Oakkar, a spokesperson of YRF, explained how flash mobs are organized. Our flash mobs initially included 30–40 people, but when crackdowns became lethal, we downsized to groups of 10–20. Eventually, most of us were apprehended, and we had to operate in even smaller units. The Artists Collective, a group of rebel artists, affirmed the value of flash mobs in the overall resistance. Soft strikes and flash mobs are highly effective. We must always show the fascists that they're not in control. We believe these campaigns are gaining significance over time. Images and videos of flash mobs often go viral reflecting the online support of Myanmar internet users. Oakkar shared how activists are maximizing multiple platforms to reach more people: When the junta began brutally cracking down on peaceful protests and restricting internet access, we started organizing flash mobs. We didn't expect our campaigns to go viral or receive applause; we simply acted as necessary and relayed information to the media. The public's support has given us the strength to continue. We've also leveraged platforms like Telegram and Instagram. It's risky for people to engage with our Facebook posts due to potential repercussions, but we continue innovating ways to demonstrate that the junta cannot govern. Another innovative protest is the Longyi campaign which involves the posting of protest messages in Myanmar’s traditional attire. The Longyi campaign is a source of pride for us. Longyi is our traditional attire, a wrap-around skirt worn by both men and women. We wrote revolutionary messages on the fabric that would become visible when adjusting the Longyi in the crowd. The campaign received significant praise and global support, marking a proud moment for us. Another risky form of protest is talking to strangers in the streets about the anti-junta campaign. Another risky campaign involved our members approaching random people on the street to discuss the junta's upcoming sham election. This task was dangerous; if the people we approached were spies or junta supporters, we risked imprisonment. But we managed to execute it successfully. Oakkar narrated the difficulties they face in waging guerilla tactics in urban centers: It's extremely risky for our comrades to operate in Yangon. Increased patrolling, more spies, and advanced surveillance make it difficult and resource-intensive to operate in the city. Despite the ruined economy, locals are willing to rent safe houses to our members for a higher price. Operations cost is high due to the necessity of employing several scouts for safety. The Artists Collective underscored the role of collaboration among different members of the pro-democracy movement: As long as our comrades, who are in riskier situations, are willing to revolt, we're ready to help in any way to ensure the success of this spring revolution. For instance, during Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's birthday, we stayed up all night on a video call to guide our comrades in Yangon on how to draw the banner. Oakkar highlighted the sacrifices of those who decided to join the anti-junta resistance: Our members have had to make tremendous sacrifices. Our security is a constant worry, day and night. Many of us are unable to sleep peacefully, as the threat of midnight raids looms large. One of the most heart-wrenching realities is being cut off from our families. Additionally, unlike most young adults in their 20s, we don't have the luxury of enjoying regular pastimes and leisure activities. Our commitment to this cause, however, makes these sacrifices bearable. He also shared an appeal to the international community: We understand that everyone has their own responsibilities and tasks. However, we would greatly appreciate it if they could provide donations to support war victims fleeing to the borders, assist immigrants, or offer free online education to students supporting the Civil Disobedience Movement The Artists Collective cited the contribution of artists in the pro-democracy movement: As artists, we knew we could contribute by creating artworks to support the revolution. The fact that people are printing our artwork or using the digital versions online brings us immense satisfaction. We support the revolution through our art. Working together, we create banners, convey important messages, and assist with designs. Seeing our art pieces printed, displayed in marches, and online during flash events fills us with pride. The group is confident that the revolution against the junta will lead to success: We've seen a significant number of women and people of diverse sexual orientations and identities in deadly combat. This unique situation has brought people of different ages together to fight against the regime that has systematically oppressed our nation for 70 years. We believe the world will witness the establishment of a new federal democratic order in our country..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Global Voices"
2023-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-03
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Description: "QUESTION Mr Dennis Tan Lip Fong: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs (a) whether the Government has data on the number of Singaporeans who have been placed under exit bans by the foreign countries they are living in; (b) if so, what is the total number of such persons for each of the last five years; (c) what is the breakdown of the countries involved; and (d) what are the top five most common reasons given for the exit bans. REPLY The Government does not have data on the number of Singaporeans who have been placed under exit bans by foreign countries. Foreign authorities do not have an obligation to inform the Government when exit bans are issued to Singaporeans. QUESTIONS Mr Vikram Nair: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs (a) whether the Government has investigated the allegations in the report by the UN Special Rapporteur claiming that Singapore-based entities had shipped US$254 million worth of supplies to the Myanmar military; (b) if so, what is the update; and (c) whether any actions are being taken. Mr Dennis Tan Lip Fong: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs (a) how many Singapore-based companies have been identified by the United Nations Special Rapporteur in Myanmar in the sale of dual-use items, raw materials and spare parts for military related uses in Myanmar; (b) what actions have been taken against such companies; and (c) what is the number of such companies against which actions have been taken. Mr Dennis Tan Lip Fong: To ask the Prime Minister in view of the report published on 17 May 2023 by the United Nations Special Rapporteur in Myanmar relating to Singapore companies or Singapore-based entities implicated in the sales of dual-use items, raw materials and spare parts for military related uses (a) how many cases involved Singapore-based banks in the financing of the transactions, including trade financing; and (b) what actions have been taken or are being taken against such banks. REPLY 1 Let me first make clear that the Singapore Government has not imposed a general trade embargo on Myanmar. We do not want to add to the suffering of Myanmar’s civilian population. In 2022, Singapore’s total bilateral trade with Myanmar was S$5.8 billion. The allegations in the May 2023 report by UN Special Rapporteur for Myanmar Thomas Andrews pertain to supposedly US$254 million worth of goods over a two-year period. Nonetheless, we take Mr Andrews’ report very seriously, and have requested him to provide specific and verifiable evidence to aid our efforts. An initial list of 47 entities were identified. More recently, another 91 entities were identified too. I seek Members’ understanding that this is an interim update as the investigations are ongoing. 2 First, nine entities are no longer registered with the Accounting and Corporate Regulatory Authority, which means that they can no longer carry on business or operate as legal entities in Singapore. This includes entities that were allegedly involved in the transfer of components and spare parts for fighter aircraft, equipment for the Myanmar Navy, as well as radios, research and equipment for electronic warfare. 3 Second, most of the 47 entities no longer have business facilities with Singapore banks. The banks will review the remaining accounts and take appropriate measures, including enhanced scrutiny to ensure that the transactions processed by these entities are not suspicious. Such measures would curtail their ability to continue with any undesirable business. 4 As Myanmar is on the blacklist of the Financial Action Task Force, financial institutions in Singapore have also been applying enhanced due diligence for Myanmar-linked customers and transactions that present higher risks. 5 Third, we are looking into specific details of the alleged US$254 million worth of “arms and related goods” that were shipped through Singapore-based entities to the Myanmar military. In Mr Andrews’ report, there were no indications that specific armaments were being transferred to the Myanmar military. Instead, under the category of “arms”, what was cited were only spare parts and equipment, without details of what these constituted. The other major categories of items covered in the report included “dual use supplies” which included items such as computers, electrical components, and medical equipment. Another category of items was “manufacturing equipment” which comprised items like welding machines and overhead cranes; and “raw materials” which covered items such as steel beams and aluminium ingots, pipes and valves, and fabric. 6 Members would appreciate from these descriptions that the items do not necessarily constitute “arms” or weaponry in its ordinary meaning. Many of them such as computers and medical equipment are also non-controlled items. It is difficult to isolate specific suspicious transactions from such broad categories. We are therefore seeking more details such as export transaction documents to ascertain how these transactions are connected to the manufacture of weapons in Myanmar, so that our checks and investigations can be more thorough, and effective based on objective evidence. At the same time, let me make clear that it is not the Singapore Government’s policy intention to block legitimate trade with Myanmar. Doing so would further set back the country’s development and exacerbate the suffering of the civilian population of Myanmar. 7 Finally, I would like to re-state categorically that the Singapore Government has not conducted any military sales to the Myanmar military in recent years, including during the period covered in Mr Andrews’ report – that is, between February 2021 and December 2022. Indeed, Mr Andrews himself reaffirmed in his report that “there are no indications the Government of Singapore has approved, or is involved in, the shipment of arms and associated materials to the Myanmar military.” 8 We will continue to work closely and constructively with Mr Andrews to seek specific, verifiable, and where possible court admissible information to advance our investigations. 9 In conclusion, let me reiterate that the Government remains committed to implementing our policy to prevent the transfer of arms and dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar, where there is serious risk that they may be used to inflict violence against unarmed civilians. We will not hesitate to take action against any individual or entity which contravenes this..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Singapore
2023-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "I used to be a university teacher. As a teacher, I was proud of my work as a mentor to students, our young gems for the future. I highly valued my job, and I’d devoted myself to teaching as I had few skills for another profession. As my husband was an employee at a private bank, we had to manage living on a fixed income since we were both salary earners. We’ve brought up our children to be content with life, doing our best to make a happy family, although it was not fully provided. But my dreams were shattered one morning in spring. That day was 1st February 2021. My life, steady until that point, was struck by an immense change. On that day, the military announced a state of emergency and staged an illogical coup. I felt like a motherless child, like someone who had lost her future. It felt like I had travelled back in time. I had no motivation to work, and I felt even more lonely when the internet connections were cut off. Nobody could tell what would happen next or what had happened. People would voice their random ideas, and the department, the school, the town, and the entire country became silent with people deeply immersed in their own thoughts. The movement started in Mandalay. Two days after the military coup, motorbike riders expressed their distress by honking on the streets. The whole street and residential quarters were noisy with honking sounds. Later, a silent strike was staged with a three-finger salute. Posters bearing the images of the three-finger salute spread throughout the country—it was not long before we heard the frustrated voices of people protesting the dictatorship. Educators and staff from universities across the country also took part in protests by holding up posters of three-finger salutes. The once silent university came alive without the orchestrated but simultaneous chanting of slogans. At the same time, universities were closed, but staff continued to rotate teaching work due to the high rates of COVID-19 infections. The presence of teaching staff that day was a clear sign of how much civil servants loathed the dictatorship. Multiple ethnic groups, students, and civil servants participated in various anti-dictatorship activities. People resented the unjust acts committed by the authoritarian government, especially since the time for a newly elected government was just an arms-length away. Despite these challenges, our university’s strike column marched daily. I could not participate in these marches as I had to take care of my daughter’s security, but my inability to join the marches gave me a guilty conscience. I felt like I was being unfaithful to the movement. I tried to counteract my guilty conscience by banging pots and pans harder at 8pm, a symbolic act to drive out the evil dictators. Continuing work as an educator became a big challenge. It took time for me to decide about what to do, since I’ve always been a responsible person who highly valued my work. I discussed it with my colleagues, friends, family, and parents. My supervisor explained the pros and cons of standing bravely for the truth. As they did, the State Counsellor’s quote, “people matter,” echoed in my mind. My husband supported me in resisting the dictatorship within my own capacity. It was with such support that I was able to make a strong decision. From the 8th of February, I decided to join the CDM movement and withhold my labour—proudly contributing to the revolution alongside my colleagues at the university. Three weeks after the coup, the CDMers’ personal security was threatened when the military forces and police entered our university under the pretext of security. On 6th March, a month after we commenced our refusal to work with the slogan “don’t go to the office but struggle for freedom”, I went to my parents’ place with my daughter. My son and his father stayed behind in Yangon because of their respective responsibilities. About 10 days after I reached my parents’ village, a close friend and colleague informed me that she was going back to the office and asked me if I wished to recommence my duties. If so, she would submit my name. Soon after, my supervisor whom I so revered informed me that they would be resuming their duties out of fear for their security and arrest. We discussed with our colleagues how we could support them. We will not surrender, and we will fight till the end. At the end of April 2021, I received news that my nephew, a young university student had been shot dead by military forces the night before. The sad news broke me. On that day, Tedim was completely silent. The soldiers, whose duty was to protect the life and property of the people, were brutally killing innocent people for no reason. I prayed that such incidents would not take place again for anyone—but my prayers were not answered. Many people’s lives were sacrificed. If we did not resist this horrible system, then who would? In May 2021, I was expelled from my post for standing for the truth. It was a profession that I invested my heart and soul in for several decades, and I felt as though my arms and legs had been amputated. Moreover, the income source to support my family was now cut off. Life became very lonely. It was difficult to detach myself from work, but I had no reason to defend it any longer. I believed that Eternal God would prepare the best for me. I was satisfied that I had been able to take refuge with my parents and care for my 80-year-old father. I found strength in the understanding and support from my parents and siblings. Whenever I had a chance, I went to my father’s farm and nurtured the plants, ploughed the ground with an iron hoe, or cut the trees with a knife. I learned how to make use of the same hands I once used only to hold pencils and pens. Perhaps this was a blessing in disguise—I now had a chance to experience my community’s traditions and customs. Many people from my village did not share my ideas. Few civil servants became CDMers. They believed they had to mind their own business regardless of the government. They continued to show up for the civil servants’ recruiting exams held by the military council and were proud of their achievements when appointed. They thought they were doing great, but it was very uncomfortable for me to live in such an environment. My daughter would always encourage me—unhappy from trying to adapt to a new place—with positive motivation like “Mom…don’t be depressed. Our revolution will win.” Compared to my daughter’s moral support, I felt sorry about the lack of understanding in society. However, I was proud of my daughter because she knew what was right and what was wrong. Her sacrifice and willingness to accept a meagre way of living was much greater than mine. My husband’s support also gave me power. He would repeatedly tell my daughter, “Your mother is a revolutionary heroine. We should always be proud of Mom.” Maybe it was the emotional dejection that lowered our immunity. At the end of May 2021, my entire family was infected by COVID-19. We had to pull ourselves together to prevent us from falling to pieces. I was grateful for the fellow nurse CDMer who came to our house and treated us. Her words of consolation at that time of sickness and depression energized us. A year after returning to my native village, the community criticized me in different ways. The most annoying question I got was, “Are you divorced from your husband?” Because I was a CDMer, I did not receive any salary. They would heartlessly tell me that the success of our revolution would not be achieved in any way, and that I should go back to work. Even my close relatives blamed me. On the one hand, the arrest of CDMers increased every day. Though imprecisely, security became a concern. Over time, some schools in the village reopened, but my daughter had no desire to attend the school run by the military council. It was impossible to pursue online education either since the internet remained cut off. Meanwhile, I was able to meet and accompany a Catholic priest who came back to visit the village from Mizoram, India. In this way, I reached Buarpui village in Mizoram state in early April 2022. My daughter came with me and was able to continue her schooling, but she faced various challenges due to the language barrier, an unfamiliar school syllabus in Hindi, Mizo, and Lai languages, and culture shock. I felt guilty. For work, I worked in the kitchen of a hostel as an assistant to the chef. My days were spent peeling potatoes, picking rice grains, and washing dishes. I was exhausted both mentally and physically. I missed Myanmar and the life I enjoyed in the past—but I had to control my homesickness. I reminded myself not to forget that my life was where it was supposed to be, not where I wanted to be. The challenges as a CDMer refugee were hard. I prayed to God all the time, wishing to go back to where I deserved and wished to be. Through a friend, I learned about a call for 5 Research Fellowships from the Institute of Chin Affairs (ICA). I was interested, and I started to prepare for the application without any prior experience and with much difficulty. As I worked, I jotted down my thoughts and sought advice from my experienced friends. I sent my application before the deadline on the 31st of August. When the decision letter came on 15th September, I was happy to know that I was among the short-listed candidates. It reminded me of the same feeling I had when I first applied for my job. I wanted to be selected because I was interested in the field. On 27th September, I was informed that I had been selected as one of the Research Fellows. I was overjoyed. It was evident that God is good. I was pleased and proud of myself for being a Research Fellow of the Myanmar Fellowship Program. Then again, I grew wary when I thought of leaving my daughter behind. Departing from Buarpui, my daughter told me constantly not to worry about her but to take care of myself. From there, I started my second lonely journey to the capital city, Aizawl. In October 2022, myself and four other research fellows met the Deputy Director and the learning facilitator at the ICA office in Aizawl. The Chin Research Centre was formally opened in the compounds of Mizoram University. It is possible that the Spring Revolution created a historical milestone between the ICA and Mizoram University. We had the opportunity to learn from the professors and associate professors of MZU and to write research papers. I’m grateful to the responsible persons of ICA, our group leader who paid attention to every detail, and the learning facilitator, for not only providing knowledge but for supporting the livelihood of someone living with uncertainty in a foreign land. My ambition is to prepare a thesis paper that will enable us to implement a credit transfer, in addition to finding a way to have dialogue and collaborate on how to overcome the challenges of educational opportunities for refugee children. I aim to continue my tasks of the Spring Revolution as a researcher preparing research papers for the interest of the community and our people. Starting from Spring, how far do I have to walk on this journey? It is grueling to predict when this journey will end. I hope it will not take long. Another spring will come along with the sweet, lamenting, cooing sound of cuckoos. I have to nurture the victory plant embedded in my heart to welcome the triumphant spring. There will also be light after darkness. If the opportunity avails in peaceful times after the Spring Revolution prevails, I will create a good educational environment while sharing the knowledge earned through this program with my colleagues and students..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
2023-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: ""They can kill my body, but not my belief." These famous words from our dear hero and brother, the late Salai Tin Maung Oo, continue to resonate with me. Indeed, the battle belongs to the LORD, and the victory belongs to the brave people of Myanmar. Justice belongs to the light of love, hope, peace, and freedom. Dear leaders of the United States Chin Coalition (USCC), I extend my deepest gratitude for having me here today. It is a great honor to be with you once again, and I thank USCC for its significant contributions to the fight for freedom and federal democracy in Myanmar. Every day, the remarkable people of Myanmar draw closer to the dawn of freedom and federal democracy, which will liberate them from the oppressions and aggressions of the genocidal military junta and their acts of terrorism. Our people have suffered for far too long under this brutal reign of terror. It has been more than two years since the formation of the United States Chin Coalition, and these two years have been challenging, especially in the pursuit of Federal Democracy. The coalition has faced numerous obstacles and difficulties along the way, but its members have remained resilient and committed to their cause. Despite the hurdles encountered, the coalition has made significant progress in advocating for the principles of democracy and working towards a federal system of governance. The journey has been arduous, but the coalition remains determined to continue their efforts in the fight for a democratic future. The Myanmar Spring Revolution began 27 months ago with the revolutionaries of Chin TUMI. Through the help of God and the sacrifices of our people, the revolution that started from nothing has now developed into the creation of DRONES to defend our freedom and establish federal democracy—an extraordinary future that awaits us all. TUMI is an integral part of the Chin identity, historically protecting the Chin people from attacks by wild animals that could endanger their lives. However, when our fundamental freedom of expression came under attack by the genocidal military junta as consequences of their attempted coup on February 1, 2021, our courageous people once again resorted to using TUMI to defend our Fatherland and the lives of the Chin people known for their bravery and loyalty since the first world war. This is not the first time our people have defended freedom. Even during the First World War in 1914, over 1,000 men from Chinland marched from our Motherland all the way to Europe to fight for freedom alongside their partners in the struggle. Similarly, in the Second World War, our forefathers did everything in their power to contribute to the freedom of the world, fighting alongside their fellow freedom fighters. Our forefathers were called for the mission of Burma’s independent, once again they gave everything they had for the independence of Burma. The independence of Burma became possible through the cooperation and joint fight of our forefathers with our ethnic brothers and sisters under the leadership of our freedom fighter, General Aung San, the father of State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been unjustly arrested along with nearly 24,000 innocent people of Myanmar, including our President U Win Myint, by the genocidal military junta. If the Burma’s Independent agreement known as the Palong agreement, signed by our forefathers together with ethnic leaders and General Aung San, had been fully implemented, Chin State would have thrived under the federal democratic values and principles of self-determination. However, due to the genocidal military dictatorships in Myanmar, a nation once considered one of the richest in Asia has become one of the poorest in the world. In the past, Burma was far ahead of Singapore in several dimensions, but now Myanmar has deteriorated even below the level of North Korea. If the genocidal military generals had been stopped long ago, Myanmar could have thrived like other Federal Democratic Nations such as Germany, UK, USA, or Australia and played its rightful place on the global stage to make this world a better place for all. This last Revolution of Myanmar aims to end the genocidal military dictatorship once and for all and establish a federal democratic union where Chin State will play its part in nation-building, becoming a fully-fledged federal democratic society. This is Myanmar's final revolution, destined to write a new chapter in our nation's history, not only for this generation but also for generations to come. Myanmar will regain its rightful place not only in our beautiful Asia but also in the world. Therefore, the genocidal military junta, the enemies of the people of Myanmar, and the enemies of Myanmar's freedom and federal democracy, have been relentlessly bombing us, killing over 4,000 civilians and destroying more than 67,000 houses, including schools, hospitals, churches, and monasteries. They have displaced nearly 2 million civilians, rendering them homeless, and caused more than 18 million people to suffer from hunger and starvation, in desperate need of life-saving aid. These atrocities have occurred in the past 27 months alone, perpetrated by the genocidal military junta, who commit these acts of terrorism because they despise the light of freedom and federal democracy. Their worship of darkness, tyranny, and oppression has no place in Myanmar's near future. Despite these crimes against humanity committed by the genocidal military junta, the brave people of Myanmar have made it clear that they will never give up or rest until they bring the light of justice, freedom, and federal democracy to dispel the darkness of cruel genocidal attacks against our people. The genocidal military's darkness will be replaced by the light of federal democracy, their violence will be replaced by the light of peace, and the pain and suffering caused by their tyranny will be replaced by the joy of freedom and prosperity that awaits our courageous people. The genocidal military junta cannot perceive the great light that awaits the brave people of Myanmar because they are blinded by their evil reign of terror against our people. They not only kill our people and destroy our homes, churches, schools, and hospitals, but they also weaponize life-saving aid, starvation, hunger, and pain through their evil "four cut policies." They have not only bombed, burned, and destroyed our homes, villages, and towns, such as Thatlang in Chin State, which has been wiped out, but they have also blocked humanitarian aid from reaching Chin State after the devastating Cyclone Mocha hit our state a few months ago. They want our people to surrender to their reign of terror, but they fail to understand the spirit of Salai Tin Maung Oo, which now resides in the hearts of all Chin people and beyond. I would also like to take this opportunity to express our sincerest appreciation for all the advocacy work that you have done, especially regarding the Burma Acts NDAA of the USA. It is crucial that we continue to do everything that we can for the full implementation of the Burma Acts NDAA, ensuring that all its objectives, aimed at helping Myanmar remove the genocidal military junta once and for all and establishing federal democratic governance at the national, state, and local levels, are realized. It is imperative that the implementation strategies of the Burma Acts NDAA are well-coordinated and cooperated with ASEAN's five points on Myanmar and the historic UN Security Council Resolutions on Myanmar. Together, we will do everything we can to enlist the support of the international community in ending the pain and suffering of humanity in Myanmar. This can be achieved through decisive, targeted, coordinated, and stricter sanctions against the genocidal military junta, such as an international arms embargo and the sanctioning of jet fuels and the military junta's financial banks and channels like MOGE. At the same time, it is crucial that the international community promptly recognizes the will of the people of Myanmar without further delay by officially recognizing the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) as the legitimate and true democratic representative of the people of Myanmar. It is time to cease supporting the terrorist military junta known as SAC and start supporting the NUG and all pro-democracy movements. In order to prevent another genocide and hold the genocidal military junta and their partners accountable for their war crimes and crimes against humanity, it is imperative that the NUG rightfully represents Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) regarding the Rohingya genocide case. Allowing the genocidal military junta, the perpetrators, to represent Myanmar at any international level is illegal, illegitimate, wrong, misleading, and an insult to the people of Myanmar, who are also victims of the junta's war crimes and crimes against humanity. Through international mechanisms such as the International Criminal Court (ICC) and international law, we must strive to hold the genocidal military junta and their partners in crimes accountable for all the crimes that they have openly and freely committed against the people of Myanmar. We will not rest until justice is delivered to our people. Justice is the future of Myanmar, freedom is the future of Myanmar, and Myanmar's future lies in the hands of 54 million brave people of Myanmar. Countries that have been supporting the crimes against the people of Myanmar must halt their support to the genocidal military junta and instead support the bright future of Myanmar, where stability and prosperity await not only Myanmar but also the region and the world. Myanmar is a new fertile land for the world economy, and its potential will be realized once the genocidal military junta is removed. We are not far from that day of freedom and federal democracy, the day of joy of peace and prosperity. Once again, we call upon the international community to invest in the pro-democracy movement, which will end the genocidal military junta's reign of terror to establish federal democracy and bring about peace and prosperity. Furthermore, we urge all freedom fighters, both inside and outside Myanmar, to maintain unity at the highest level and focus on our common goals rather than our differences. I take this opportunity to salute all the fallen freedom fighters; their sacrifices are about to bring the light, the stars of freedom and federal democratic Chinland, within the true federal democratic Union of the new Myanmar, for ALL the people of Myanmar, regardless of race, religion, culture, gender, language, background, and ethnicity. Thank you! May God bless you! May God bless Myanmar!..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2023-07-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-02
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Description: "ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး၏ ကျော်ကြားတဲ့ ပြောဆိုချက်ဖြစ်တဲ့ "မင်းတို့ ငါ့ခန္ဓာကိုယ်ကိုသာ သတ်လို့ရမယ်၊ ငါ့ယုံကြည်ချက်နဲ့ ရပ်တည်ချက်ကို သတ်လို့မရဘူး" ဆိုတဲ့စကားက ယနေ့အထိ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အတွက် ခွန်အားစေဖြစ်သည်။ ဤတိုက်ပွဲသည် ထာရဝဘုရား၌သာမူတည်ပြီး အောင်မြင်မှုသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ လက်ထဲတွင်ရှိသည်။ တရားမျှတမှုသည်လည်း မေတ္တာ၊ မျှော်လင့်ချက်၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် လွတ်လပ်ရေးအလင်းရောင်အတွက်ဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်တော့်ကို ယခုလို မိန့်ခွန်းပြောဖို့ ဖိတ်ကြားသည့်အတွက် ချစ်လှစွာသော United States Chin Coalition (USCC) ခေါင်းဆောင်များအား ကျေးဇူးတင်ပါသည်။ လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ တိုက်ပွဲအတွက် ကြီးမားသော အထောက်အပံ့များပေးတဲ့အတွက် USCC ကို ကျေးဇူးတင်ပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖိနှိပ်အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်းများမှ လွတ်မြောက်မည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ နေ့ရက်တိုင်းသည် လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် တဖြည်းဖြည်း နီးကပ်လာပြီဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်လက်အောက်တွင် ဒုက္ခခံစားခဲ့ရသည်မှာ နှစ်ပေါင်းအတော်ကြာပြီဖြစ်သည်။ United States Chin Coalition (USCC) ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့တဲ့ နှစ်နှစ်အတွင်း အတားအဆီး အခက်အခဲပေါင်းများစွာ ရင်ဆိုင်ခဲ့ရသော်လည်း အဖွဲ့ဝင်များအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့တိုင်းပြည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီရရှိရေးအတွက် ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံပြီး ရပ်တည်ပေးကြသည့်အတွက် ကျေးဇူးတင် ဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။ တော်လှန်ရေးခရီးစဉ်က ခက်ခဲကြမ်းတမ်းသော်လည်း USCC အဖွဲ့သားများသည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအနာဂတ်အတွက် ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်နေကြသည်ကို တွေ့ရပါသည်။ မြန်မာ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် ချင်းတူမီးသေနတ်များဖြင့် လွန်ခဲ့သော (၂၇ )လက စတင်ခဲ့သည်။ ဘုရားသခင်၏အကူအညီနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ စွန့်လွှတ်အနစ်နာခံမှုများဖြင့် သုံညမှ စတင်ခဲ့သည့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီထွန်းကားသည့် ထူးခြားကောင်းမွန်သော အနာဂတ်သစ်အတွက် ယခုအခါ ဒရုန်းများဖြင့် တော်လှန်နိုင်သည့်အဆင့်သို့ ရောက်ရှိနေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ တူမီးသည် ချင်းလူမျိုးများအတွက် အရေးပါသောအစိတ်အပိုင်းဖြစ်ပြီး သမိုင်းအရ တောရိုင်းတိရိစ္ဆာန်များ၏ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုရန်မှ အသက်ကိုကာကွယ်ရာတွင် အသုံးပြုကြသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီများက မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းပြီး ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အခြေခံလွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို တိုက်ခိုက်ခံရသည့်နေ့မှစပြီး ပထမကမ္ဘာစစ်ကတည်းက ရဲရင့်ခြင်းနှင့် သစ္စာရှိခြင်းအတွက် ရပ်တည်ခဲ့ကြသည့် မိမိတို့ချင်းလူမျိုးများ၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်ကိုကာကွယ်ဖို့ရန်အတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို တူမီးဖြင့် ပြန်လည်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ဒါဟာ ကျွန်တော်တို့ပြည်သူတွေအတွက် လွတ်လပ်မှုကို ကာကွယ်ဖို့ ပထမဆုံးအကြိမ်မဟုတ်ပေ။ ၁၉၁၄ ခုနှစ် ပထမကမ္ဘာစစ်ကတည်းကပင် ချင်းအမျိုးသား ၁,၀၀၀ ကျော်တို့သည် အမိမြေမှ ဥရောပနိုင်ငံများအထိ ခရီးနှင်ပြီး လွတ်လပ်ရေးအတွက် အတူတကွတိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ အလားတူ ဒုတိယကမ္ဘာစစ်အတွင်းတွင်လည်း ကျွန်တော်တို့ ဘိုးဘေးများသည် အခြားလွတ်လပ်ရေးသူရဲကောင်းများနှင့်အတူ လွတ်လပ်ရေးအတွက် စွမ်းစွမ်းတမံ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ လွတ်လပ်ရေးအတွက်လည်း ဘိုးဘေးများက အစွမ်းကုန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ လွတ်လပ်ရေးရခဲ့ခြင်းသည် တိုင်းရင်းသားညီကိုမောင်နှမဘိုးဘေးများနှင့် လွတ်လပ်ရေးဖခင်လည်းဖြစ်သည့် နိုင်ငံတော်အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်၏ဖခင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်အောင်ဆန်းတို့၏ စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာ တော်လှန်ခဲ့မှုကြောင့်ဖြစ်သည်။ တိုင်းရင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်အောင်ဆန်းတို့ သဘောတူစာချုပ်ချုပ်ဆိုခဲ့သည် ပင်လုံစာချုပ်ပါအချက်များကိုသာ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ခဲ့လျှင် ယနေ့ချင်းပြည်နယ်သည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ​၏အနှစ်သာရများ၊ ကိုယ့်ကံကြမ္မာကိုယ့်ဖန်တီးခြင်း စံချိန်စံနှုန်းများနှင့်အတူ ချမ်းသာကြွယ်ဝသော ပြည်နယ်တစ်ခု ဖြစ်နေလောက်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ သို့သော် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းခြင်းကြောင့် တစ်ချိန်က အာရှတိုက်တွင် အချမ်းသာဆုံးနိုင်ငံတစ်နိုင်ငံဖြစ်ခဲ့သည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ယနေ့ကမ္ဘာပေါ်တွင် အဆင်းရဲဆုံးနိုင်ငံတစ်ခု ဖြစ်လာခဲ့သည်။ သမိုင်းတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် စင်ကာပူနိုင်ငံထက်ရှေ့ရောက်ခဲ့သော်လည်း လက်ရှိတွင် မြောက်ကိုရီးယားနိုင်ငံထက် နိမ့်သောအဆင့်ရောက်ရှိနေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အကယ်၍ လွန်ခဲ့သောနှစ်များက အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်များကသာ ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကို ရပ်တန့်ခဲ့လျှင် ယနေ့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ဂျာမနီ၊ ယူကေ၊ ယူအက်စ်အေ သို့မဟုတ် ဩစတြေးလျကဲ့သို့သော အခြား ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်နိုင်ငံများကဲ့သို့ အောင်မြင်နိုင်ခဲ့ပြီး ကမ္ဘာကြီးအတွက် ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်သော နေရာတစ်ခုဖြစ်စေရန် ကမ္ဘာလုံးဆိုင်ရာစင်မြင့်ပေါ်တွင် ၎င်း၏ မှန်ကန်သောနေရာကို ထမ်းဆောင်နိုင်ခဲ့မည်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ နောက်ဆုံးတော်လှန်ရေးဖြစ်သည့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်းပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ချင်းပြည်သည်လည်း ၎င်း၏အခန်းကဏ္ဍမှ ပါဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် လက်ရှိမျိုးဆက်များအတွက်သာမကပဲ နောင်လာနောင်သားမျိုးဆက်များအတွက် သမိုင်းသစ်ရေးထိုးမည့် အရေးတော်ပုံလည်းဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် အာရှတိုက်တွင်သာမက ကမ္ဘာ့အလည်တွင် နေရာမှန်ကို ပြန်လည်ရရှိစေရမည်။ လွန်ခဲ့တဲ့ (၂၇) လကျော်အတွင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက နိုင်ငံတော်အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတဦးဝင်းမြင့်အပါအဝင် အပြစ်မဲ့ အရပ်သား ၂၃,၀၀၀ ကျော်ကို တရားမဝင် ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုစစ်ဗိုလ်ချုပ်များကပင် အရပ်သား ၄,၀၀၀ ကျော်သေဆုံးမှုနှင့် ဆေးရုံများ၊ ကျောင်းများ၊ ခရစ်ယာန်ဘုရားကျောင်းများနှင့် ဘုန်းကြီး ကျောင်းများအပါအဝင် နေအိမ်ပေါင်း ၆၇,၀၀၀ ကျော် ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခြင်းအတွက်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက အရပ်သားများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် ပြည်သူပေါင်း ၂ သန်းနီးပါး အိုးမဲ့အိမ်မဲ့ဖြစ်သွားခဲ့ရပြီး ပြည်သူပေါင်း ၁၈ သန်းကျော် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းသို့ရောက်ရှိရန် တွန်းအားပေးခဲ့သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံလူဦးရေ၏ထက်ဝက်ကို ဆင်းရဲနွမ်းပါးမှုဘေးသို့ ရောက်ရှိစေခဲ့သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်များကိုးကွယ်သော အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်း၊ မှောင်မိုက်ခြင်းနှင့် ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ခြယ်ခြင်းများသည် အနာဂတ် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ပပျောက်ရတော့မည်ဖြစ်သည်။ လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုကျူးလွန်နေသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ နေ့စဉ်ကျူးလွန်နေသော်လည်း ရဲစွမ်းသတ္တိရှိသော မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည် တရားမျှတခြင်း၊ လွတ်လပ်ခြင်းနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ မရမချင်း အရှုံးမပေး လက်မမြှောက်ပဲ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ အမှောင်ထုကို ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ အလင်းရောင်ဖြင့်အစားထိုးပြီး၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ နိုင်ထက်စီးနင်းမှုကြောင့် ခံစားနေရသည့် နာကျင်ခြင်းနှင့် ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခများကို လွတ်လပ်ခြင်းနှင့် သာယာဝပြောခြင်းများဖြင့် အစားထိုးသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် သူတို့၏ အကြံအစည်ဆိုးများဖြင့် ပိတ်မိနေသဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများကို စောင့်ကြိုနေသည့် တောက်ပသော အနာဂတ်ကို ဘယ်တော့မှ မြင်ခွင့်ရမည်မဟုတ်ပါ။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်များသည် ပြည်သူများ၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်များကို ဖျက်ဆီးရုံသာမကပဲ ပြည်သူများ၏ ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခအမျိုးမျိုး၊ ငတ်မွတ်ခေါင်းပါးခြင်းများကို “ဖြတ်လေးဖြတ် ပေါ်လစီ”အောက်တွင် လက်နက်သဖွယ် အသုံးချနေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီသည် ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ထန်တလန်မြို့ အပါအဝင် တိုင်းပြည်အနှံ့ရှိ မြို့ရွာများကို ပြာကျသည်အထိ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးကြသည့်အပြင် မိုခါမုန်တိုင်း၏ရိုက်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် လိုအပ်နေသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများကိုလည်း တားဆီးပိတ်ပင်နေကြသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူများကို ကြောက်ရွံ့စိတ်များမွေးစေလိုသော်လည်း ချင်းပြည်သူများနှင့် မြန်မာတနိုင်ငံလုံးရှိ ပြည်သူများ၏စိတ်ထဲတွင် ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးလို ခံယူချက် အခိုင်အမာ ကိန်းဝပ်နေသည်ကို သူတို့အနေနဲ့ နားလည်နိုင်စွမ်းမရှိပေ။ The Burma Acts NDAA of the USA ကိစ္စ အပါအဝင် အခြားအရေးကြီးသော ထောက်ပံ့ကူညီမှုများအတွက် အားလုံးကို ကျေးဇူးတင်ကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်းပြောကြားလိုပါသည်။ Burma Acts of NDAA ပါ အချက်များအားလုံးကို မြန်မာမြေပြင်တွင် အပြည့်အဝ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံဖြစ်ထွန်းသည်အထိ အစွမ်းကုန် ကူညီပေးကြပါရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံလိုပါသည်။ Burma Acts of NDAA ပါ အချက်များသာမက အာဆီယံ၏ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ချက်နှင့် UN လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့် သမိုင်းဝင် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များအားလုံးကို မြန်မာမြေပြင်တွင် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရန် အရေးကြီးပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် တွေ့ကြုံနေရသော ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခများနှင့် ပဍိပက္ခများအားလုံးကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရန် အတွက် လိုအပ်သည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ သက်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ အကူအညီများရရှိနိုင်ရန် အားလုံးအတူတကွ အစွမ်းကုန်ကြိုးစားလုပ်ဆောင်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ပြုလုပ်ရာတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီအား လေယာဉ်ဆီများထောက်ပံ့ပေးသော ဘဏ်များ၊ လုပ်ငန်းများ၊ MOGE နှင့် လက်နက်ရောင်းဝယ်မှု ဈေးကွက်များအပေါ် ထိရောက်သော ပစ်မှတ်ထား အရေးယူဒဏ်ခတ်ပိတ်ဆို့မှုများ ပိုမိုပြင်းထန်စွာပြုလုပ်နိုင်ရန် ကြိုးစားလုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်။ တချိန်တည်းမှာပင် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာမှ သက်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ လိုအင်ဆန္ဒကို လျစ်လျူမရှုပဲ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြု ဆက်ဆံပေးကြဖို့ အလွန်အရေးကြီးပါသည်။ တရားမဝင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား ထောက်ပံ့ခြင်းများအားလုံး ရပ်တန့်ပြီး NUG နှင့်အတူ လွတ်လပ်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုများအားလုံးကို စတင်ထောက်ခံအားပေးရန် အချိန်တန်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် နောက်ထပ် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုများဖြစ်ပွားခြင်းမှ ကာကွယ်ပြီး စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် အပေါင်းအပါများအား အရေးယူနိုင်ရန် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး (ICJ) တွင်အမှုရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာလူမျိုးများအပေါ် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းကိစ္စအတွက် NUG က မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကိုယ်စားပြုရန် အရေးကြီးပါသည်။ လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာရှေ့မှောက်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ကိုယ်စားပြုရန် အခွင့်အရေးပေးခြင်းသည် ဥပဒေကိုဆန့်ကျင်ခြင်း၊ မမှန်ကန်ခြင်း၊ တရားမဝင်ခြင်း၊ မှားယွင်းသည့်ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ဖြစ်သည့်အပြင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ၏သားကောင်ဖြစ်သည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအား စော်ကားရာရောက်သည်။ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ယန္တရားများဖြစ်သည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုခုံရုံး (ICC) နှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများမှတဆင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ပေါ်ပေါ်တင်တင် ပွင့်ပွင့်လင်းလင်း လွတ်လပ်စွာကျူးလွန်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်များနှင့် အပေါင်းအပါများအားလုံးကို ၎င်းတို့အပြစ်များအတွက် ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်စေရမည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုမရမခြင်း ဘယ်တော့မှ အနားယူမည် မဟုတ်ပါ။ တရားမျှတခြင်းသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏အနာဂတ်ဖြစ်ပြီး လွတ်လပ်မှုသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏အနာဂတ်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏အနာဂတ်သည် မြန်မာပြည်သူ ၅၄ သန်း၏လက်ထဲတွင် တည်ရှိသည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကျူးလွန်နိုင်ရန် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို ထောက်ပံ့ပေးသော နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား ထောက်ပံ့မှုများအားလုံး ရပ်တန့်ပြီး ဒေသတွင်းနှင့် ကမ္ဘာတစ်ခုလုံးအတွက် တည်ငြိမ်အေးချမ်းရေးနှင့် ချမ်းသာကြွယ်ဝမှုများတည်ရှိသည့် အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွက် စတင်ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ကမ္ဘာ့စီးပွားရေးအတွက် မြေသြဇာကောင်းသော မြေကွက်သစ်တစ်ခုဖြစ်ပြီး လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို ဖယ်ရှားလိုက်သည်နှင့်တစ်ပြိုင်နက် ၎င်း၏အလားအလာကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ပါလိမ့်မည်။ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ ကြွယ်ဝချမ်းသာခြင်း၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီနေ့ရက်များသည် ကျွန်တော်တို့နှင့် အနီးမဝေးတွင် စောင့်ကြိုနေပါသည်။ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာရှင်စနစ်ကို ချုပ်ငြိမ်းစေပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် သာယာဝပြောရေးကိုယူဆောင်လာပေးမည့် အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်အသစ်အတွက် ဒီမိုကရေစီလှုပ်ရှားမှုများကို ထောက်ခံအားပေးရန် ထပ်လောင်းတိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းရော ပြင်ပမှာပါ နေထိုင်ကြသည့် လွတ်လပ်ရေးအတွက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သူအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် စည်းလုံးမှုကိုဦးထိပ်ထားပြီး ကွဲလွဲမှုများထက် တူညီသည့် ပန်းတိုင်များကို အာရုံစိုက်ဖို့ တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ နိဂုံးချုပ်အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူအားလုံးအတွက် လူမျိုး၊ ဘာသာ၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှု၊ ကျား/မလိင်ခွဲခြားမှု၊ ဘာသာစကား၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးစုနှင့် နောက်ခံအကြောင်းတရား မခွဲခြားပဲ အားလုံးပါဝင်သည့် လွတ်လပ်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ချင်းပြည်နယ်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ကျဆုံးသွားသော သူရဲကောင်းများအားလုံးကိုလည်း အလေးပြု ဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2023-07-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Sub-title: တစ်နှစ်စာကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ပြုကြောင်း အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခြင်း
Description: "၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ထိန်းချုပ်မှုအောက်ရှိ ငွေကြေးစနစ်များအပေါ် မှီခိုနေရမှုကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရန်၊ ပြည်သူများကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် လုံခြုံရေးစိန်ခေါ်မှုများဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရန်၊ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အမြစ်ဖြတ် ချေမှုန်းနိုင်ရေးအတွက် လွတ်လပ်ပြီး လုံခြုံစိတ်ချရ၍ လက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်သော ငွေကြေးလည်ပတ်မှု ယန္တရားတစ်ခုကို ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရအဖွဲ့၏ သဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်မြန်မာ ကျပ် (Digital Myanmar Kyat - DMMK) ကို နိုင်ငံတော်၏ တရားဝင်ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်ငွေကြေးအဖြစ် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၂၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် သတ်မှတ် ဖြန့်ဝေခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၃။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် NUGPay တစ်နှစ်ပြည့်မြောက်မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ပြည်သူလူထုကြား ပိုမို ကျယ်ပြန့်စေရန် တော်လှန်ရေး၏ ထောက်ပို့ကဏ္ဍတွင် အကျိုးဖြစ်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ ၂၀၂၂ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက် နေ့မှ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့အတွင်း တစ်နှစ်တာ Activation Code (၅၀၀၀ ကျပ်) ပေးချေ၍ အကောင့်ဖွင့်လှစ်ခဲ့သော NUGPay သုံးစွဲသူများသည် ပထမတစ်နှစ်ပြည့်သည့်နေ့မှစ၍ နောက်ထပ် တစ်နှစ် စာ Activation Code ဖိုး ပေးချေစရာမလိုပဲ တစ်နှစ်စာ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ရရှိပါမည်။ ၄။ တစ်နှစ်စာ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ရရှိသူများအနေဖြင့် Activation Code ဖိုး ပေးချေလိုပါက CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများ အတွက် Activation Code ပေးအပ်မည့် အစီအစဉ်တွင် လှူဒါန်းနိုင်ပါသည်။ ၅။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ ၂၀၂၂ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့အတွင်း အကောင့်ဖွင့်လှစ်ခဲ့သော NUGPay သုံးစွဲသူများအားလုံးကို ၂၀၂၃ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ ၂၀၂၄ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့အထိ Activation Fees တစ်နှစ်စာကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ပြုကြောင်း ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
2023-07-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
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Description: "The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), as exercising the democratic mandate from the people through the general election held in 2020, and in accordance with the Federal Democracy Charter published by Announcement No. (19/2021) on the 31st March 2021, Mr. Aung Kyaw Moe has been appointed as Deputy Minister for the Ministry of Human Right of National Unity Government..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
2023-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 311.4 KB
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Sub-title: ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီး ခန့်အပ်တာဝန်ပေးခြင်း
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ်၊ ပါတီစုံဒီမိုကရေစီ အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် ပြည်သူလူထုက ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ အပ်နှင်းလိုက်သည့်အာဏာကို ကျင့်သုံးလျက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်အရ ဦးအောင်ကျော်မိုးအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးအဖြစ် ခန့်အပ်တာဝန်ပေးလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
2023-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "2,146 kilometers of landlocked demarcation is all that cuts through Myanmar and Thailand, two Southeast Asian nations that share a complicated, erstwhile rivalry that has evolved into a mutual bilateralism in the scope of current developments, with the incumbent Prayuth Chan-ocha regime cozying up to the likes of the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s armed forces. These two countries are nothing alike; they do not share any linguistic overlap nor do they have any cultural heritages together, and they follow drastically different models of governance. In that sense, they are not complementary to each other, but centuries of warfare and geopolitical realities have shaped a new outlook. Once old foes, Thailand and Myanmar have now basked in a much more intimate and deeper bond, owing to the Thai government’s warmth towards the military-installed regime in Myanmar, due to similarities and parallels between the militaries of both nations, long-standing bastions of power and influence in politics, respectively. Since the Tatmadaw ousted the Aung San Suu Kyi-led government, the Prayuth administration has exercised a policy of soft diplomacy and engaged the Tatmadaw through peaceful politicking and appeasement behind the scenes. In this spirit of opportunism, minute realpolitik, and a much more drastic about-face of national fortunes, they have not only grown closer than ever, but this has also placed Thailand at loggerheads with the contradicting ASEAN doctrine of assertive, overt action condoning the Tatmadaw. Despite Thailand’s efforts towards an active role in the Myanmar peace process, the latest episode by Foreign Minister Don Pramuwinai to defuse tensions and bring an amicable end to the crisis only served to exacerbate an already fraught regional situation. To provide meaningful context, the Foreign Minister facilitated a series of talks between Thailand, ASEAN members, and envoys from the Myanmar junta, such as Myanmar’s foreign minister, Than Swe. In the end, several ASEAN members declined the invitation, embarrassing and thwarting Thailand’s efforts. The fact that the meeting was proposed and arranged only drew biting criticism and backlash. Professor Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a senior fellow of the ISIS (Institute of International Studies) at Chulalongkorn University, argues in an op-ed for the Bangkok Post that Don’s actions seem to be born out of desperation and that there is something much larger at play, presumably vested business interests or priorities that exceed national concerns. It is worth noting that this comes at a crucial juncture for Thailand, following the recent election that witnessed an unprecedented victory by the pro-democracy bloc, particularly the Move Forward Party, which has sought to orient Thailand back to the West and adhere to the ASEAN Five-Point agreement. In that sense, one has to wonder if this misadventure by the Prayuth government is part of something much more indicative in the realm of local politics, one that bypasses geopolitical concerns and delves into a more personal, ideological splinter within Thailand, which the recent election has irreparably carved. Herein, I address three critical takeaways that can be extracted from this strategic blunder and its implications within the framework of future foreign policy directives toward the Myanmar crisis. 1. Authoritarianism in Modern Context The Myanmar crisis is only a footnote in the discussion of authoritarianism in the globalized world, where diplomacy and commerce are shaped by affiliation with regional and intergovernmental blocs. It is an eclectic reverie of different nation-states with diverse economic, national objectives, and ideologies. Countries like Sweden and Finland have discussed entering NATO in light of the Russo-Ukrainian War, while entities like the United Kingdom have departed the EU. All of this is integral to contextualizing the spread and revival of authoritarianism and despotic regimes worldwide. Countries such as India, Hungary, and Russia have experienced democratic backsliding and upheaval, while European nations have turned increasingly nationalistic and right-wing, as seen in Italy. The 20th century observed a political realm shaped by allies and blocs against the backdrop of the Cold War. However, this trend seems to be changing as of late, with countries prioritizing national defense and economic recovery in the post-pandemic world. Germany, for instance, has ramped up its defense spending to its highest levels since the Cold War when it was West Germany. Meanwhile, nations like Venezuela, Iran, and Turkey have isolated themselves from the global community due to social unrest and uncertainty. In the 1990s, there were more democratic countries than authoritarian ones, but this trend has been upended. A pattern of despotic and increasingly autocratic regimes has emerged since the post-2007-2008 financial crisis and the coronavirus pandemic. Analyzing the Myanmar crisis and Thailand’s stakeholdership in it helps understand the connection to authoritarianism. To understand Thailand’s stance on the junta, one must examine the motives behind it. The obvious conclusion is that both countries have militarized natures and benefit from closer ties to prop up and aid each other in the event of a potential Chinese invasion of the Taiwan Strait. However, the real dissection of their relationship is much more nuanced. It is simply a relationship of convenience laced with appeasement and ignorance, part of the larger systemic global trend of authoritarian regimes elevating or supporting other like-minded regimes based on common objectives and similar ideologies. Thailand’s current rapprochement towards Myanmar overlooks a crucial and perhaps obscured problematic reality—the Rohingya refugee crisis and the exodus of migrants to Thailand’s borders. Thailand currently shelters 90,000 refugees, mostly those fleeing the sectarian violence in Myanmar. Issues such as statelessness and integration into society remain pervasive. A glaring fact is that Thailand has not signed the UN charter on Refugees and has recently proposed the now-suspended Torture Act. All of this suggests that Thailand is complicit in some manner by not taking an active hand in dealing with cross-border issues, and it ought to be much more compassionate. One can argue that Thailand is effectively damaging its global credibility by continuously supporting a regime that has shown little regard for human rights or respect for democratic institutions. Whatever stake Thailand has in this, it must not be transactional and purely manufactured out of greed. This may explain the Prayuth government’s reticence on the matter. Of course, one must also consider other factors and scandals, such as the recent uproar over a sitting senator’s business ties to the junta. Overall, it would be better to forget that Thailand and Myanmar form part of the Golden Triangle, the notorious hotbed of drug and crime productivity. With these points in mind, the incoming new pro-democratic administration must reboot its foreign policy initiatives, placing the human cost of crises and wars above other priorities. They should find a locus that allows Thailand to assert its regional strength without losing any leverage, and strive to eliminate the vested interests that foster this affair, particularly the links and business dealings with the junta. 2. The Way Forward 14th May 2023 saw a monumental tectonic shift in Thai politics with Move Forward leading the pack and winning the right to form a government first. While their prospects are bleak as of this writing, their policies and the coalition’s MOU on Myanmar must constitute a return to respectability for Thailand as a regional power after years of mismanagement and ineptness. After all, it is a potential for a restart in Thai attitudes toward foreign policy. The Prayuth government’s current flirtations with the Myanmar government are still a thorn in the side of the incoming coalition’s side. I examine for two reasons why the current government’s Myanmar imbroglio is in fact a political machination deliberately designed to be a chink in the armor for the pro-democracy camp. The first is to flaunt Thailand’s political strength in the region, positioning it as an active actor in ASEAN. However, this gambit has failed because the current government has yet to embrace the current political dynamic in which Thailand has little to no sway in the regional community. It is only a passive driver, unable to effect change to the likes of Indonesia. The current government’s credibility has only backfired from the day it assumed office. Authoritarian regimes thrive on legitimacy and Thailand is no different. From showcasing its global entry through last year’s APEC summit and other gaffes, Thailand has only demonstrated that it is a tiny player, a pawn in an ever-evolving dynamic – the tug of war against America and China for influence through subterfuge, soft power, and neocolonialism. With Move Forward’s Western outlook, Prayuth’s government-crafted blunder seems to have been a ploy, to place the new government on a collision course with the SAC to the extent where mobilization and brinkmanship will be possibilities, with catastrophic ends. Therefore, the onus is on the new government to immediately respond to the Myanmar crisis and that will involve engaging with the junta in ways unseen before in the bilateral history of both nations. 3. Refugees and Reassurance The refugee crisis in Myanmar has dominated popular memory through violent and startlingly graphic depictions portrayed in the media, as well as the persecution and genocide of ethnic groups, to the point where the ICC investigated the aforementioned actions taken against the Rohingya. After 2015, almost 900,000 people of Rohingya descent have fled Myanmar, displaced into neighboring countries. What is most grim is the Myanmar state’s denial of such violence and cleansing, almost tantamount to the conditions faced in apartheid or the Rwandan Genocide. This crisis has taken on a life of its own, transcending a national issue to a global concern that has led to a reevaluation of the treatment and eradication of ethnic minorities in other countries, such as the Uighur extermination camps or Darfur. While this crisis is largely isolated to Myanmar and is insulated, Thailand must be vigilant and willing to speak against this perpetuated injustice, this violation of human rights, and the recognition of the Rohingya as a population severely dispersed by the perils of war. It is not the time for compassion, nor is it time to be a passive bystander. For that, it is Thailand’s role as a neighbor and as an Asiatic power to bring awareness about this critical crisis, to call for accountability, and to portray the crisis in a manner that highlights the multifaceted impacts it has consequently wreaked on a minority group and, by extension, a national state that is interspersed with in-fighting and the re-emergence of a human rights, pro-democratic movement within the country that has captured the global imagination. If Thailand claims to be a democratic polity after the results of this election have been entertained, the responsibility should be placed on its shoulders to become more active in championing democratic ideals in the regional sphere, instead of supplicating and kowtowing to authoritarian regimes that have a lack of interest in following the rule of established law. These three points, I hope, have accurately captured the zeitgeist and future implications of Thailand’s Myanmar policy, and the reader finds this encouraging in the greater strata of things, that the new government will readjust current attitudes toward Myanmar to the point where other stakeholders can actively participate in the peace process without appeasing the junta or supplanting it through force. There is no perfect solution, nor is there a worse outcome. There is only an outcome that will be solely determined by the Myanmar people’s sheer will, and we, as a regional partner, must observe every development while distancing ourselves from the SAC..."
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Source/publisher: Thai Enquirer
2023-06-27
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: In post-coup Myanmar, crime syndicates, working with the military, are moving into more complex fraud schemes from a growing number of autonomous enclaves.
Description: "In the fractured authority surrounding crime-group controlled enclaves on the Moei River separating Thailand and Myanmar, this is what a crackdown on armed gangsters looks like: China presses Myanmar’s military junta — a sometimes client of Beijing — to make Thailand cut electric power to a large gambling and fraud hub run by Chinese crime syndicates across the river in Myanmar. The military-supervised Border Guard Force in the area, a partner of the syndicates, responds with threats to shut down cross-border trade. Then, giant generators appear in the enclave, deployed by the border guards and the gangs. The army, without explanation, does nothing. Individual commanders, if not the army itself, are believed to profit from the criminal activity. Business as usual continues. That is roughly how it goes along Myanmar’s lawless border, with variations for geography and the local cast of characters. Late last year, awareness began to rise in the region that Myanmar’s criminal enclaves were metastasizing, and the call do something about it grew louder from the media, civil society and governments. While the zones themselves were not a new phenomenon, a nefarious development amplified international alarm: After Beijing’s anti-COVID measures sent Chinese workers scurrying home from the enclaves, their criminal operators began luring jobseekers from around the world with offers of lucrative high-tech jobs, then trafficking them across borders into cyber slavery to work in financial scams. Despite the growing perception of the enclaves as a global security threat, nothing of consequence has changed. Every angle of attack is blunted by the tangle of interests in these zones — powerful organized criminal groups, local armed actors, fragmented sovereignty, and corruption, with the gambling and fraud city of Shwe Kokko at the heart of it all. Myanmar’s military has neither the will nor the capacity to manage its own Border Guard Forces (BGF), much less curb the reach of transnational crime from enclaves under BGF control. Much of the country, embroiled in full scale revolution against the junta, is beyond the reach of the overstretched army. It will be up to key neighboring countries, in cooperation with international law enforcement, to cut off access to critical cross-border connections and resources. For the United States, which has already been victimized, this crime wave represents a growing non-traditional security threat that requires a robust response. BGF and Its Criminal Syndicates Grow Deeper Roots in Myanmar At least 17 distinct crime zones now provide an estimated 5 million square meters of criminal office space along a 31-mile stretch of the Moei River on the Myanmar border with Thailand alone. Despite strict border controls and lockdowns during the COVID-19 pandemic, these zones expanded dramatically in size following the 2021 military coup. For example, the notorious KK Park Zone — sensationalized on Tik-Tok for harvesting and selling the organs of trafficking victims who refused to work on scams — grew from 26 to over 75 structures between 2021 and May 2023. By early last year, the criminal activity had victimized nationals of more than 46 countries, with the majority trafficked into Myanmar through Thailand. Despite increased awareness of the problems by the media and international law enforcement, the gangs continued expanding their ability to infiltrate online hiring platforms, set up fraudulent recruitment firms and networks, establish links with traffickers, and set up shop in new jurisdictions across Myanmar. By March 2023, growing organized crime activity in Karen State began to generate tremendous pressure for action even on resistance figures. Karen civil society groups raised concerns that the BGF’s illicit pursuits threatened to undermine governance and prospects for democracy and autonomy in Karen State, as suspicion deepened that a growing number of Karen resistance leaders had ties to the BGF schemes. In April, tensions spilled into armed conflict when a coalition of pro-democracy armed forces attacked the BGF criminal empire in Shwe Kokko and other illicit BGF businesses in Myawaddy township. “Shwe Kokko is a hub of drugs and sex-trafficking that funds the military regime with dirty money,” they charged. The junta responded with a joint force of BGF and army troops, intercepting the advancing resistance fighters, crushing a key People’s Defense Force group, and taking dozens of hostages. Thus, the junta proudly demonstrated its determination to keep Shwe Kokko a safe zone for crime. An Online Confidence Scheme — ‘Pig Butchering’ — Goes Global Initially focused on illegal online gambling, the crime zone operators now concentrate on a new form of fraud known as “pig butchering” or in Chinese, “shazupan.” The scheme originated in China around 2018, and as COVID depressed profits from gambling, Chinese-affiliated crime groups ramped it up. Here’s how it works: Scammers lure potential victims into trusting online relationships over a long period. Eventually, the scammer proposes a small investment idea and often transfers to the victim purported returns over what appear to be legitimate online trading platforms. This process, known as “fatting the pig,” continues until the victim feels secure enough to hand over substantial funds. The scammer then “butchers the pig” and disappears with the money. Some syndicates are developing new forms of artificial intelligence to identify potential victims on Western social media sites and WhatsApp, or to enhance the efficiency of the scams. This includes the use of generative AI to create images and video content for fraud schemes, as well ChatGPT to generate scripts and content. The Military and BGFs Provide Protection for Myanmar’s Crime Enclaves The overarching obstacle to staunching the spread of organized crime in Myanmar is the chaos in governance and the lawlessness triggered by the February 2021 military coup. While the elected government tried to stem the influx of Chinese gangsters, the junta reversed those efforts after the coup, and the illegal operations quickly resumed their rapid expansion. At the center of that story is the Karen Border Guard Force, which maintains its headquarters in the very heart of the Shwe Kokko crime city. The rise of the Karen BGF, operating at least nominally under Myanmar Army control, was accelerated by the coup and its ties with the Chinese crime bosses. The Karen BGF emerged in the late 2000’s from an ethnic armed group called the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army. From 2017-2019, it forged alliances with two key Chinese criminals, She Zhijiang, head of Yatai International Holding, and Wan Kuok-Kui (aka Broken Tooth), a triad leader who heads a transnational criminal organization known as the Hongmen World Historical and Cultural Association. The BGF provided land and support for these first two large illegal gambling cities to spring up near the Thai border — Shwe Kokko and Saixigang (now known as Dongmei Zone), respectively. When Thai police arrested She Zhijiang in August 2022, his absence left the BGF in control of a massive criminal empire, vastly increasing its wealth and power. Meanwhile, Wan Kuok-kui, who was sanctioned by the United States in December 2020, relocated to China, where his focus seems to be laundering hundreds of millions of dollars into the Chinese economy. His move apparently gave the BGF even wider control over the enclave’s criminal activity. From the beginning of their emergence in Myanmar, the autonomous crime zones have relied on Karen BGF leaders to offer secure space. By providing security, controlling border trade, and handling relations with rival armed groups and the Myanmar army, the BGF and its leaders are among the greatest beneficiaries of the illicit activity. Profits from the partnership have been plowed into high-tech upgrades of weapons and other military equipment for the BGF, commanded by Col. Chit Thu and his colleague, Major Mote Thon. Indeed, Chit Thu’s forces’ weapons are qualitatively superior to the Myanmar Army’s, making his BGF one of the most lethal units under the military’s “command.” Thailand Sees the Threat, But Makes Little Headway Against It Seeking influence and material support, the BGF and the Chinese crime groups have invested heavily in Thailand. They use the country to traffic people into the criminal zones and to access the internet and electricity essential to their operations. Thailand is also a source and transit route for the BGF’s sophisticated arms and equipment — made easy by BGF control of crossing points for bilateral trade. By mid-2022, Thai authorities were increasingly concerned about what they call “grey Chinese business” and an explosion of trafficking Thai nationals and tens of thousands of foreigners into Myanmar. A string of murders, gunfights and rumors of Chinese kidnapping, assaulting or torturing victims on Thai soil produced a serious public outcry. Consequently, Thailand has begun to clamp down. Yatai crime boss She Zhijiang is on the verge of extradition to China. A Thai working committee was set up to crack down on trafficking, and Thai law enforcement has mobilized to investigate Chinese “grey business.” In June 2023, the Thai police raided the Hongmen office in Thailand, arrested a second notorious criminal associated with Shwe Kokko named Yu Xinqi, and scooped up the owners of several exclusive nightclubs catering to Chinese crime bosses. So far, however, these measures have failed to dent the Thai base for criminal operations in Myanmar. Construction continues around Mae Sot and new players are emerging along the Thai border to the north in Myanmar territory controlled by the United Wa State Army. Meanwhile, the Karen BGF has brazenly flouted Thailand’s enforcement efforts. When Thai police arrested She Zhijiang, a BGF spokesman stated publicly that the arrest would not “harm normal operations” in Shwe Kokko. When Thailand moved to curtail electricity to the border compounds in early June 2023, the BGF threatened to close the largest frontier crossing to bilateral trade. After Thailand squeezed the power supply, the BGF ramped up diesel imports for generators, turning a crackdown into a money-making opportunity. Even China’s Moves to Curb Criminal Groups Has Had Only Mixed Effects As a key target for scam operations, China has significant steps to rein them in to protect its own citizens and its relations with the Southeast Asia neighborhood. Beijing has enhanced anti-money laundering requirements for banks, cut off criminals’ access to Chinese telecoms by policing WeChat, raised public awareness on trafficking and banned travel for many Chinese to Southeast Asia. Unfortunately, none of this has stopped the networks from regional spread. Instead, gangsters have adapted, focusing more on markets outside of China and recalibrating efforts to traffic young Chinese job seekers. Last month, Chinese authorities insisted the junta crush criminal activities directed at Chinese nationals from Myanmar. As yet, Chit Thu and his BGF are still operating with impunity, making it clear that not even a military operation — like the one launched by the pro-democracy forces in April — will dislodge the criminals. Taking the cue, other armed militias are building their own enclaves at an alarming rate. Only a Concerted, Transnational Approach Will Halt the Spread of Myanmar-Based Crime To stem the rise of these criminal networks will require a coordinated international effort. The United States could potentially take a leading role, partnering with others to sanction the BGF and cut off telecommunications services to all criminal militias in Myanmar. This would call for careful coordination with neighboring countries and other international law enforcement. Repatriating the sheer number of globally trafficked victims inside Myanmar will require a major cross-border operation..."
Source/publisher: United States Institute of Peace
2023-06-26
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Salai Tin Maung Oo's famous saying was, "They can kill my body but not my beliefs." On this day in 1976, Salai Tin Maung Oo, a 25-year-old student leader, was brutally executed by hanging in Insein Prison. His execution marked one of the darkest chapters in Myanmar's struggle for inclusive federal democracy. Salai Tin Maung Oo's only "crime" was expressing his belief in federal democracy and his opposition to genocidal military dictatorships. He shared famous proverbs and wisdom that resonated with the people of Myanmar who sought freedom and federal democracy. Born on June 11, 1951, in Taungoo, Myanmar, Salai Tin Maung Oo was a beacon of hope for many during a challenging period in Myanmar's history. At the young age of 11, Salai Tin Maung Oo witnessed the coup that took place in 1962, marking the beginning of a tumultuous era in his country. At the age of 21, Salai Tin Maung Oo was unlawfully arrested by genocidal military general Ne Win on December 5, 1972, for advocating federal democratic principles. After enduring brutal conditions, he was released from prison on January 3, 1974. He played a significant role in advocating for the use of "Salai" before Chin male names and "Mai" before Chin female names for the Chin people of Myanmar. During the Burma crisis in 1974, known as U Thant's crisis, Salai Tin Maung Oo emerged as a prominent figure at the age of 23. U Thant, a Burmese diplomat, served as the third Secretary-General of the United Nations from 1961 to 1971. Salai Tin Maung Oo, an ethnic Chin zoological student at the University of Yangon, participated in student movements and labor strikes against military rule. He gained recognition in 1974 when students protested against brutal military dictator Ne Win's refusal to grant a state funeral to former United Nations secretary-general U Thant, who had passed away that year. Tragically, on March 19, 1976, Salai Tin Maung Oo was unjustly rearrested along with his father, U Mya Din, his brother, Salai Hla Swe, and his sister, Mai Po Po, who actively participated in the struggle for freedom and federal democracy by the brutal military dictator Ne Win due to his unwavering struggle for freedom and federal democracy. He was sentenced to death. The brutal dictator offered him a chance to reduce his sentence if he expressed remorse and apologized for opposing military dictatorship. However, Salai Tin Maung Oo famously refused, stating, "I will never bow down before brutal military dictators. You can only kill my body, but you cannot kill my beliefs and hope." Consequently, he was executed by Ne Win on June 26, 1976. Before his execution, Salai Tin Maung Oo uttered his famous last words: "If I do not die quickly as planned by the execution of hanging, then I have defeated you dictators." He bravely prolonged his last breath as a symbol of his final struggle for Myanmar's freedom and federal democracy. His courageous spirit represented the true essence of the brave people of Myanmar. Salai Tin Maung Oo remains the only student known to have been hanged in the history of Myanmar. His opposition to military dictatorship has had a lasting impact on subsequent generations of students. After 47 years, the courageous people of Myanmar continue to fight for their freedom and federal democracy, which brutal military dictators have suppressed by executing pro-democracy leaders. Just 12 months ago, four pro-democracy leaders, activists, and elected officials—Ko Jimmy, Phyo Zeya Thaw, Hla Myo Aung, and Aung Thura Zaw—were brutally executed by the genocidal military junta. Their only "crime" was exercising their fundamental freedoms. Over the past 27 months, the entire population of Myanmar has endured unimaginable suffering. The genocidal military junta has escalated attacks on civilians, killing more than 4,000 and unjustly arresting more than 23,000 civilians, including State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, and several hundred children. They have also destroyed more than 67,000 homes, including hospitals, schools, churches, and monasteries. Hundreds of airstrikes and dozens of massacres have been reported, and the Chin State, Salai Tin Maung Oo's ethnic region, has faced displacement and persecution. Tragically, approximately 30% of the Chin State's population has been uprooted by the military's brutal actions. Many Chin people have lost their lives, and entire towns and villages, like Thantlang Town, have been wiped out. Adding to the ongoing crisis, Cyclone Mocha devastated Rakhine State and Chin State last month, leaving an additional 5 million people in desperate need of life-saving assistance. The combination of the COVID-19 pandemic, the military coup, and the cyclone has plunged Myanmar into unspeakable pain, suffering, death, and destruction. The brutal genocidal military junta has worsened the situation by blocking humanitarian aid and using starvation, hunger, pain, and suffering as weapons through their evil "four cuts" policies. Even before the recent cyclone, the humanitarian situation in Myanmar was dire, with approximately 18 million people, including 5 million children, in desperate need of life-saving aid. Additionally, nearly 2 million people were displaced, and 48 million individuals lived at or below the poverty line. Immediate international intervention is crucial to address this crisis. Despite these atrocities and consecutive crises, the spirit of freedom that Salai Tin Maung Oo embodied decades ago still lives within the 54 million people of Myanmar. The brave people of Myanmar have made their unwavering decision clear—they will never give up or bow down before genocidal military dictators. The future they envision is a shining beacon of federal democracy that promotes, protects, and respects the freedom and rights of all people in Myanmar, regardless of their race, religion, culture, language, background, or ethnicity. The question is not if justice will triumph over injustice but when. The brave people of Myanmar will overcome the genocidal military junta once and for all. The military dictatorship will fade away, just as darkness fades before light. Brutal genocidal military dictatorships belong to the past, while freedom and federal democracy represent the future of Myanmar. The brave people of Myanmar are fighting for freedom and federal democracy with all their might and every means available to them. They are willing to sacrifice their lives for freedom and democracy, just as Salai Tin Maung Oo did before them. We are not asking foreign soldiers to intervene in Myanmar, but we are once again calling upon the international community to impose tougher, coordinated, and targeted sanctions on individuals responsible for human rights violations in Myanmar. This includes military officials, associates, and their financial networks, such as MOGE. Additionally, countries and companies directly supporting the brutal genocidal military junta should face consequences. We urge the international community to advocate for the immediate referral of Myanmar's situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and to support the representation of Myanmar by the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) at the International Court of Justice (ICJ). We call upon the international community, especially Myanmar's neighboring countries, to support the NUG, NUCC, CRPH, EROs, pro-democracy movements, civil society organizations, human rights defenders, and independent media in Myanmar. They tirelessly work to promote human rights, federal democracy, and accountability. Most urgently, we need the borders to be open for humanitarian corridors, pressuring genocidal military generals to respect human rights, release all political prisoners, and restore federal democratic governance to achieve peace, prosperity, and stability not only in Myanmar but also in the entire region. It is crucial for the international community and Myanmar's neighboring countries to do everything in their power to end the crisis in Myanmar for the good and interest of all regions. By increasing pressure on the foot soldiers of the Tatmadaw to lay down their arms and by rallying around the pro-democracy movement and the people of Myanmar, immediately engage and officially recognize the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). Similar measures and means, as seen in Ukraine, should be employed to help Myanmar achieve its freedom and put an end to this crisis, pain, and suffering that have persisted for far too long in the Asia-Pacific region. Furthermore, we must acknowledge the significance of the NDAA Burma Act of the USA, the UN Security Council Resolution on Myanmar, and the ASEAN five-point consensus on Myanmar. Supporting the implementation of these measures on the ground in Myanmar will play a vital role in addressing the humanitarian crisis, human rights crisis, restoring democracy, and establishing peace, stability, and justice. The 47th Anniversary of the brutal execution of Myanmar student leader Salai Tin Maung Oo, coupled with the deepening situation in Myanmar, demands immediate attention and a robust international response. By taking decisive actions and standing up for human rights, freedom, and federal democracy, we can put an end to the crimes against humanity in Myanmar, advance justice, promote human dignity, and restore democracy in Myanmar. May the dream of Salai Tin Maung Oo come true soon! May God bless Myanmar!..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2023-06-26
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး၏ ကျော်ကြားသည့် ပြောဆိုချက်မှာ "မင်းတို့ ငါ့ခန္ဓာကိုယ်ကိုသာ သတ်လို့ရမယ်၊ ငါ့ယုံကြည်ချက်နဲ့ ရပ်တည်ချက်ကို သတ်လို့မရဘူး"။ လွန်ခဲ့သော ၁၉၇၆ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၂၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက အသက် ၂၅ နှစ်အရွယ် ကျောင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင် ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးအား အင်းစိန်အကျဉ်းထောင်၌ ရက်ရက်စက်စက် ကြိုးပေးကွပ်မျက်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ သူ့အားကြိုးပေးကွပ်မျက်ခြင်းသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအတွက်ရုန်းကန်မှုတွင် အမှောင်ဆုံး အခန်းကဏ္ဍတစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်ဟု မှတ်သားဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး၏ တစ်ခုတည်းသော"ရာဇဝတ်မှု"သည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအတွက် သူ၏ယုံကြည်ချက်ကို ဖော်ပြခြင်းနှင့် လူမျိုးတုံး သတ်ဖြတ်သည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ သူသည် လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီအတွက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့သော မြန်မာပြည်သူများအတွက် အထက်ပါ သမိုင်းဝင်စကားကို ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ဆိုခဲ့သူဖြစ်သည်။ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးကို ၁၉၅၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် တောင်ငူမြို့၌ မွေးဖွားခဲ့ပြီး သူသည် မြန်မာ့သမိုင်းတွင် ခက်ခဲသောကာလအတွင်း လူများစွာအတွက် မျှော်လင့်ချက် မီးရှူးတန်ဆောင် ဖြစ်ခဲ့သည်။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုနှစ်တွင်ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ စစ်အာဏာရှင်လက်အောက်သို့ကျရောက်သည့် ခေတ်ကာလအစ ပထမအကြိမ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို သူ့အသက် (၁၁) နှစ်အရွယ်တွင် တွေ့မြင်ခဲ့သည်။ ၁၉၇၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၅ ရက်နေ့ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး အသက် (၂၁) နှစ်အရွယ်တွင် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီမူများကို ထောက်ခံအားပေးသည့်အတွက် အာဏာရှင်ဗိုလ်ချုပ်နေဝင်းရဲ့ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းကိုခံခဲ့ရသည်။ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော အခြေအနေများကို ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံရပ်တည်ပြီးနောက် ၁၉၇၄ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထောင်မှလွတ်လာခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ပြင် ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးသည် ချင်းအမျိုးသားများ၏ အမှတ်အသားဖြစ်သည့် ချင်းအမျိုးသားများ၏နာမည်ရှေ့တွင် “ဆလိုင်း”ဟူ၍ သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ ချင်းအမျိုးသမီးများ၏အမည်ရှေ့တွင် “မိုင်” ဟူ၍လည်းကောင်း ခေါ်‌ဝေါ်သုံးစွဲရန်အတွက် အဆိုပြုခဲ့ပြီး ထိုအဆိုပြုချက်ကို အတည်ပြုနိုင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၁၉၇၄ ခုနှစ် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကျပ်အတည်းကာလအတွင်း ဦးသန့်အရေးခင်းတွင် အသက် (၂၃) နှစ်အရွယ် ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးသည် အထင်ကရလှုပ်ရှားသူများထဲ ပေါ်ထွက်လာခဲ့သည်။ ရန်ကုန်တက္ကသိုလ်မှ ချင်းကျောင်းသားတစ်ဦးဖြစ်သူ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးသည် ကျောင်းသားလှုပ်ရှားမှုများနှင့် စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်မှုကိုဆန့်ကျင်သည့် အလုပ်သမားသပိတ်မှောက်မှုများတွင်ပါဝင်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုနှစ်တွင် ကွယ်လွန်ခဲ့သော ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်ဟောင်း၏ဈာပနအခမ်းအနား ကျင်းပခွင့်ပေးရန် ငြင်းဆန်ခဲ့သည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်နေဝင်းကို ဆန့်ကျင်ဆန္ဒပြခဲ့ခြင်းအတွက် ၁၉၇၄ ခုနှစ်တွင် စတင်ထင်ရှားလာခဲ့သည်။ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးသည် ၁၉၇၆ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ ၂၃ ရက်တွင်ပြုလုပ်မည့် သခင်ကိုယ်တော်မှိုင်း၏ အသက် ၁၀၀ ပြည့် မှိုင်းရာပြည့်အခမ်းအနားဖြစ်မြောက်အောင် ဦးဆောင်ကြိုးပမ်းနေစဉ် ၁၉၇၆ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ ၁၉ ရက်တွင် ကမာရွတ်၊ ပတ္တမြားခြံတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသည်။ ထိုလှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင် ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးအပါအ၀င် ဖခင်ဖြစ်သူ ဦးမြဒင်နှင့် အစ်ကိုဖြစ်သူ ဆလိုင်းလှဆွေတို့လည်း အဖမ်းခံရသည်။ သူတို့အဖမ်းခံရပြီး ညီမဖြစ်သူ မိုင်ပိုပို ခေါ် မလှမြိုင်လည်း မှိုင်းရာပြည့်အရေးအခင်းတွင် တက်ကြွစွာပါ၀င်လှုပ်ရှားခဲ့သဖြင့် အဖမ်းခံခဲ့ရသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးကို ဆိုရှယ်လစ်အစိုးရကိုဆန့်ကျင်ခြင်းသည် မှားယွင်းတဲ့လုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ တော်လှန်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို စွန့်လွှတ်ကြောင်းနှင့် နောင်တရကြောင်းဖော်ပြပြီး အသနားခံစာရေးလျှင် ပြစ်ဒဏ်လျှော့ပေးမည်ဟုဆိုသော်လည်း “မင်းတို့စစ်ဖိနပ်အောက်မှာ ငါဘယ်တော့မှ ဒူးမထောက်နိုင်ဘူး၊ မင်းတို့ ငါ့ခန္ဓာကိုယ်ကိုသာ သတ်လို့ရမယ်၊ ငါ့ယုံကြည်ချက်နဲ့ ရပ်တည်ချက်ကို သတ်လို့မရဘူး” ဟု ပြန်ပြောခြင်းကြောင့် ၁၉၇၆ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၂၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် အာဏာရှင်နေဝင်း၏အမိန့်ဖြင့် ကြိုးပေးကွပ်မျက်ခံခဲ့ရသည်။ သူ၏ကွပ်မျက်ခြင်းမတိုင်မီ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးက သူ၏ကျော်ကြားသော နောက်ဆုံးစကားကို ကြိုးပေးသတ်ဖြတ်သောအချိန်တွင် စီစဉ်ထားသည့်အတိုင်း ချက်ချင်းမသေလျှင် အာဏာရှင်များကို ငါအနိုင်ယူခဲ့ပြီဟုပြောပြီး နောက်ဆုံးအချိန်ထိ တောင့်ခံတော်လှန်ခဲ့သည်။ သူသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ အတွက် သူ၏နောက်ဆုံးထွက်သက်အထိ သက်သေပြခဲ့သည်။ သူ၏ရဲစွမ်းသတ္တိက မြန်မာတို့၏ စစ်မှန်သော ရဲစွမ်းသတ္တိကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသည်။ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးသည် မြန်မာ့သမိုင်းတွင် ကြိုးပေးကွပ်မျက်ခံရသည့် တစ်ဦးတည်းသော ကျောင်းသားဖြစ်ခဲ့သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပေါ် ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး၏ဆန့်ကျင်မှုသည် ကျောင်းသားမျိုးဆက်များအပေါ် ရေရှည်အကျိုးသက်ရောက်မှုရှိခဲ့သည်။ (၄၇)နှစ်ကြာပြီးသည်တိုင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးလှုပ်ရှားသည့် ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို ကွပ်မျက်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များကို ဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး လွတ်လပ်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအတွက် ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသည်။ လွန်ခဲ့သော (၁၂)လတွင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသည့် ခေါင်းဆောင်များဖြစ်ကြတဲ့ ကိုဂျင်မီ၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်တို့နှင့်အတူ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကိုဆန့်ကျင်သူ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့အား အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက ရက်စက်စွာ ကွပ်မျက်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ သူတို့၏ တစ်ခုတည်းသော "ရာဇဝတ်မှု" သည် အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးလွတ်လပ်မှုဖြစ်သည့် သူတို့၏နိုင်ငံရေးခံယူချက်ကို ကျင့်သုံးခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ လွန်ခဲ့တဲ့ (၂၇)လကျော်အတွင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက အပြစ်မဲ့အရပ်သား ၂၃,၀၀၀ ကျော်ကို တရားမဝင် ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတော်အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတဦးဝင်းမြင့်အပါအဝင် အပြစ်မဲ့အရပ်သား ၂၃,၀၀၀ ကျော်ကို ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခဲ့သည်။ ထိုစစ်ဗိုလ်ချုပ်များကပင် အရပ်သား ၄,၀၀၀ ကျော်သေဆုံးမှုနှင့် ဆေးရုံများ၊ ကျောင်းများ၊ ခရစ်ယာန်ဘုရားကျောင်းများနှင့် ဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်းများအပါအဝင် နေအိမ်ပေါင်း ၆၇,၀၀၀ ကျော် ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခြင်းအတွက်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိသည်။ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး၏ လူမျိုးတို့နေထိုင်ရာ ချင်းပြည်နယ်အပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏နေရာအနှံ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများနှင့် မရေတွက်နိုင်သော အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကြောင့် ပြည်သူလူထု တစ်ရပ်လုံး နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာပြီး အသက်ဘေးလွတ်ရာသို့ ပြောင်းရွှေ့နေထိုင်ကြရသည်။ လက်ရှိအကျပ်အတည်းအပြင် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်နှင့် ချင်းပြည်နယ်တွင် မိုခါမုန်တိုင်း၏ရိုက်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် ပြည်သူ (၅)သန်းခန့် အသက်ကယ်ဆယ်ရေး အကူအညီ လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသည်။ COVID-19 ကူးစက်ရောဂါ၊ မတရားစစ်အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်းနှင့် မိုခါမုန်တိုင်းတို့ကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ နာကျင်ခြင်း၊ ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခ၊ ပျက်စီးခြင်းနှင့် သေဆုံးခြင်းများ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီများကို ပိတ်ဆို့ခြင်းနှင့် ငတ်မွတ်ခေါင်းပါးခြင်း၊ နာကျင်မှု၊ ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခများကို “ဖြတ်လေးဖြတ်” ပေါ်လစီတွင် လက်နက်သဖွယ် အသုံးပြုခြင်းကြောင့် အခြေအနေကို ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားစေသည်။ မိုခါဆိုင်ကလုန်းမုန်တိုင်းမတိုင်မီကပင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအခြေအနေမှာ ဆိုးရွားလာခဲ့ပြီး ကလေး (၅) သန်းအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူပေါင်း (၁၈) သန်းနီးပါးသည် အသက်ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးအထောက်အပံ့ အလွန်လိုအပ်နေသည်။ ဒါ့အပြင် ပြည်သူပေါင်း (၂) သန်းနီးပါး အိုးမဲ့အိမ်မဲ့ဖြစ်နေပြီး၊ (၁၈) သန်းကျော်သည် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရပြီး (၄၈) သန်းမှာ ဆင်းရဲမွဲတေမှုဒဏ်ခံစားနေကြရသည်။ ဒီအကျပ်အတည်းကို အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာမှ ကြားဝင်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုဟာ အလွန်အရေးကြီးပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု အကျပ်အတည်းများဆက်တိုက်ရှိလင့်ကစား လွန်ခဲ့သောဆယ်စုနှစ်များက ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး၏ လွတ်လပ်ရေးအတွက် စိတ်ဓာတ်ခံယူချက်သည် မြန်မာပြည်သူ (၅၄) သန်း အတွင်း ၌ ရှင်သန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ ရဲစွမ်းသတ္တိရှိတဲ့ မြန်မာပြည်သူတွေဟာ လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီရှေ့မှောက် လက်လျှော့အရှုံးပေးမှာ မဟုတ်တဲ့အကြောင်း မယိမ်းယိုင်တဲ့ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ကို ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း သက်သေပြနေကြသည်။ သူတို့ စိတ်ကူးထားသော အနာဂတ်သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ပြည်သူများအားလုံး၏ လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ လူမျိုး၊ ဘာသာတရား၊ နောက်ခံအပေါ်မူတည်ပြီး ခွဲခြားခြင်းမရှိသော နိုင်ငံသားတိုင်းကို တန်းတူ လေးစား၊ ကာကွယ်မှုပေးသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုတရားမျှတမှုအတွက် အောင်မြင်မှုရရှိခဲ့လျှင်ဟု မဟုတ်ဘဲ ဘယ်အချိန်မှာ အောင်မြင်မှာလဲဟုသာ မေးရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို မုချအနိုင်ပိုင်းပြီး လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ အနာဂတ်ဆီသို့ ချီတက်လိမ့်မည်။ ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦးကဲ့သို့ပင် ရဲစွမ်းသတ္တိနှင့်ပြည့်စုံသော မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုသည် လွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအတွက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရာတွင် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ သက်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် သူ၏အပေါင်းအပါများအား ပြင်းထန်သော ပစ်မှတ်ထား အရေးယူဒဏ်ခတ်ပိတ်ဆို့မှုများ ပြုလုပ်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် International Criminal Court (ICC) ရှိ မြန်မာ့အရေးနှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့် စွဲတင်ချက်ကို International Court of Justice (ICJ) သို့ ချက်ချင်းလွှဲပြောင်းပေးဖို့နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG)၏ ကိုယ်စားပြုမှုကို ထောက်ခံရန် တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီတို့အတွက် အဆက်မပြတ် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသော NUG, NUCC၊ CRPH၊ EROs၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးလှုပ်ရှားသူများနှင့် လွတ်လပ်သောသတင်းမီဒီယာများကို ထောက်ခံအားပေးရန် အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများနှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားသည့် အကူအညီများရရှိနိုင်ရန်အတွက် နယ်စပ်များဖွင့်ပေးရန်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသာမက ဒေသအတွင်း၌ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ ကြွယ်ဝချမ်းသာခြင်းနှင့် ငြိမ်သက်နိုင်ရန် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို လေးစားပြီး တရားမဝင်ဖမ်းဆီးသူများအားလုံးကို လွှတ်ပေးရန် စစ်ကောင်စီအား ဖိအားပေးဖို့ တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် ဒေသအတွင်းကောင်းကျိုးနှင့် တည်ငြိမ်ရေးအတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ အကျပ်အတည်းကို အဆုံးသတ်ရန် တတ်နိုင်သမျှ လုပ်ဆောင်ရာတွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအား အသိအမှတ်ပြုဖို့ အရေးကြီးပါသည်။ ယူကရိန်းနိုင်ငံတွင်တွေ့ရသည့်အတိုင်း အလားတူ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များနှင့် နည်းလမ်းများကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ လွတ်လပ်မှုရရှိရန်အတွက် ကူညီပေးရန်နှင့် အာရှ-ပစိဖိတ်ဒေသတွင် ကြာမြင့်စွာ ဆက်လက်တည်ရှိနေသော ဤအကျပ်အတည်း၊ နာကျင်မှုနှင့် ဆင်းရဲမှုဝေဒနာများကို အဆုံးသတ်ရန် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ကူညီပေးဖို့ရန် တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု NDAA Burma Act၊ UN Security Council Resolution on Myanmar နှင့် ASEAN five-point consensus တို့၏ အရေးပါမှုကိုလည်း အသိအမှတ်ပြုရမည်။ ဤဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များကို မြန်မာ့မြေပြင်တွင် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရေးကို ထောက်ပံ့ပေးခြင်းသည် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကျပ်အတည်း၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အကျပ်အတည်း၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရေး၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ တည်ငြိမ်ရေးနှင့် တရားမျှတမှုကို တည်ထောင်ရေးတွင် အရေးပါသော အခန်းကဏ္ဍမှ ပါဝင်ပါလိမ့်မည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသား ကျောင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင် ဆလိုင်းတင်မောင်ဦး ရက်ရက်စက်စက် ကွပ်မျက်ခံခဲ့ရခြင်း (၄၇)ကြိမ်မြောက် နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့မှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှာ ပိုမိုနက်ရှိုင်းလာတဲ့အခြေအနေတွေနဲ့အတူ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာမှ အရေးပေါ်အာရုံစိုက်မှုနဲ့ အားကောင်းတဲ့ တုံ့ပြန်မှုကို တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုနဲ့ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအတွက် ရပ်တည်ခြင်းအားဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်နှင့် ၎င်း​၏စစ်တပ်မှ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုတွေကို အဆုံး သတ်ပြီး တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို ပြန်လည်မြှင့်တင်ပေးခြင်းအားဖြင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်နိုင်မည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2023-06-26
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-26
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Description: "Winning the hearts and minds of fellow citizens is a key pillar of any armed resistance. The 95,000 civilians thought to have joined Myanmar’s grassroots insurgency since the 2021 coup have done that, harnessing people’s fury at the military for overthrowing the democratically elected government, imprisoning leader Aung San Suu Kyi and bringing to an end a period of relative freedom. Waging a surprisingly effective and enduring guerrilla war, the People’s Defense Forces have taken on an experienced army that has shown no limits to its brutality. To the surprise of seasoned analysts, this network of opposition groups has inflicted sustained casualties via ambushes, skirmishes, bombings, the sabotage of military-related facilities and businesses and targeted assassinations from the hinterlands to the former capital, Yangon. Many of the armed ethnic groups that have fought insurgencies along Myanmar’s borders for decades have been lending vital assistance to this new resistance, including weapons, resources and training. But without access to heavy weaponry or counter-measures to withstand the military’s deadly airpower, these anti-junta forces and the people they’re fighting for are stuck in a grinding civil war. And they are no closer to achieving the goal of the National Unity Government, under whose umbrella they loosely operate. Made up of representatives of those elected in a landslide in 2020, the NUG, operating in exile with an office in Washington, wants to remove the junta from power and restore democracy to a country that’s been in an almost constant state of conflict since its independence from British rule in 1948. To do that, Myanmar’s citizens need more from the West, and from allies in Asia, including financial, diplomatic, strategic and political assistance. New sanctions announced by the US last week on the Ministry of Defense, as well as two state-owned banks, are a welcome step forward. However, the junta’s most valuable asset — the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise — remains untouched, despite the European Union imposing sanctions on the lucrative firm in February 2022. We know that the military has been able to import at least $1 billion in arms, dual-use goods, equipment and materials to manufacture weapons since the coup — a clear failure of the current sanctions regime and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ five-point plan adopted in the wake of the coup that called for an immediate end to violence and dialogue among parties. Using these weapons and equipment, the regime has killed at least 3,500 civilians, detained as many as 22,000 political prisoners and forcibly displaced over 1.5 million people since February 2021. The violence has continued unabated: Airstrikes, land attacks, murder, torture and rape. Villages aligned with opposition groups have been burned to the ground; suspected collaborators have been beheaded. An investigation by the United Nations’ Special Rapporteur, Tom Andrews, revealed that it’s not just private and state-owned entities in China, Russia and India profiting off the misery of Myanmar’s people, but also networks and companies in Singapore and Thailand, two members of Asean supposedly backing the five-point plan. His inquiry identified the transfer of fighter jets, attack helicopters, reconnaissance and attack drones, advanced missile systems, tank upgrades, radio and communication equipment, radar complexes, and components for naval ships. One of the worst air attacks since the coup occurred on April 11, when a Yak-130 fighter jet armed with two 250-kilogram bombs struck a National Unity Government ceremony attended by around 300 people. As Andrews details in his May 17 report to the UN, the attack caused widespread carnage, compounded when two Mi-35 attack helicopters arrived soon afterward to strafe survivors and first responders. At least 160 people died, including nearly 40 children. Russia supplied the fighter jet and the choppers, while the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Defense Industries domestically manufactured the bombs and the machine guns, relying in part on raw materials supplied by private entities from Singapore, China and Thailand, the report said. Separately, it documented that Indian state-owned arms manufacturers have shipped a coastal surveillance system, a remote-controlled weapons system, components from an ammunition and missile manufacturer, and 122-mm howitzer barrels, while private sector entities exported explosive fuses likely for artillery shells. This weaponry, along with a vast array of other military hardware, has been used in countless operations across Myanmar that have caused atrocities amounting to probable war crimes and crimes against humanity, Andrews noted. With lengthy borders along both China and India, Myanmar is strategically important — and its stability matters well beyond Southeast Asia. The junta has been struggling to stabilize an already-backward economy that contracted 18% last year and is facing soaring inflation, a weakening currency and shrinking foreign-currency reserves. The NUG says the regime now controls only half the country, and transnational crime including fraud scams, slavery and drug production is rife. There are still protests, including strikes and non-violent demonstrations, almost daily, from Yangon to smaller cities and towns. Significantly different from past periods of military rule, even the formerly stable ethnic majority Bamar and Buddhist heartland is engaged to an unprecedented degree in resistance. The military is facing a high attrition rate from casualties and desertions, and correspondingly low morale, Richard Horsey, senior Myanmar adviser with the International Crisis Group, told me. But it is difficult for anti-junta groups to take advantage of this weakness, despite their tenacity and effectiveness in some areas. Beijing has already made its move. Foreign Minister Qin Gang met with the head of the military government, General Min Aung Hlaing, last month in the capital, Naypyidaw, with a statement released afterward noting China “supports all parties in Myanmar to properly handle differences and achieve reconciliation under the constitutional and legal framework.” Thailand’s recent plan to re-engage with junta officials — rightly shunned by key Asean partners Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei, Vietnam and Cambodia — is counterproductive at best, while the UN Security Council has yet to find a way to hold the junta accountable for its abuses. Now is the time for Washington to better coordinate a more effective sanctions regime and take a more active role to support pro-democracy forces — as it is empowered to do by the Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act that President Joe Biden signed into law in December. It authorizes the provision of “non-lethal assistance” to both the ethnic armed organizations and People’s Defense Forces. In Syria and Ukraine, non-lethal assistance has included uniforms, protective armor, armored military vehicles, radar and medical equipment. It begs the question: Why not for Myanmar?..."
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Source/publisher: Washington Post
2023-06-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A recent and damning report from Human Rights Watch has highlighted the Myanmar military's use of a "thermobaric" munition in an attack on a Sagaing Region opposition building on April 11, 2023, which resulted in the death of over 160 individuals, including children. The advanced "enhanced-blast" munition utilised in the assault on the village of Pa Zi Gyi in upper Myanmar has been implicated in the severe and indiscriminate civilian casualties -- a clear breach of international humanitarian law. This reprehensible act appears to be a war crime, demonstrating the Myanmar military's continued and unchecked serious abuses. The military's employment of a weapon devised for maximum devastation in an area teeming with civilians is a blatant display of their disregard for human life. This has prompted urgent calls for international governments to sever the junta's financial, arms, and aviation fuel supply to discourage further atrocities. In the build-up to the Buddhist new year on April 11, around 300 residents from Kantbalu township convened to inaugurate an opposition-led administrative office in Pa Zi Gyi. Eyewitness accounts relay a chilling narrative of a military jet that dropped at least one munition, which detonated amidst the crowd, followed shortly after by a helicopter gunship that unleashed a barrage of cannons, grenades, and rockets on the fleeing civilians. The office was designed for civilian activities such as tax filing, township meetings, and judicial processes, although it was also used to store goods, funds, medicines, and some ammunition by the People's Defense Forces (PDF), an anti-junta militia. Human Rights Watch's investigation into photos of the victims and the aftermath of the attacks suggest that the initial assault was carried out with a potent, air-dropped "enhanced-blast" munition. This type of weapon, known as "thermobaric" or a "vapor-cloud explosive," can cause extensive damage over a wide area and is particularly devastating when used in populated regions. The Myanmar military, through state media, admitted to the airstrikes on the evening of April 11, claiming that they were targeting PDF members and that the casualties were a result of the strikes hitting PDF explosive and landmine storage units, which subsequently exploded. Nonetheless, the National Unity Government reports that those who perished were primarily civilian residents of Pa Zi Gyi, including 40 children, with the youngest victim being just 6 months old and the eldest 76. They reported that the total death toll from the attack was 168, although Human Rights Watch has not been able to confirm these figures. International humanitarian law compels all parties in non-international armed conflicts, such as those in Myanmar, to differentiate between combatants and civilians, to ensure that targets are military objectives rather than civilians or civilian objects, and to avoid and minimise civilian loss of life and property. Since the military coup in February 2021, AOAV has recorded 2,091 civilian casualties in Myanmar, 793 of whom were killed and 1,298 injured. Among the civilian casualties, AOAV has recorded at least 328 children, 249 women, and 365 men. 80% (1,674) of civilian casualties were reportedly killed and injured by the military government, who carried out 85% (323) of their attacks in areas reported as populated. Overall, AOAV has recorded 577 incidents of explosive weapon use in populated areas in Myanmar, or 55% of all 1,042 recorded incidents. 60% (1,974) of casualties in populated areas were reported as civilians. Villages are by far the worst affected locations, accouting for both the majority of incidents, 32% (332), and the majority of civilian casualties, 55% (1,153). 263 civilians have been killed and injured at public gatherings, and 109 in places of worship. Dr Iain Overton, Executive Director of AOAV, strongly condemned the April 11 air strike. "The utilization of such devastating weapons in areas heavily populated by civilians is not only a flagrant violation of international law but a profound betrayal of our shared human values. The loss of innocent lives, including children, is utterly tragic and unacceptable. It's a stark reminder that the international community must take robust measures to prevent further atrocities," he said. "We stand with Human Rights Watch in calling for a global halt to funding, arms, and fuel supplies to Myanmar's military, and for a strong international response to these grave abuses."..."
Source/publisher: Action on Armed Violence (London)
2023-05-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "At least 28 people were killed by the Myanmar army at a monastery in southern Shan state, an insurgent group said. Troops shelled Nan Naint village on Saturday, the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF) said. Myanmar has seen a growing number of deadly battles between its military and armed resistance groups since the junta seized power in a coup two years ago. Some of the fiercest fighting has been in this region between the capital Nay Pyi Taw and the border with Thailand. On Saturday, the military's air force and artillery entered the village after the shelling around 16:00 local time (09:30 GMT) and executed villagers they found hiding inside a monastery, the KNDF said. A video from KNDF - one of several ethnic armies which have joined the fight against the military government - showed at least 21 bodies, including three in the orange robes worn by Buddhist monks, piled up against the monastery. The bodies had what appeared to be multiple gunshot wounds. The video also shows the walls of the monastery peppered with bullet holes. The Kantarawaddy Times, a local newspaper, quoted a KNDF spokesperson saying: "It was like the [military] made them line up in front of the monastery and brutally shot them all, including the monks." The group told the BBC it had found the other seven bodies nearby in the tiny village. Some of the surrounding buildings and houses were also burned down in what the KNDF has said was a military attack on the village. Devastation from the air in Myanmar's brutal civil war She treated the resistance, and paid with her life The group said the villagers had believed taking shelter with the highly-respected monks in the area might guarantee them protection. Others in the village had evacuated before the soldiers arrived. Details of the incident are difficult to verify, but the savage nature of the attack against unarmed civilians is not new in this part of Myanmar, which has seen some of the strongest resistance to the military junta since a coup two years ago. The KNDF told the BBC that since 25 February, there had been increased clashes and fighting as junta soldiers had advanced on the Nan Naint area and its monastery. Nan Naint is on the main route from Shan state to Kayah state, a road the junta believes is critical to arms supply to the insurgent groups fighting against them. It is also an area with a mixed population of sometimes rival ethnic groups: Pa-O, Shan and Karenni people. The Pa-O National Organisation and its armed wing are strongly pro-junta in the area. Locals report the army has stepped up efforts to reinforce such pro-junta ethnic militias in the region to challenge the opposition who control the area. And in recent months, attacks and counter-attacks had paved the way for the escalation on Saturday, observers say. "The Karenni groups have captured some villages and so the Myanmar military is now shelling them," a village official near the military outpost of Saung Pyaung told the local The Irrawaddy newspaper. Such fighting has also displaced thousands of people, local aid groups report. Myanmar's military leaders had been hoping to hold an election this year in the belief this would give their government some badly-needed legitimacy. But their failure to crush opposition to their rule, even with the extensive use of aerial bombardment in recent months, has made holding an election a near impossible task. Myanmar has been caught up in a civil war for decades, which escalated after the coup in 2021. One-and-a-half million people have been displaced, 40,000 homes have been gutted, eight million children are no longer in school, and 15 million people are judged by the UN to be dangerously short of food. More than 2,900 people have been killed during the junta's crackdown on dissent, according to monitoring group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2023-03-13
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: ‘Amay Kyi,’ as her activist son’s friends called her, was a mother to many caught up in the deadly cycle of violence set in motion by Myanmar’s military
Description: "Early one morning in October of last year, Kyi Kyi Myint, 55, found herself packed in among several other women at Yangon’s notorious Insein Prison. With a bag slung over her shoulder, she was waiting to drop off some food for her son, 37-year-old activist Lin Htet Naing, including a special treat of noodles in coconut milk. It was far from the first time she had made such a delivery. Although it had been only four months since her son’s arrest, this was just his latest stint behind bars. The first was a decade and a half ago, when he was sentenced to three years in prison for his role in the 2007 Saffron Revolution. Then came two six-month sentences, both for opposing a new education law, in 2015 and 2020—with the latter ending just days before the military seized power in a coup on February 1, 2021. So Kyi Kyi Myint was no stranger to Myanmar’s penal system. But as the mother of a prominent activist—better known to his comrades as James—she took it all in stride and did what she could to make the ordeal more bearable for her son. This prison visit was to be her last, however. At around 9:30am on October 19, a series of blasts triggered an even deadlier barrage of bullets, killing eight people, including the woman known to her son’s activist friends as “Amay Kyi,” or Mother Kyi. It is unclear whether Kyi Kyi Myint was killed by one of the two parcel bombs that went off inside the prison’s delivery reception area that morning, or by gunshots fired by panicked guards. What is known, however, is that an anti-junta guerrilla group calling itself the Special Task Agency of Burma claimed responsibility for the incident, which other regime opponents were quick to denounce. Some even expressed doubts about the professed identity of the group. The perpetrators claimed that they were targeting prison officials; instead, they killed guards and civilian visitors. Even in a country exposed to nearly two years of endless bloodshed, many were shocked by the sheer senselessness of the attack..... A maternal presence... For James, the loss of his loving mother under these horrific circumstances was nothing less than devastating. After he learned that she was among the dead, he immediately sought permission to attend her funeral. “The prison authorities denied his request because they said they couldn’t provide security for him,” said Min Thway Thit, a fellow activist and one of James’ closest friends. In fact, no one from the family was able to pay their final respects to Kyi Kyi Myint. Her husband had died in 2015, and her younger son had fled the country in the wake of the coup. And soon after James was arrested, his wife Phyoe Phyoe Aung, who is also a well-known activist, left Yangon for a liberated area under the control of an ethnic armed group. It was a sad end, then, for a woman who had always been there for her son and others dedicated to the cause of ending military oppression in Myanmar. “She always followed her son no matter how far away they sent him,” recalled Phyoe Phyoe Aung, who added that her mother-in-law was not particularly political, but had great faith in James’ determination to do what was right for the country. Although it was never easy for Kyi Kyi Myint to see her son become a prisoner for his convictions, his latest incarceration was the hardest for her, according to Phyoe Phyoe Aung. “His last arrest left her heartbroken, because she heard from the activist community about how he was treated while he was being interrogated and after he was imprisoned,” she said. For years, members of this community had found a rare refuge in the small restaurant that Kyi Kyi Myint opened in 2006 to help support her family. It was where many went for snacks, and for the comfort of her maternal presence. “We always took pickled bean sprouts from Amay Kyi’s shop to eat at home,” said Min Thway Thit, recalling how the shop had become a popular meeting place for politically active young people. In the end, however, it became yet another casualty of the coup, closing soon after a power grab that has thrown the entire country into a crisis that continues to spin out of control.....The taste of love...James lost his father when he was in prison in 2015, and was separated from his wife when she was pregnant with their second child in 2020. Both times, Kyi Kyi Myint attended not only to her son’s needs, but also to those of his closest loved ones. But none who knew her ever heard her complain about the burden of having to care for others. When James was arrested again last year after being charged with incitement for speaking out against the coup, his two-year-old son was with him. The terrified toddler was also taken into custody by the soldiers who came for his father. It took Kyi Kyi Myint two days of pleading with the authorities to win her grandson’s release. It was a relief, and a small victory, to have him back in her arms, but she still grieved for her own adult son, whose life seemed more at risk now than ever before. Others also worried about Kyi Kyi Myint’s safety. James’s friends urged her to leave Yangon for the border, where many others had gone to escape a regime that was becoming increasingly indiscriminate in its targeting of civilians. “At first, she said she would consider it, but in the end she decided to stay. She said she wanted to be there for her son,” said Min Thway Thit. “The incident at the prison happened a week after she made that decision,” he added. It was love, and not the revolution, that kept Kyi Kyi Myint in Yangon. But ultimately, it was the misguided actions of a group that took her away from those who loved her. The bitter irony of this fact will stay with James for the rest of his life. But while he will never again taste his mother’s cooking, he will always have the memory of her noodles in coconut milk to remind him of her belief in him, and in his generation’s struggle to finally free his country from military tyranny..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2023-01-29
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "- Asia-Pacific Region အွန်လိုင်း လူထုတွေ့ဆုံပွဲအား ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီး တက်ရောက်ဆွေးနွေး - စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ စစ်ကိုင်းခရိုင်၊ မြိုင်မြို့နယ်၊ ရွှေဘုံသာ နှင့် ဖွားစောကျေးရွာ၊ ကူးတို့ကုန်းကျေးရွာအုပ်စု လှေတင်ဦး ကျေးရွာ မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုဖြစ်စဉ်နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်တစ်ဦးအား ဆက်သွယ်မေးမြန်းခြင်း - ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့မှ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့အတွင်း လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှု များကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်နိုင်မှုအခြေအနေ - “တိုက်တွန်းမှုနဲ့ မလုံလောက်ရင် အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ဖို့ ဘယ်နည်းသုံးပြီးတော့ အရေးယူ ဝင်ရောက်တားဆီးနိုင်မလဲဆိုတဲ့ လမ်းကြောင်းကို အခုကတည်းက ပြောဆိုထားပါတယ်” - မြန်မာ့အရေးကို ပြည်တွင်းရေးဖြစ်တယ်ဆိုပြီး မျက်နှာလွှဲလက်ရှောင်နေတဲ့ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဝင်နိုင်ငံတွေကို တာဝန်ပေးလိုက်တာဖြစ်တယ် - အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ တုန့်ပြန်အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များ - စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် ဖြစ်တည်လာသည့် ကိန်းဂဏန်းများ - "လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာအား နှစ်ပတ်တစ်ကြိမ်ထုတ်ပြန်ပါမည်။"..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
2023-04-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On 7 September 2021, the National Unity Government’s (NUG) acting president Duwa Lashi La declared a people’s war against the Tatmadaw. He stated that in waging war against the junta, People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) should operate in accordance with the NUG’s Military Code of Conduct for People’s Defence Forces, which had been laid out on 21 July 2021. The NUG claimed that the Code of Conduct was established in accordance with the Geneva Conventions. However, there are some controversial areas in the Code of Conduct, which if left unaddressed, could undermine the NUG’s credibility. The political analyst Benjamin Mok has examined the Code of Conduct in an article on the Diplomat. However, there has not yet been an analysis of the Code of Conduct through the lens of International Humanitarian Law. In this article, I will discuss some issues with how “legitimate targets” of PDF action might be defined and interpreted in the NUG’s Code of Conduct. First, I will evaluate the definition of civilians used in the NUG’s Code of Conduct and compare it with Additional Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions (1977) which applies specifically to non-international armed conflicts. In so doing, I will inquire what constitutes a legitimate military target in the Myanmar context. Then, I will highlight some contentious issues on the ground, particularly targeting alleged informants, the junta-appointed civil servants, and political opponents. Finally, I will come up with recommendations for the main actors mentioned in this article..... Who exactly are civilians?..... One of the major actors in the Spring Revolution is “informants”. In this article, I use informants to refer to civilians who side with the junta and reveal the whereabouts of the resistance figures to the State Administration Council (SAC). They could be the SAC-appointed administrators or regular civilians and they have been one of the main targets of the PDFs. The moral justification for killing them has been debated since the beginning of the resistance. The NUG also does not specify if the informants qualified as military targets in their Code of Conduct for PDFs. Under the ‘Targeting’ section of the Code of Conduct, Article 1 says PDFs are to target only “mechanisms of the dictatorship”, while Article 2 reads, “Civilians shall not be targeted, threatened, and attacked”. These two articles are in line with the basic principles of the Geneva Conventions. However, a question arises if we compare Article 2 against Article 1: Who does the Code of Conduct really count as civilians? According to the ICRC’s Interpretive Guidance, “all persons who are not members of State armed forces or of organized armed groups belonging to a party to an armed conflict are civilians.” This implies that to the ICRC, informants could be classified as civilians. The ICRC continues to state that civilians, so defined, are “protected against direct attack unless and for such time as they directly participate in hostilities”. Now, it is important to identify what constitutes “direct hostilities”. While there’s no official definition of direct hostilities in International Law, the ICRC’s Interpretative Guidance, while not legally binding, also is helpful for this matter and serves as the standard procedure for states. According to the ICRC’s Interpretative Guidance, “Persons participate directly in hostilities when they carry out acts, which aim to support one party to the conflict by directly causing harm to another party, either directly inflicting death, injury or destruction, or by directly harming the enemy’s military operations or capacity.” By this definition, it’s hard to decide whether or not informants are partaking in direct hostilities. It may be tempting to put informants under the indirect hostility category. After all, what they are doing is simply revealing the location of their enemies. But, in this Spring Revolution, the informants do really “harm the operations” of the resistance groups. For example, informants reportedly revealed the whereabouts of Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw and Ko Jimmy, responsible for overseeing the Yangon operations, leading to their arrests and snowball arrests of other members. A large number of arms and ammunition were also seized during the arrest. However, I acknowledge the subjectiveness of such a matter, and one could argue targeting informants is not justified if they are only revealing the whereabouts of resistance figures under threat. This also highlights areas for improvement in international humanitarian law and such unique scenarios under the Myanmar context should be discussed more to better define “direct and indirect hostilities”....Attacks on SAC-appointed civil servants and political opponents....While informants blur the line between “direct and non-direct hostilities”, it is easier to determine whether or not civil servants working for the SAC should go under the “indirect hostility” category. The ICRC’s Interpretative Guidance says that “administrative and political support” is considered indirect participation in hostilities. Hence the ICRC views SAC-appointed civil servants as civilians that enjoy all the protections under Common Article 3 and Additional Protocol II. However, in Myanmar, the situation on the ground could be considered not yet in line with the ICRC’s standard. As of November 2021, about 200 SAC-appointed administrators were killed by PDFs. It’s not surprising, to some extent, if some PDFs, not affiliated with the NUG, have their own agenda and would target the civil servants working for the junta, but it becomes problematic if the NUG itself would publicly recognize such operations as legitimate. In April 2022, Yangon Regional Command (YRC) under the NUG’s Ministry of Defense (MoD) shot the Central Bank’s Deputy Governor, as part of Operation Byan Hlwar Aung, which was conducted by NUG-affiliated PDFs under the directive of the NUG’s MoD. This sort of incident is not justified by the Geneva Conventions, which the NUG claims to abide by. While the NUG could argue that targeting informants is justified due to their significant damage to the resistance, International Law does not justify for military actions against civil servants. One of the Soldier’s Rules under the NUG’s Code of Conduct reads: “Shall not discriminate any individual based on their ethnicity, religion, gender, and sexual orientation”, but there’s no mention of non-discrimination based on “political or other opinions” as included in Additional Protocol II. While it’s possible that the NUG simply overlooked this phrase in the article, it could also be assumed that the NUG intentionally phrased the rule in a way that could somehow enable the PDFs to target the regime-friendly civil servants or even civilians politically supporting the junta without facing legal restraints. In a recent interview with BBC, the USDP (a military’s proxy party) chairman U Than Htay claimed that “over 1,500 USDP members and supporters [were] killed (since the beginning of the coup)”. While it’s possible that the USDP has inflated this number, if true it could pose a threat to the NUG’s legitimacy if there’s no clear explanation on why and how it could happen from its side.....Potential risks and recommendations.....As the NUG is still competing for representation at the UN Human Rights Council with the SAC, it should consider the consequences of targeting those considered civilians in the eyes of the international community. Some international actors like ASEAN, except countries like Malaysia, lean towards keeping their distance from the parallel civilian government. ASEAN could justify its relative inaction against the SAC based on the claim that the NUG-led resistance inflicted “civilian damage”. While targeting alleged informants is understandable for strategic purposes, it should always be the last resort and the PDFs should make sure that their targets are heavily involved in the military operations. While engaging with the international community, the NUG should make it clear from the start why alleged informants are not the same as ordinary civilians and how they are critical to the SAC’s counterinsurgency plans. And, at the same time, the NUG, as the government, should distance itself from the killing of the informants. In other words, they should not take credit for such operations. Otherwise, the NUG risks not looking credible in the eyes of the international community, within which many assume that ground realities contradict the NUG’s Code of Conduct. The NUG could come up with alternatives to deal with the alleged informants and the junta-appointed civil servants rather than killings. There have been some good initiatives with the NUG setting up People’s Police Forces and township courts in different regions and states. With clear policies and measures, they could establish an effective justice mechanism to impose judicial measures against pro-SAC civilians rather than resorting to armed violence. The success of such a mechanism also relies on support from the international community. The international community should also recognize that current conditions on the ground pose limitations on what the NUG can do. After all, many PDFs and LDFs (Local Defense Forces) operating are not yet directly under its command. The NUG’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Daw Zin Mar Aung recognized this reality while meeting with the diaspora community during her visit to Washington DC when she said, “PDFs need to follow rules of engagement (ROE) but on-ground situations could be complicated sometimes.” In order for the PDF to be more compliant with the NUG’s Code of Conduct, the NUG needs to first gain leverage over them. For now, the people’s government has little leverage over the majority of the PDFs due to its lack of capacity to provide financial and weapons support, and it simply cannot command the PDFs to do this or that. While it is clear at this point that the West would not provide arms to the NUG, other forms of non-lethal support are still feasible. By having more financial leverage over the PDFs, the NUG could have more bargaining power in requiring them to engage in warfare and operations more in line with the Code of Conduct. What the West could do in this case is provide financial support to the NUG. The US could allow the NUG to access the 1 billion USD in Myanmar assets which the US froze at the beginning of the coup. This money could assist the NUG in coordinating its resistance, so that it can follow the standards of International Law. The US could also accelerate the legislative process of the Burma Act of 2021, which once passed, would provide humanitarian aid and assistance to civil society impacted by the coup, including “participants in the Civil Disobedience Movement, and government defectors”, hence, lifting weight off the NUG, so that it could redirect more resources to the resistance. They could also support the parallel government in setting up administrative mechanisms, building the capacity of civil servants that refuse to work for the junta, developing administrative policies, providing joint educational programs, helping set up an effective tax system, and channelling aid through the NUG-initiated programs. At the moment, ASEAN is channelling aid through the SAC’s task force but the US could use its influence over ASEAN members to be more inclusive with aid management. In order to navigate the risk of targeting non-CDM civil servants, the international community could provide financial and technical support to the people’s administrations in PDF strongholds to create more incentives for those joining CDM. I recommend that the NUG also revise the Code of Conduct and make it more concrete with a well-defined set of rules and instructions to follow. More than a year since the publication of the Code of Conduct, it is important that the NUG and the international community revisit it..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The global problem of conflict and food insecurity Conflict and food insecurity are intertwined: when one takes place, the other one usually follows. Several economic, environmental, political, or religious factors underlie armed conflicts. Every armed conflict bears tremendous human and environmental costs, but disruptions to food production and supply are often felt most immediately, with significant repercussions and flow-on effects. It is common that conflict-affected populations experience persistent hunger in the post-conflict setting as it takes time to reconstruct basic infrastructures, such as irrigation systems, roads, and marketplaces needed for the agricultural sector to operate. When a civil war sparks between two or more warring parties, it has direct and indirect impacts on food and economic insecurity as well as environmental destruction. In Myanmar, opposing nationalisms, a fight for self-determination, and struggles over ethnic identity prolonged a civil war. The government brought to power by a military coup was characterized by its corrupt ruling regime, a lack of power-sharing, centralized political administration, and an ineffective constitution—all factors leading to the emergence of a civil war. The dominant warring party, the Myanmar military (Sit-Tat/Tatmadaw) seized land and controlled food to weaken opposition forces, especially culturally and politically marginalized groups. Deploying ‘scorched earth’ tactics are deliberately used in such wars. In a conflict state such as Myanmar, the sharp decline in food production is a result of the destruction of rural infrastructure, loss of livestock, deforestation, and the use of landmines and displacement. Consequently, countries heavily reliant on food exports from Myanmar are most vulnerable to this impact. Introduction to Myanmar and the February 2021 Coup Myanmar, a resource-rich and ethnically diverse country, has one of the longest civil wars in the world. Many ethnic groups have been fighting for self-determination since independence in 1948. The country experienced several military coups and was under authoritarian regimes. In 2010, it embarked on a political transition where a series of reforms were launched under a quasi-civilian government. In 2016, Myanmar had its first civilian government. Unfortunately, those days were short-lived and followed by a military coup took place in February 2021. Myanmar is an agricultural-based country. The sector employs 70% of the rural population, and farmers play an important role in state-making. Their livelihoods, similarly, are the engine driving growth for rural development. Myanmar is also a major food supplier for neighbouring countries such as China, Thailand, Bangladesh and India. There has been considerable resistance to Myanmar’s military in the months since the coup. Civilians took to the street in mass protests and stopped using government facilities and services. Schools were shut down, and government servants joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Boycotts were implemented against the military and military-back businesses. The international community also imposed targeted sanctions in response to the coup. Following a series of events, the economic, health, and financial sectors came close to collapse and unemployment surged. Myanmar’s youth or ‘Generation Z’ took up arms and established the People’s Defense Force (PDF) to uproot the junta regime. This article discusses how the junta weaponizes food to weaken pro-democracy forces, deploying ‘scorched earth’ tactics to cause a sharp decline in food production, resulting in local starvation and threatening the regional food supply system. First, I explore the food supply chain mechanism in Myanmar. I highlight how policies related to food are developed in favour of generating government revenue, and at the expense of farmers’ welfare. Second, the article discusses the impact of the current country-wide conflict on hunger, specifically the way the junta uses food as a weapon against its opposition. Third, it looks at the state of food production in Myanmar and its impact on regional food security. I conclude by sharing some thoughts on how regional partners should hold the State Administration Council (SAC) accountable for atrocities committed. Food supply chain mechanisms and the state in Myanmar Myanmar’s food supply system has always been tightly controlled by the state. Land and agricultural policies have long determined farmers’ welfare and food accessibility. Burma’s first military coup in 1962, led by Ne Win, introduced the ‘Burmese Way to Socialism.’ Under the socialist system, farmers were forced to sell their farm products at low government-set prices as the government wanted to gain foreign exchange reserves through rice exports. As a result, farmers could not boost productivity, let alone scrape by for their own survival. This form of political intervention pushed them to sell rice on the black market. As food prices skyrocketed, village populations fell into extreme poverty. Due to the miscalculated economic strategy of the Ne Win government, Myanmar encountered economic stagnation and landed in the Least Developed Country list by 1987. The food crisis contributed to an uprising in 1988—this mass protest was brutally cracked down by General Than Shwe, the then-leader of the State Peace Development Council (SPDC). The SPDC introduced the “Burmese Way to Capitalism” to recover the economy. Under this system, farmers were forced to take credit, which they paid back in the form of fixed portions of rice. This system ultimately trapped farmers in cycles of debt. Consequently, there was a sharp decline in purchasing power. People in hilly regions, such as Bago Yoma range, Shan Plateau and Arakan Yoma range, suffered the most as they had no alternative livelihoods. The State continued to control the food supply system, which suffered from major deficiencies in the distribution of food and further exacerbated political instability. Ethnic conflict and oppression smouldered for years in various parts of the country. Fast forward to 2010, with a vision to hold nationwide ceasefire talks, the military-backed quasi-civilian government introduced a series of reforms, including the controversial Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) law. Many farmlands were officially seized under the pro-business FDI law. Against a backdrop of a decades-long civil war and lack of concrete political settlements with ethnic groups, many issues remained unsolved under the 2016 elected government. When the coup took place in February 2021, in a speech delivered in January 2022 by SAC Chairman Min Aung Hlaing, the idea of exporting rice to earn foreign income was once again put on the table. He impressed that “efforts must be made to achieve success in the yield of 100 baskets of paddy per acre. If so, paddy rice can be exported to earn foreign income. Local farmers will have increased income which will contribute to the better local circulation of money.” Drawing on examples from Myanmar’s history of state policies and practices in the food and agricultural sector, it’s clear that military regimes of the past have prioritized generating foreign income from the sale of rice and other agricultural products to serve their own profits, rather than fostering the welfare of people and farmers. Deploying a centralized approach to control the food supply chain, the military regime is positioning itself to further weaponize food against its opponents and ordinary citizens in a bid to remain in power. The impact of conflict on hunger and the junta’s use of hunger as a weapon The coup has threatened food security in urban and peripheral areas, albeit in different ways. The combination of inflation, skyrocketing food prices and Covid-19 threatens access to quality food for most urban and rural populations. In urban areas, food insecurity and the rising unemployment rate has also contributed to rising criminal activity. As the prices of commodities increased sharply, the SAC has allowed trade associations to sell subsidised cooking oil in urban areas like Yangon. The urban poor line up for long hours to buy supplies at a lower price. The military has forced people to struggle for survival, so much so that they do not have time to deal with politics. In rural areas, organized crime committed by the military includes destroying crops, stealing livestock and confiscating civilian property to weaken revolutionary resistance. International emergency food providers are not permitted to reach the most vulnerable displaced populations. Moreover, the State Administration Council (SAC) has started to block transportation routes (e.g., to Rakhine, Chin,Magwe, Sagaing and Thanintharyi) where there is ongoing intense fighting and local people are experiencing a severe shortage of food supplies. This is not the first time the junta has weaponized food to serve themselves. The notorious ‘Four Cuts’ policy was introduced in the 1960s to fight against the Communist Party of Burma (CBP) and Karen National Union (KNU). This policy cut off food supplies to ethnic armed groups, along with funds, news, and new recruits. Local people living in ethnic areas fighting for self-determination have borne the brunt of this policy, resulting in high mortality rates during the ‘Four Cuts’ campaign. This pattern of starvation continues to persist. In 2008, in order not to let the world see the regime’s preparation for a national referendum, the Tatmadaw banned most international relief efforts from entering the country when Cyclone Nargis left a trail of devastation in its wake. The cyclone wiped out food reserves, and as the authorities failed to provide for survivors, the death toll reached an astounding 140,000 people. In 2017, the Tatmadaw cut off food supplies to conflict-affected marginalized Rohingya communities. This was carried out by the state with the intention to starve particular ethnic groups, and under the Rome Statutes of the International Criminal Court, it is considered a ‘crime against humanity’ and an act of genocide. According to data for Myanmar (D4M) from 25 August 2022, a total of 28,434 houses were burned down by the military junta. A majority of casualties are located in Sagaing and Magway—both important hubs for the production of pulses and other food crops. The impact of this attack, once again, drove a sharp decline in production. These atrocities displaced farmers and transformed paddy fields into battlefields. As armed conflict breaks out across the country, there is no doubt that the whole supply chain has been severely disrupted. Impacts of the conflict on regional food security Food trade patterns directly correlate to the domestic food supply in various export countries. As Myanmar is a major exporter of rice to China and dried leguminous vegetables (DLV) to India, disruptions in trade also threaten those who rely on its supply to meet domestic consumption. The India-Myanmar border trade was supposed to resume after two years of Covid-19 restrictions, with many traders welcoming the opening of the border as it reduced smuggling activities in the borderlands. However, traders face great security concerns over trade routes as fighting intensifies in Myanmar’s border regions (such as Sagaing, where Kalay and Tamu towns are located). People fear that if the border opening is put off till 2023, this will have a negative impact on essential food supplies in India. Due to a lack of transparency and accountability during oppressive military regimes in the past, the data for exports of goods and services from Myanmar has remained undocumented. According to food trade data available from 2000 onwards, there has been a steady increase in demand for food products from Myanmar destined for China, Cambodia, India, Thailand, and other countries. It is important to note that the credibility of the data is hard to assess since it has been managed by different government administrations over the years. How regional partners should hold SAC accountable for atrocities Historical and contemporary examples from Myanmar demonstrate that various military regimes have consistently weaponized food to achieve their political agendas. Today, the junta continues to overlook the food insecurity challenges civilians face in the country. Controlling the profits of rice exports, the regime prioritizes generating foreign income to consolidate its own power. There is another way to interpret the trade deals between the junta and neighbouring countries: the junta is attempting to develop a niche market and control larger supply chains, thereby forging cooperation with like-minded allies to gain support and legitimacy. If regional counterparts are serious about addressing the rapid onset of food insecurity, they must acknowledge the root causes of today’s political crisis. Prolonged hostilities not only drive domestic hunger but also undermine regional food security, especially in countries reliant upon Myanmar’s agricultural products. Therefore, regional counterparts should make all possible efforts to restore basic human rights and stability in Myanmar and enhance collaboration with governments that are finding ways to end the vicious cycle of hunger and war..."
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Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
2022-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-30
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Description: "A special junta court on Tuesday jailed U Tun Tun Hein, the former deputy speaker of the Lower House under the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government, for an additional 20 years after convicting him of high treason, taking his total sentence to 24 years, according to NLD politicians. He is also a member of the NLD’s Central Executive Committee (CEC). The special court in Lashio Prison, northern Shan State, sentenced U Tun Tun Hein to 20 years’ imprisonment under the Penal Code’s Section 122, which pertains to high treason, said the politicians. U Nay Zin Latt, the elected MP for Kantbalu Township and a member of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, condemned the sentence. “Whether high treason or state defamation, all such charges against politicians or others are meaningless. I don’t even have the proper words to describe the madness of the junta regime,” he remarked. U Tun Tun Hein was detained on the same day as State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint and other members of the ruling party’s CEC on Feb. 1, 2021, the day of the coup. The junta released him on Feb. 7 and sent him back to his native town of Nawnghkio in northern Shan State. But on Feb. 10 he was rearrested and since then he has been detained at Lashio Prison, hit with three charges. In December 2021 he was charged under the notorious sections 505 (a) and (b) of the Penal Code and sentenced to four years in prison. He was later charged under Section 130 (a), accused of breaching polling laws. Section 130 (a) aims to penalize those who prohibit or fail to carry out the implementation of existing laws and carries a maximum sentence of three years plus a fine. U Tun Tun Hein, 73, first won a seat in the Lower House in the 1990 general election, the results of which were ignored by the then military regime. He was imprisoned in 2012 and released in 2015. That year, he contested and won a seat representing Nawngkio Township constituency in the Lower House. In 2018, he became third deputy speaker of the Lower House and served until the end of that parliamentary term. In 2020 he was reelected to the Lower House representing a constituency in his home town. As part of its crackdown on political opponents, Myanmar’s junta has handed out jail sentences to NLD CEC members and former Union Election Commission members. “I’m especially concerned for elderly persons facing such political charges. Though they are mentally strong, they are getting too old to cope with the demands of prison, as well as the multiple methods of torture used during detention or interrogation,” said U Nay Zin Latt..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-30
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Description: "The military coup that took place on February 1, 2021, in Myanmar sparked a civic uprising as millions demonstrated against the coup. The military junta has now renamed itself the State Administration Council (SAC) and is made up of junta appointed officials and corrupt generals and officers. Today, Myanmar’s democracy movement is on the march, the junta is losing ground, the People Power Movement-known as the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)– has spread to the entire country and the regime is resorting to unspeakable acts of violence in a vain attempt to maintain control over the shrinking amount of Myanmar they control. The very first example of the CDM striking back at the junta occurred just one day after the coup attempt at Mandalay General Hospital (MGH). A group of healthcare workers and government civil servants posted statements on social media saying they would not serve or work under the illegal SAC. Dr. Zwe Min Aung, a surgeon, was interviewed by Voice of America that day. He reiterated that he and his colleagues have rejected the junta’s attempted takeover. This act of peaceful defiance was the spark lighting a fire of civil disobedience that quickly began to rage across the country. The term CDM had become widely popular in Myanmar. In fact, the CDM preceded street protests by a few days with the goal of crippling the military’s economic and political infrastructure—utilities, telecommunications, railways to name a few that are owned by the state. Together with the street protests, CDM became the symbol of an uprising that incorporated Myanmar’s entire civil society. The military’s response was brutal to this outpouring of collective rejection. Demonstrators were gunned down and beaten. Those participating in the CDM were fired from their jobs, hunted down, and jailed. Organizers faced especially brutal treatment if caught—including jailing where heavy torture was, and remains, standard treatment. Consequently, many participants went into hiding. As time went on, with no income, they faced extreme hardships. There has been some monetary support primarily from the Myanmar diaspora for them but much more is needed. Many protestors have now decided to switch tactics and resort to armed struggle and have formed units known as the People Defense Force (PDF). The public interest and monetary contributions have shifted towards supporting PDF units. There is still a big demand for funding those committed to the CDM. We can’t let these individuals drift from our time, attention, and especially our financial support. They face similar hardships, sometimes more so, as Myanmar’s internally displaced people (IDP) since more frequently than not, the whole family had to relocate as well in avoiding harassment by the junta. Our National Unity Government (NUG) recognizes the critical contribution of the CDM movement and is seeking social, financial, and educational support for this branch of the democracy movement. In April of this year, Ministry of Health, NUG carried out an on-line survey to further identify the needs and circumstances faced by the CDM participants. The report came out in May. A total of 6,576 CDM participants responded with 34% of them formers members of the staff from the Ministry of Education and 27% from Ministry of Health making up a big chunk of respondents. Key findings include: 84% of the respondents were fired from work; 38% were unable to continue working in their trade or profession; 31% have been displaced from home for more than 6 months; 80% were facing financial difficulty; 26% were finding it difficult to access healthcare from their location; 48% were facing security threats and 53% were facing mental health issues such as depression. It is estimated that there are about 300,000 CDM workers and close to 1.5 million of IDP. The NUG has set up a “CDM Success Committee” and has been working hard to support CDM participants. Strategies include improving income generating activities of CDM staff, providing financial assistance, helping find job opportunities, implementing measures to reduce security issues and attempting to create psychosocial rehabilitation programs. A “Spring Lottery” has been set up. It is a creative program run by the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investments of the NUG where the bulk of the proceeds are focused on CDM activists. Still, the needs are huge and much more needs to be done. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) can play a critical role in assisting this important group. Afterall, they are IDPs under a different name. The NUG is ready and willing to collaborate if such an overture is made. Our policy has always been “People First”. Despite NGOs, both international and domestic, having to register with the SAC in areas controlled by the military, if there is transparency and equitable distribution and good communication with the NUG, we want them to be active in their roles. We may also have useful data to share as long as confidentiality can be guaranteed. The SAC prohibits NGOs from operating in conflict zones which is almost 71% of the country , a tactic clearly meant to inflict suffering on those who oppose their rule. In another demonstration of callous brutality, in October 2022, the SAC issued a new law further restricting the registration and operations of NGOs. All of this suggests that the suffering of those associated with the CDM movement, as well as IDPs, are soon to increase exponentially. Despite needing to walk a tightrope, the NGOs should not lose sight of what they were initially founded for and find creative ways to deliver help to those who need it most. They should pay more attention to delivering assistance through cross-border routes where many CDM participants are located together with IDPs. This would free them from the junta’s brutal restrictions which are handcuffing their ability to provide badly needed assistance to the people who need it most. All NUG ministries, including mine, stand ready to work with any group to provide assistance to CDM members and those suffering so badly in Myanmar both inside the country and along cross-border areas..."
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Source/publisher: "East Asia Forum" (Australia)
2022-11-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-21
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Description: "It has been nearly two years since Tracy last saw her parents. She left her family in Yangon, where she was in her final year at the University of Medicine (1), one day after celebrating her 23rd birthday in February 2021. Now 24, Tracy is among many in Myanmar’s young generation who have traded comfortable urban lives and promising futures for a tough jungle existence with the anti-regime resistance. The regime’s deadly crackdowns on peaceful protests after the February 2021 coup drove multitudes of young people like Tracy to seek refuge in areas controlled by ethnic armed groups who reject military rule. Some are now fighting with the ethnic resistance forces, while others, like Tracy, are making essential contributions with what they have learned, providing medical care to comrades and locals. Tracy now lives in Karenni State (Kayah State), which has been rocked by daily clashes between regime troops and ethnic armed forces since May last year. Like many others across Myanmar, she took part in the 2021 anti-junta protests following the coup. As a secretary of her student union, she joined the nationwide strikes to protest military rule. However, she fled after regime troops raided her house and attempted to detain her on an incitement charge. “I decided I would keep struggling against the regime for as long as the revolution existed. So I left Yangon,” Tracy told The Irrawaddy. “I can’t stand by and just watch this injustice. I don’t want the future of our people to be lost. I will do whatever I can to resist this dictatorship,” she said. Tracy arrived at Demoso township in Karenni State and began working as a medic for People’s Defense Force (PDF) members, residents and internally displaced people (IDPs). She also helps to distribute learning materials for students in remote areas of the township and provides health education in schools under the parallel civilian National Unity Government. She arranges food supplies for IDP camps with support from Yangon Medical University 1 seniors and the public. Moreover, she and her colleagues have set up mobile medical services in their area. A clinic in their area has now been upgraded to a hospital capable of conducting different types of surgery. Tracy said the hospital is operating with support from her university seniors, NGOs that do not want to be named, public volunteers and the NUG’s Health Ministry. The hospital sees more than a dozen badly wounded patients after every clash between regime troops and resistance forces. At these times, Tracy and her colleagues perform surgery both day and night. “Patients arrive in the operating theatre with missing legs, hands or with gaping belly wounds,” she said of injured resistance members. She remembers one young comrade wheeled in with catastrophic stomach wounds after being hit by regime artillery. Tracy and other doctors operated on the youth despite knowing his chance of survival was low. He emerged from surgery alive after six hours of desperate battle, only to die 30 minutes later. Tracy said she and her colleagues were almost broken by their grief when he died. “I felt distraught over the struggle of the young resistance fighter. At the same time, I feel hatred, disgust and anger at the sit-khwe [junta military “dogs”] and the people who work for them” she said, her voice cracking with emotion. Tracy admitted to sadness at being parted from her parents, who support her decision to join the resistance. “When I get depressed, I just think about the sacrifice being made by resistance fighters. They give their lives and they never see their parents again,” she told The Irrawaddy. It’s not just PDF combatants who depend on Tracy and her colleagues, but also civilians and IDPs in the area. Civilian residents get injured in frequent junta artillery attacks on their villages, which also destroy homes. Meanwhile IDPs in local camps often suffer poor health and emergencies through lack of humanitarian aid. IDP camps have insufficient blankets, which leaves children prone to pneumonia in the cold weather, while lack of clean water means many residents suffer diarrhea. Meanwhile, older IDPs with chronic conditions like high blood pressure, heart disease and diabetes often arrive at the hospital desperately ill due to medicine shortages. “We take care of them day and night. If they recover from their life-threatening condition, we are very happy,” she said. Like Tracy, Julia travels around an ethnic area providing health services to civilians and ethnic armed combatants, in Chin State. The strength of CDM medics Julia, 33, was a civil servant in the public health department in Mindat Township, Chin State, before the military took power. In late February 2021, she and her friends joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Health workers nationwide were the first professionals to go on strike in protest against military dictatorship. Medics from government hospitals across the country participated in daily anti-coup protests and rejected the regime by hanging CDM hospital banners. Myanmar’s health system ground to a halt as 60,000 of the country’s 110,000 health workers joined the CDM. Nearly 5,000 of the CDM health workers are now working among resistance groups under the shadow civilian National Unity Government (NUG), according to the CDM Medical Network, which compiles lists of health workers. They include 320 specialist doctors, 560 nurses, 1,554 basic health workers, and volunteers, according to the NUG. Julia is among them, having served both in a resistance group’s base camp and also in remote areas of Mindat township. Previously, she had worked at the Ministry of Health for 10 years. “I joined the CDM movement because I strongly oppose and condemn the coup,” Julia told The Irrawaddy. She and her friends had opened a CDM clinic just before May 2021, when the clashes erupted in Mindat. She then moved to a remote area where Chin Defense Forces (Mindat) were fighting regime troops. She and the other five health workers served on the front line for 14 days in May 2021. “Our side suffered casualties because of a shortage of weapons. I used a lot of bandages on comrades who were badly wounded and bleeding profusely,” Julia recalled of the battles. Having never experienced combat conditions before, she was scared at first. But she overcame the fear by focusing on treating CDF comrades injured in battle. She recalls seeing a tarpaulin on the ground soaked so heavily with the blood of wounded combatants that health staff could not sit down. “One comrade was killed by a shell that shattered his skull. Others suffered smashed jaws or bullet fragments lodged in their legs. I felt sorry for them, these youths who had to take up arms instead of pens,” she muttered. Away from the front line, she provides health services at CDF base camps. She said many resistance fighters suffer from kidney stones because the water is not clean. Some also fall sick because of the bad weather and training. She is always ready if needed on the front line. Meanwhile, she provides maternity and child health services, her field of expertise, in remote villages in the township. She faces many difficulties because these remote rural villages do not have enough medical equipment. “Before the coup, we offered full services as a department. But since last year we have been doing this work on our own. Since the coup, we have encountered a lack of equipment and inadequate medicine,” she explained of the challenges in public health provision. However, Julia and other CDM medics remain determined to provide health services for areas under their care. Doe Myae Medical Team The Doe Myae Medical Team was formed by CDM health staff three months ago to provide healthcare services in western Sagaing Region, an anti-regime stronghold. The team is working for both IDPs and resistance forces. Ko Myat Thu, 36, is the CDM medic who founded Doe Myae Medical Team. He worked as a public health official for more than 18 years before joining the CDM movement on February 3, 2021 – two days after the military takeover. “Our driving force to join the CDM movement was the coup,” Ko Myat Thu told The Irrawaddy. Like other CDM medics, he has traveled around villages providing basic health care to the populace since last year. He and his colleagues have extended those services to PDF members in the last three months. Ko Myat Thu and two other medics have stationed themselves just behind the battle lines to give first aid to wounded comrades. Seriously wounded combatants are transferred to the hospital in resistance-controlled territory. He has seen many young resistance fighters killed, or lose legs and hands in battle. “There is more pain than pleasure here,” he said quietly. His family worries for him, but he also worries for them – regime troops launch artillery attacks on villages in his region almost daily. The junta’s air force also carries out frequent airstrikes in the region. “If the planes come, we can’t do anything. We have to run,” Ko Myat Thu said. CDM medics unbeaten and unbowed Having set up public health coverage in their respective areas by themselves, the CDM medical staff are determined to keep doing their jobs despite shortages of medicines and other necessities. “I will continue to fight with my comrades until the revolution ends. After the revolution, I will return to my department,” Ko Myat Thu told The Irrawaddy. Julia strongly believes the struggle against military rule will succeed because the public and the resistance are fighting a righteous war. “We will inevitably succeed, but it will take time. I won’t abandon my fallen comrades, I will fight against the military to the end,” she said. The medics also asked the public to donate to their medical teams around the country, as they provide health services not just to PDF camps but also IDP camps and civilian areas. Tracy urged people not to relax under military rule but to participate in any way they could to support the revolutionary forces. “We are struggling to finish the revolution as quickly as possible. I want to ask you to be part of this struggle.” Topics: civil disobedience movement, ethnic armed organizations, Healthcare, medics, People’s Defense Forces, people’s war, resistance.."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-11-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "For Immediate Release Tuesday 25th October 2022 Burma Military Airstrikes Kill At Least 80 - Aviation Fuel Sanctions Needed Now The Women's League of Burma and Burma Campaign UK send condolences to the family and friends of all those who were killed by Burmese military airstrikes in Kachin State on the evening of 23rd October. As around a thousand people attended a music festival to celebrate the founding of the Kachin Independence Organisation, the Burmese military sent jets to bomb the audience. Initial reports are that more than 80 people have been killed. More than 100 were seriously injured. When they tried to reach hospitals for treatment, they were blocked by the Burmese military at Ginsi village and turned back. Three Burmese military jets attacked the music festival, which featured famous Kachin artists such as Aurai and Galau Yaw Lwi. The festival was celebrating the 62nd anniversary of the founding of the Kachin Independence Organisation. Over the past four days, the Burmese military has also been carrying out airstrikes at Kawkereik, Karen State, with reports of two people killed and ten injured, including six children. Since the attempted coup began on 1st February last year, more than a million people have been forced to flee their homes because of attacks by the Burmese military. A large proportion of these people were forced to flee because of airstrikes, or because the threat of airstrikes means it is unsafe to return home. This has created a humanitarian crisis. Women's League of Burma and Burma Campaign UK call on the international community: To immediately impose aviation fuel sanctions on Burma. Limiting the Burmese military's access to aviation fuel will reduce its ability to carry out airstrikes and kill civilians. Enact targeted sanctions against the Burmese military and its proxies to effectively cut off financial flows; Institute a comprehensive global arms embargo, with robust monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, to end the direct and indirect supply, sale, or transfer of all weapons and other equipment that may be used for training, intelligence and military assistance; Refer the situation on human rights in Burma to the International Criminal Court for their crimes against humanity, which have been perpetrated against innocent civilians, including peaceful protests and ethnic groups. The Burmese military are deliberately and indiscriminately targeting civilians with airstrikes as part of their campaign to attempt to terrorise the people of Burma into submission. This is a war crime and a crime against humanity. We have repeatedly called for action to cut the supply of revenue, arms and equipment to the Burmese military. The failure to do so has meant that the Burmese military are still able to carry out airstrikes like the one in Kachin State yesterday. "Every day ethnic communities are the victims of war crimes and crimes against humanity. We are witnessing daily atrocity crimes perpetrated by the same military junta that has already committed genocide. The international community needs to start enforcing international laws and rules with regard to Burma. Decisive action is needed to uphold international law, to preserve international peace and security and to fulfil mandates contained in Resolution 1674 regarding the protection of civilians," said Nang Moet Moet, Joint General Secretary (1) of Women's League of Burma. "The British government, EU and USA have decided that trying to stop airstrikes like this is not a priority, and have failed to act on calls for aviation fuel sanctions. They can and must do more. Imposing sanctions to stop the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military is the single most effective action that can be taken to address the humanitarian crisis caused by airstrikes against civilians," said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK..."
Source/publisher: Women’s League of Burma and Burma Campaign UK
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-25
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Sub-title: Three prison staff and five visitors died after the bombs hit a crowd queuing to drop off parcels for inmates at prison housing political detainees
Description: "At least eight people have been killed in explosions at Myanmar’s main prison for political detainees after two bombs exploded on Wednesday morning. Three prison staff and five visitors, including a 10-year-old girl, died after the bombs hit a crowd queueing to drop off parcels for inmates at Insein Prison, junta authorities said in a statement. The visitors were delivering parcels to prisoners when the explosion occurred at about 9.40am, according to News of Myanmar, an online news service sympathetic to the country’s military government. The blasts occurred inside and outside the parcel reception office near the main iron gate of the prison in Yangon. State-owned MRTV said the explosions were caused by “mines inside parcels” while the military’s information office said an unexploded bomb had also been found in a parcel. At least 13 visitors, including a nine-year-old boy, and five prison personnel were reported to be being treated for injuries at Insein township hospital. The prison has been notorious for decades for holding political prisoners under various military governments whom often rely on friends or family for food and medicine supplies. Several resistance groups engaged in struggle against the military government, including the Yangon revolution force, Yangon urban guerrillas and the general strike committee, quickly released statements condemning the attacks for hurting civilians. However, a little-known anti-government group known as the special task agency of Burma later posted a statement on Telegram saying it had carried out the attack as “retaliation against (junta chief) Min Aung Hlaing” and the continued oppression of revolutionary fighters by prison personnel. The group said the civilian casualties were caused by indiscriminate gunfire by security forces after the blasts. “Today … the special task agency of Burma (STA), carried out two attacks to execute the prison head. We’re retaliating against Min Aung Hlaing and … the prison officers for continuously oppressing our revolution comrades,” Reuters cited the statement as saying. The south-east Asian nation has been in turmoil since a military coup last year, with swathes of the country engulfed by fighting. About 2,367 civilians have been killed in a crackdown on resistance, according to detailed lists compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a rights watchdog group. Photos of Wednesday’s bombings distributed by the military’s information office show items scattered by the blasts and blood on the floor inside the building where parcels for prisoners are received. A resident who lives near the prison’s entrance gate told The Associated Press by phone that he heard about 10 gunshots after hearing the two explosions but did not know if they caused any casualties. One witness queueing at the parcel counter told Agence France-Presse the first blast hit at about 9.30am (0300 GMT). “Then another two went off quickly. After that we heard shooting as well,” said the witness, who requested anonymity. “I saw some people bleeding. The glass around the counter was all shattered.” According to another witness, security forces locked down the area around the sprawling colonial-era prison after the explosions..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2022-10-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "At least eight people have been killed in explosions at Myanmar's notorious Insein prison in Yangon. Locals told BBC Burmese two parcel bombs went off at the entrance to the jail on Wednesday morning, killing three prison staff and five visitors. Insein prison is the country's largest jail housing about 10,000 prisoners, many of whom are political prisoners. No group has claimed responsibility for the attack yet. Eighteen other people were injured, officials confirmed. The authorities said the bombs had gone off in the prison's post room. Another bomb - which did not detonate - was later found there wrapped in a plastic bag. All five of the visitors who were killed were women and relatives of prisoners, the authorities confirmed. One was the mother of student leader Lin Htet Naing, alias James, who was arrested by Myanmar's military authorities last June. She had been visiting the prison to deliver a rice box to her son during the week of his court hearing. Lin Htet Naing's father-in-law, Nay Win, said he'd been allowed to see her body in the morgue. "I feel very sad. Her husband died quite a while ago and she was the only one who always went and dispatched food and necessities to her son," he said. Lin Htet Naing, 35, has been arrested several times since coming to prominence as a student leader more than a decade ago. His arrest in June was for opposing last year's military coup, which toppled Aung San Suu Kyi's elected civilian government. Lin Htet Naing's wife, Phyo Phyo Aung, a mother of two, has been on the run since she took part in the protests following the coup. Insein prison is a vast, heavily-guarded complex on the outskirts of the former capital. The century-old prison is infamous for its harsh conditions and inhumane treatment of prisoners, rights groups say. Tortured to death: Myanmar mass killings revealed Why is Myanmar's military so brutal? However the junta faces stiff resistance in large parts of the country where there is an active guerrilla front known as the People's Defence Force (PDF). In Yangon, there have been frequent bomb attacks, most of them small, since the military crushed the mass protest movement against its coup last year. These have usually targeted individuals viewed as collaborating with the military - such as government officials, alleged informers and more recently air force pilots accused of taking part in aerial attacks on villages which are resisting military rule. There have also been assassination attempts, drive-by shootings and, as attitudes have hardened, beheadings in rural areas which are blamed on both sides The extent of deadly fighting and battles this year have been indicative of a civil war, observers say..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2022-10-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: A Japanese documentary filmmaker has been sentenced to a total of 10 years in jail by a court in Myanmar.
Description: "A Japanese documentary filmmaker has been sentenced to a total of 10 years in jail by a court in Myanmar. Toru Kubota, 26, was first detained in July near an anti-government rally in the capital Yangon. He was sentenced to three years on sedition charges and seven years for violating an electronic communications law. It's not clear if he will be able to serve these concurrently. He faces another charge of breaking an immigration law next week. According to Japanese news agency Kyodo, the Myanmar junta claims Kubota entered Myanmar from neighbouring Thailand using a tourist visa, and that he had participated in anti-government demonstrations in 2021. They also said that he had previously reported on the Rohingya minority. Kubota, who first arrived in Myanmar in July, was filming a "documentary featuring a Myanmar person", a friend of his was reported to have said earlier this year. According to filmmaker site Film Freeway, Kubota started his career when he met a Rohingya refugee in Japan in 2014, and subsequently made "several films about refugees and ethnic issues in Myanmar". His Instagram profile also features several pictures of Rohingya refugees from as far back as 2017. "Myanmar's detention of Japanese journalist Toru Kubota shows that the military regime will stop at nothing to suppress independent news reporting," Shawn Crispin, the Committee to Protect Journalists' senior Southeast Asia representative said earlier this year. "Myanmar's junta must stop treating journalists as criminals." Earlier last year, a Japanese freelance journalist was also arrested and charged with spreading false news - the first foreign journalist known to be charged since the military took power in February 2021. He was later released, with Myanmar authorities maintaining he had violated the law but saying they were releasing him at the request of the Japanese government. It's estimated more than 15,600 people - including lawmakers, activists and journalists - have been arrested since the military overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi's democratically elected government in February 2021 - sparking huge protests across the country and a widespread resistance movement..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2022-10-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-06
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Description: "Responding to reports that a military-controlled court in Myanmar sentenced Japanese filmmaker Toru Kubota to serve a total of seven years in prison, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Campaigns Ming Yu Hah said: “With this latest verdict Myanmar’s military is cementing its reputation as one of the top jailers of journalists in the world. “Filming a protest is not a crime. Myanmar’s military should release Toru Kubota immediately and let him go home. It should also drop charges against and release all journalists arrested and sentenced simply for doing their job. “It is extremely dangerous to be a journalist in Myanmar today, where military authorities regularly trample on the right to freedom of information and media. Since seizing power in the coup last year, they have banned media outlets, arrested, beaten, sexually assaulted and even killed journalists in custody.” Background: Japanese documentary filmmaker Toru Kubota was sentenced to three years in prison on charges of incitement and seven years for violating a law on electronic communications. The sentences will be served concurrently for a total of seven years, according to reports. Toru Kubota was apparently detained after covering a protest in Myanmar’s biggest city Yangon in July 2022. His trial was held in a secretive, military-controlled court, and he appears to have been jailed for filming the protest, which should not be a crime. He is one of more than 15,000 people arrested since Myanmar’s military coup on 1 February, 2021. Amnesty International continues to call for the release of anyone arbitrarily detained in Myanmar for peacefully exercising their human rights..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
2022-10-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Bangkok, Thailand CNN — A beauty queen from Myanmar who took refuge in Thailand after criticizing her home country’s ruling military junta has left Bangkok for Canada where she is expected to seek asylum, Thai immigration officials told CNN. Han Lay, 23, captured international attention with an emotional pageant speech during the finals of the Miss Grand International Myanmar competition in 2021 when she held up a banner with the words “Pray for Myanmar” to raise awareness of human rights atrocities committed by junta officials. She received death threats after the speech and decided not to return home after the competition – which was held in Thailand. However, she appeared to face the threat of deportation after returning to Thailand last Wednesday following a trip to Vietnam. She was stopped by officials at Bangkok’s Suvarnabhumi International Airport who said they had discovered a problem with her passport and since then she had been in limbo. Archayon Kraithong, deputy chief of Thailand’s immigration bureau, told CNN on Wednesday that Han Lay had left Bangkok on Tuesday night. “Her final destination is Canada,” he said without giving further details. Han Lay previously told CNN that she was seeking political asylum in Canada despite wanting to remain in Thailand. “Han Lay was the victim of a deliberate political act by the junta to make her stateless when she flew back to Thailand from Vietnam last week,” said Phil Robertson, Asia deputy director of Human Rights Watch, adding that it was “not the first time” junta officials had “weaponized” Burmese passports. “There is no doubt that what transpired was a trap to try to force Han Lay to return to Myanmar, where she would have faced immediate arrest, likely abuse in detention, and imprisonment,” Robertson added. The situation in Myanmar continues to deteriorate following the 2021 military coup. Human rights violations remain rife, rights groups say and state executions have returned as conflict across the country rages. Millions continue to resist the ruling junta led by Min Aung Hlaing, which has killed hundreds of pro-democracy protesters and locked up the country’s democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
2022-09-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-28
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Description: "A Myanmar woman has been jailed for six years by a military court for posting pictures on adult subscription site OnlyFans, amongst other platforms. Nang Mwe San, a model and former doctor, had been charged two weeks ago for "harming culture and dignity", military authorities said. She had also previously taken part in protests against the military, which seized power in 2021 in a coup. She is believed to be the first person in Myanmar jailed for OnlyFans content. Another model, who had also posted pictures of her participation in protests on social media, was also arrested in August under the same law. Thinzar Wint Kyaw is to face trial in October. Nang Mwe San was found guilty of distributing nude photos and videos on social media sites for a fee, under Section 33 (A) of the country's Electronics Transactions Law, which carries a maximum sentence of seven years. The model lived in Yangon's North Dagon Township - an area where martial law is in force. In such areas - and under state of emergency laws renewed by the Myanmar junta government earlier this year - those charged with crimes are tried in a military court where they're denied rights like access to a lawyer. She was tried at the Insein Prison Court - the capital's notorious prison and the largest in Myanmar - where many political prisoners have been sent since the coup last year. Her mother told the BBC's Burmese Service she was able to contact her daughter in recent weeks, but had not known of the sentencing until military media confirmed it on Wednesday. Myanmar's military overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi's democratically elected government in February 2021 - sparking huge protests across the country and a widespread resistance movement. It's estimated more than 15,600 people - including Ms Suu Kyi, other lawmakers, activists and journalists - have been arrested since the military seized power. On Tuesday a freelance journalist for the BBC had her prison sentence increased by three years after being convicted of making contact with an outlawed pro-democracy radio programme set up by activists last year. Htet Htet Khine had already been sentenced to three years hard labour under new laws which criminalise comments deemed to cause fear or spread "false news" about the military. More than 12,000 people remain detained while at least 2,322 political prisoners have been killed by the regime says the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners monitoring group. Earlier this month, Britain's former ambassador to Myanmar Vicky Bowman and her husband were both jailed for a year for breaching immigration laws. But their case is likely to be about wider political concerns rather than immigration offences, for which foreigners are rarely prosecuted in Myanmar..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: BBC News (London)
2022-09-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "“Mom, it hurts so bad. I can’t bear it anymore. Just put me out of my misery”. These were the actual last words of Phone Tayza, a seven-year-old Myanmar boy, to his mom just a few minutes before he passed away from gunshot wounds by Myanmar soldiers who stormed his school. The massacre took place on 16 September 2022 at Let Yet Kone village, in De Pe Yin Township, Sagaing division where at least 10 others were killed. Since the military coup in February 2021, Myanmar has witnessed the birth of People’s Defense Forces (PDF) all across the country. Despite their overwhelming disadvantages in weapons and ammunition, the clashes between PDFs and Myanmar military have escalated drastically in the past eighteen months afflicting significant casualty to Myanmar military troops. Given their inferior armaments, PDFs have resorted to ambushes and roadside IEDs to great effect forcing Myanmar military to use helicopter and jets to attack villages and in troop movements. In the school attack, two Russian made Mi-35 helicopters appeared on the horizon, raining down machinegun fire and rockets toward the school and the adjacent Buddhist monastery. According to the witnesses, the firing lasted about 30 minutes. At about the same time, two other helicopters dropped infantry troops who stormed the school compound shooting indiscriminately. They also warned villagers not to approach the school. As the soldiers entered the school, instead of the armed men, they encountered crying school children with fatal or near fatal gunshot wounds. The soldiers ordered everyone to come out of the school with hands above their heads. Terrified, many children despite their wounds, dragged themselves out of the building, crying and moaning. When a teacher tried to help a girl, whose thigh was shattered and bleeding, the soldiers threatened to shoot the teacher if she moved. Many villagers whose children were in the school came running only to be blocked by the soldiers at the school entrance. When the mother of Phone Tayza recognized her son’s moans and cries she pleaded to be allowed in. Finally, the soldiers relented. And when she found her son, those were his last words before he died a few minutes later in her hands. Later the dead and the wounded were taken away by the military. The village wasn’t even given a chance to retrieve or bury the bodies of the loved ones. At the end of the hellish episode, eleven students and villagers were killed while another twenty were wounded that day. Sadly, for Myanmar such a tragic event is not the first or the last of its kind. The only thing certain is these atrocities are going to become worse as long as the military junta remains in power. Hasn’t the world learned yet? This is the same military command who committed genocide towards Rohingya population in 2017. And the one who fired indiscriminately time and again into unarmed protesters on the city streets in 2021 when people rose up against the coup. It also is responsible for the murder of unarmed NGO workers and civilians on Christmas 2021. The people of Myanmar tried to protest the coup through peaceful civil disobedience, but the brutal crackdown of the military left them with no choice. The military only understands the language coming out of a gun barrel as explained here. Myanmar military leaders don’t understand the term negotiation. In July 2022, the junta carried out death sentences on four political prisoners despite the international pleas. These were the first in more than 30 years. When the international community condemned this outrage, Britain being the loudest, the junta in turn arrested a British national Ms. Vicky Bowman, the former British ambassador to Myanmar, who is now married to a Myanmar man in Yangon on flimsy immigration charges. All of these past instances raise a question why the international community, both the west and neighboring ASEAN countries, can’t see to the fact that the military junta will not be influenced by the usual diplomatic and political means. If what is happening in Myanmar doesn’t amount to war crimes or crimes against humanity, what does? The usual targeted sanctions and the diplomatic condemnation is not working and is not going to work. How many more children need to die before the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is considered? Thankfully some countries and leaders have reached to this conclusion as witnessed in the recent remarks by UN Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews, Malaysian prime minister Mr. Yaakob and the President of East Timor who questioned why no such aid has come to Myanmar (compared to Ukraine) when both are similarly fighting against tyranny. The dictatorial Myanmar military regimen is heavily contributing to regional instability. Fighting against the ethnic armed resistant group Arakan Army (AA), Myanmar’s military has fired multiple rounds and motor shells into Bangladesh and its helicopters entering the airspace has led to tension between the two neighboring countries. The systemic torching of civilian villages by the Myanmar military has also created a large population of internally displaced people in the states of Sagaing, Kachin, Karen, Chin and Kayah with many refugees fleeing into neighboring Thailand and India. It is a humanitarian and regional catastrophe in the making. The main arms supply to the Myanmar military is Russia. For example, Myanmar has just received two Su-30 fighter jets from Russia with four more on the way in the next few months. Many Myanmar officers get trained at various Russian military institutes yearly. The international outcast Mr. Putin has newly found an ardent supporter and a minion in General Min Aung Hlaing of Myanmar. Yet according to an air force pilot who defected from the military, Myanmar’s air force has only 13 functioning Mi-35 helicopters. It should not take much assistance to the parallel government, National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar and the PDFs under its chain of command, for a victory against the military. A recent report by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar stated that the NUG and affiliated EROs already control about 52% of the country’s territory. A dozen 1980’s era shoulder fired anti-aircraft missiles, like those used in Afghanistan, could quickly reset the balance of power in the Myanmar. Currently PDFs and EROs have no anti-aircraft capability. Ironically, it is the same old adversary from Afghanistan, Russia, whose helicopters are doing the killing in Myanmar. PDFs rely on homemade single bolt-action rifles and very few automatic weapons purchased at exorbitant prices. Some assistance in upgrading their small arms arsenal would go far. A significant interruption of cash flow to Myanmar Military’s coffers, such as sanctioning the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) that serves as its lifeline of foreign currency could also be effective. The usual argument has been that such a sanction might also create hardship towards the ordinary Myanmar population. This opposition is invalidated as the energy needs and delivery of the country are already in the hands of the junta which has diverted all the available resources to the military. To think that a military regimen that slaughters children considers the needs of the citizens of the country over its own is delusional. Finally, removing the Myanna Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) from the international SWIFT code banking system should also be used to punish the junta. The U.S. has done this to some Russian banks. Myanmar is withering away while the world silently watches. The world needs to wake up and think outside of the box when dealing with this murderous Myanmar military regimen. Being a beacon of democracy, the U.S. should take a leadership role in rallying international action. Drastic times call for drastic measures. Time is running out before we hear a repeat cry of a Myanmar child asking to be put out of his misery..."
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Source/publisher: EurAsia Rewiew
2022-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-27
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Description: "Bangkok, September 27, 2022 – Myanmar authorities must immediately and unconditionally release journalist Htet Htet Khine and stop jailing journalists for their work, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Tuesday. On September 27, Htet Htet Khine, a freelance BBC Media Action reporter, was sentenced to three years in prison with hard labor, according to a statement by BBC Media Action, which did not specify the charge she was convicted under. On September 15, Htet Htet Khine received her first three-year prison sentence with hard labor for allegedly violating Section 505(a) of the penal code, which criminalizes incitement and the dissemination of false news, as CPJ documented. According to a report by the AP, Htet Htet Khine was also facing charges under the Unlawful Association Act for allegedly contacting “illegal organizations,” which carries a maximum penalty of three years imprisonment. “Myanmar’s junta must reverse this outrageous verdict against journalist Htet Htet Khine and set her free immediately and unconditionally,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “The military regime must stop treating journalists like criminals for merely doing their jobs.” The journalist, who has been detained since August 15, 2021, received a reduction in her sentence for time served and therefore faces five years of hard labor, according to the outlet’s statement, which said it remains “concerned for her safety and well-being in detention.” Htet Htet Khine was moved after her September 15 trial to Insein prison in the city of Yangon, news reports said. Myanmar’s Ministry of Information did not immediately reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment. Myanmar was the world’s second-worst jailer of journalists as of December 1, 2021, according to CPJ’s annual prison census..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
2022-09-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar is in a state of revolution. It is a society in an existential fight against a single institution: a military that has brutalized generations of Myanmar’s people. In the early months after the junta’s February 2021 coup, peaceful protests emerged across the country. Predictably, the Myanmar military responded, as it has done for decades, with widespread, barbarous violence to crush the protests by unarmed civilians. Subsequently, and understandably, armed resistance to military rule emerged. Amid all of this, the phrase thway-ma-aye, which translates as ‘Never Cold Blooded’, began to be used by protesters, whether the flash mobs in the cities or the demonstrators in rural areas. The phrase first emerged in Sagaing Region, notably in Monywa, Kalay and Yinmabin townships, and is most associated with a village named Shwe Nwal Thway in Yinmabin known for its strident, ongoing anti-regime protests. Now it is used across Myanmar. In English, the term ‘cold blooded’ is generally used to describe actions done with intent but without emotion. Often, it connotes particularly cruel violence. If someone kills in cold blood, they kill in a way that seems especially cruel because the perpetrator displays no emotion. If one wishes to understand the ethos, or spirit, of Myanmar’s revolution, it is useful to peel away the layers of what ‘Never Cold Blooded’ means and why the term has become so important to the country’s revolutionaries. Subtly distinct from the English meaning, the use of the term ‘Never Cold Blooded’ by Myanmar’s protesters has important nuances; it is more akin to being ‘warm blooded’ by continuing to strive and persevere and to keep one’s heart in the fight. But whether in Burmese or English, the phrase and its multiple meanings captures the essence of so much of what Myanmar’s revolution is about and stands in stark contrast to the junta’s tactics and objectives. To make better sense of Myanmar’s revolution – its intents, actors, and prospects – it is useful to explore the works of one of the 20th Century’s most brilliant political theorists, Hannah Arendt. Her 1963 book On Revolution is justifiably considered one of the most comprehensive and thoughtful detailings of what revolution means and how and why it emerged as a driving political phenomenon of modern history. Core to Arendt’s conceptualization of revolution is the “idea that freedom and the experience of a new beginning should coincide.” Her use of the term freedom connotes “participation in public affairs, or admission to the public realm.” Critically, her emphasis on freedom is additional to liberation or liberty, namely “to be free of oppression” in one’s personal life. This basic dialectic still defines the political tensions between the world’s liberal democracies, which speak of freedom, and authoritarian regimes that seek legitimacy through economic growth and domestic stability. As Arendt so eloquently summarized, revolution fundamentally “aimed at freedom and that the birth of freedom spelled the beginning of an entirely new story.” Echoing the acting President of the National Unity Government Duwa Lashi La’s statement that this revolution is a “second war for independence”, it seeks not a return to anything but rather a new beginning. This is what defines the country’s events since February 2021 in simplest terms as a revolution. It is to be the break from the past. When protesters proclaim ‘Never Cold Blooded’, what they affirm is the conviction to persevere towards that new beginning, whatever the cost. This is why, despite all the horrors and atrocities thrown at them by the junta, they persist, and will continue doing so. Juxtaposed against this determination is the military regime’s archaic desire for the restoration of a mythologized past of Bamar nationalism. Who but a senior general of the Myanmar military could now sit in that ridiculous throne hall in Naypyitaw and not be ashamed of such backwardness? Moreover, the intent of Myanmar’s revolutionaries contrasts with the toxic phrase thrown around by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), with international backing, that the bloc supports a “return to normalcy” for Myanmar requiring dialogue and mediation with the military. This is not a new beginning, but simply an attempt at restoring a flawed process. ASEAN and the rest of the world delude themselves by believing that the decade of ‘transition’ represented some type of ‘normal’ leading to a more permanent, more democratic order. The country was effectively held hostage by the military and its self-serving 2008 Constitution, meaning it was always able and willing to stage a coup. The rage of the Myanmar public since the putsch is that they nonetheless peacefully engaged in the military’s process for ‘discipline-flourishing democracy’ and were then cheated via the coup, with thousands of people subsequently murdered. Moreover, what can ever be ‘normal’ about expecting a ‘peaceful transition’ back to [quasi/coerced] democracy when that requires engagement with a regime that is genocidal. Exactly how many genocides and massacres must a regime commit before they are no longer to be engaged with but simply ended? ‘Never Cold Blooded’ means ending a toxic disgrace of a military that has denied the Myanmar people both liberty and freedom for over six decades. Another key insight of Arendt’s framing of revolution is the notion of a “point of no return”, namely when enough of a society feel that they are “agents in a process which spells the definite end of an old order and brings about the birth of a new world.” One outcome of the preceding decade of ‘transition’ which was actually positive was that it socialized the Myanmar public, and particularly its youth, to the notion that a different future was in fact possible except for one thing. Arendt summarized this nicely when she notes that what is sought by revolution is a “citizen’s right of access to the public realm, in his share in public power.” As Arendt notes, the concept of rage is central to revolutions, particularly “the rage of naked misfortune pitted against the rage of unmasked corruption.” These emotive, competing forces compel a society, like Myanmar’s, to rise in revolution after experiencing, at least partially, a better future. One where, at least conceivably, the military did not wrap the country’s people around its own greed, coerced through unending violence and division. As such, Myanmar’s military laid the foundation for the revolution through the decade of quasi-democracy and economic growth and then lit the flame for it through the 2021 coup. This in turn builds upon Arendt’s emphasis on “revolutionary spirit”, which is the “the most impressive facet of modern revolutions.” Key to Arendt’s emphasis on revolutionary spirit are themes that link more closely with the English language connotations of ‘Never Cold Blooded’ but inherently sync with the ethos of Myanmar’s revolution. Uniting revolutionaries is the “notion of novelty and newness” of the endeavor. Moreover, key to this is the awareness of the agency of collective action for common good. As Arendt explained, successful revolutions only occur when a sufficient number of citizens are willing to act knowing that they may fail, but nonetheless are “eager to organize and to act together for a common purpose.” This stands in contrast to societies that prioritize personal well-being, most often in terms of affluence, at the price of public good, namely democracy and basic liberties. It is telling that Myanmar’s revolution is driven by its youth, who have risen in massive numbers to say that they want a different country for theirs and future generations. ‘Never Cold Blooded’ is in effect a declaration that indifference to the sufferings of others has been one of the country’s ‘original sins,’ most recently by widespread indifference to the Rohingya genocide. While there is still much to do, there has been more societal reckoning and reconciliation in the 20 months since the coup than in the preceding decades. That Bamar heartland regions, specifically Sagaing and Magwe, are core areas of armed resistance and are actively supported by partner ethnic armed organizations is but one example of the shifting parameters of how and who to define what is Myanmar. Another important dynamic in this regard is the oft-stated declaration by the country’s youth that they wish to participate in the revolution precisely because it is a responsibility they must bear so that future generations do not. This is surely one of the purest meanings of ‘Never Cold Blooded’. Ending the military’s dominance is the most immediate goal of the revolution and creating a federal democracy the clear political outcome sought, but there are other major societal shifts being driven along by the churning forces raging across the country. Revolution is a process. It is a societal reckoning. What is sought in Myanmar, to quote Arendt on modern revolutions, is “the foundation of freedom and the establishment of lasting institutions.” In simplest terms, this means a new beginning. ‘Never Cold Blooded’ is the fitting ethos of a society attempting to start anew. The revolution must be won and then a new, stable political settlement enacted around federal democracy. At its core will be a basic but fundamental notion that so exemplifies what is sought during these turbulent, violent months of revolution. As Arendt wisely summarized, we must be able “to grasp the enormous difference in power and authority between a constitution imposed by a government upon a people and the constitution by which a people constitutes its own government.” This awareness seems self-evident to Myanmar’s revolutionaries but sorely missing amongst the international community. Outsiders who wish to support the Myanmar people in their revolution should support it as a sprawling, dynamic process rather than nitpick or over-generalize inevitable failings and challenges. It will never be as clean or obvious as anybody would want, but the international community, and especially its democracies, owes the Myanmar people real support in their just endeavor to secure a new future free of military dictatorship. To do otherwise is simply cold blooded..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: As UN aid agencies line up to sign deals with the junta, local groups fighting “for victory and humanity” continue to be the country’s real saviours
Description: "The recent rush of UN agencies to sign memorandums of understanding (MOUs) with Myanmar’s military junta has raised important questions about who is really carrying the burden of humanitarian assistance in the country—international aid agencies, or local relief groups engaged in resisting the regime? In a recent paper, Hugo Slim, a UK-based expert on the ethics of humanitarian aid, offers some valuable insight on this issue, which has been the subject of often passionate debate in Myanmar. Titled “Humanitarian resistance: Its ethical and operational importance,” this paper examines the respective roles of local civil society organisations and activist groups participating in the Spring Revolution on the one hand, and UN agencies and the INGO aid community on the other. There is growing frustration on both sides. Those who work for international aid agencies, especially foreign nationals, feel that they are being unfairly criticised for trying to assist vulnerable populations. While they lament that this may mean making “many hard and unpleasant compromises in order to serve higher humanitarian imperatives,” as one such individual put it to me recently, they insist that this is necessary in order to function in a very complex situation. On the other side, local activists feel that they are speaking for most in Myanmar when they say that the country has been largely abandoned by the international community—not least by the UN and its humanitarian agencies. Looking back over the past 19 months, what they see is the failure of UN agencies and INGOs to provide aid where it is needed most. Only a trickle of aid has come into the country, and it has only reached areas where the regime has allowed them to operate. In Slim’s terminology, this is a dispute between what he calls the “local humanitarian resistance community” and the community of “conventional international humanitarian agencies.” The first term in particular is helpful in understanding the core of the disagreement, because it highlights the emergence of an alternative to more traditional thinking about the place of humanitarian relief work in the context of conflict. Since its attempt to seize power in February of last year, Myanmar’s military has faced protests, civil disobedience and armed resistance; in response, it has unleashed harsh, indiscriminate, large-scale and systematic violence. Its sole aim is to crush dissent at any cost, and its inability to achieve this goal has only made it more brutal. Currently in control of less than 50% of the country’s territory, and vulnerable to attack even in areas where it has a strong presence, it routinely deploys jets, helicopters and ground troops to carry out “clearance operations” anywhere that it cannot impose its rule. The result has been a huge and growing humanitarian crisis. This crisis has been created by the junta, and nobody else. As it continues to worsen day by day, week by week, the people of Myanmar have responded with an impressive display of what Slim calls “humanitarian resistance,” which doesn’t just address immediate needs, but also recognises that inflicting suffering on the civilian population is not just an unfortunate side effect of the country’s conflict, but an integral part of the military’s strategy. Thus, no amount of international aid will help as long as the regime continues with its systematic dislocation of civilians and destruction of their property and livelihoods. Within Myanmar, local humanitarian resistance groups enjoy the trust and appreciation of the general population, while international aid agencies are increasingly regarded with frustration and even anger. Conversely, people outside of the country, who have little knowledge or recognition of the value of resistance humanitarianism, continue to hold the international agencies in high esteem, if only because these agencies have been so skillful at promoting themselves on the world stage. There are a number of reasons that many in Myanmar take such a dim view of international agencies. One is that they are seen as remote, top-down organisations. They are also far less numerous and diverse than local, grass-roots groups. But perhaps the most important reason is that they see themselves as obliged to remain “neutral” and “non-partisan”—unlike local humanitarian resistance groups, which, according to Slim, “simultaneously [take] sides for human life and human freedom” and “combine a desire for victory and humanity.” In his paper, Slim looks at Myanmar and Ukraine as examples of humanitarian resistance in action. In both countries, he sees evidence of how the humanitarian response to their respective political crises aims to serve “the cause of victory”: “In Myanmar, people committed to the resistance are boycotting government institutions and have either created new associations for the rescue and relief of people suffering from the dictatorship’s violence and increasing poverty, or they are surging existing social and religious institutions for the same effect. In Ukraine, where an entire nation is fighting for survival against outside aggression, people have come together en masse as volunteer auxiliaries to dramatically expand the provision of food relief, emergency housing and education, social work, civil defence and ambulance and fire services.” According to Slim, “All these welfare activities combine a humanitarian and a resistance purpose in the same activity. Being a resistance humanitarian in Myanmar or Ukraine means playing your part in the struggle. Working as a medic, a firefighter or an emergency teacher is experienced and understood as a valuable form of civil resistance.” The fact that many see their humanitarian activities as part of a political struggle in no way detracts from the effectiveness of their efforts, says Slim. Indeed, he observes that humanitarian resistance has had a “significant” impact in terms of meeting people’s needs: “Tens of thousands of people have been rescued from Ukrainian cities under Russian attack by informal groups using their own cars and covert routes in a continuous relay of rescue runs. These rescuers see their humanitarian work as part of the political struggle against the Russian invasion. In Myanmar, hundreds of thousands of people are being helped with food, healthcare and emergency education by rescue committees and relief committees formed by people from the [Civil Disobedience Movement] who have left their government jobs to work for alternative, resistance institutions.” Unlike international aid organisations, which are relatively generously funded by donor countries, the local humanitarian resistance community is primarily financed by members of the public who are in many cases struggling with hardships of their own due to the economic fallout of the coup. An energized and self-organised diaspora is also making a contribution. Another difference is that local humanitarian resistance work relies heavily on volunteers, whereas international aid agencies are mostly staffed by well-paid professionals. Expats employed to do international aid work typically follow a career path that takes them from one “crisis spot” to another. Most currently working “on Myanmar” do so from a safe distance—from neighbouring Thailand or even farther afield. And while they can expect to advance in their careers even under these circumstances, many humanitarian resistance workers actually inside the country have had to abandon their professions to oppose the injustice and repression of the military regime. Needless to say, “resistance humanitarians” don’t just sacrifice their careers—they also risk their lives. On numerous occasions people providing aid have been arrested, tortured and imprisoned. Some have been killed. Meanwhile, conventional humanitarian agencies have been struggling to respond to the suffering in Myanmar. Their mode of operations requires the explicit or implicit consent of the regime, which has hugely restricted what they can do. But beyond this, they have also been constrained by their own bureaucratic character, which makes them extremely slow and expensive, as well as prone to self-censorship. In short, there has been an enormous disproportionality between these two very different aid communities, in terms of their cost, effectiveness, and risk. This raises the question of which side actually receives the most money from international donors. The answer, of course, is that almost all funding flows to major agencies or organisations, while virtually none reaches groups engaged in humanitarian resistance. This is not a new situation. It has long been the case that local groups have had to operate on shoestring budgets, while international aid agencies have been far more lavishly funded. This has been a source of some resentment among local aid groups, but most have hesitated to speak out about it, as they see the international aid agencies as being at least potential allies against the real enemy—Myanmar’s repressive military. More recently, however, many have become more outspoken about this disparity, as they watch multiple UN agencies hasten to sign MOUs with the junta. In effect, according to those who are now witnessing this spectacle from the trenches of Myanmar’s ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, these agencies have broken their long-held principle of neutrality by reaching agreements with a regime that has no legitimacy in the eyes of the country’s people. This cannot be defended as pragmatism. A genuinely pragmatic approach would be one that involves deals with both the regime and with the National Unity Government and governing entities in liberated ethnic territories. This would enable a more fair and balanced distribution of aid into areas that are currently being served almost entirely by humanitarian resistance organisations. At this point, there are few in Myanmar who believe that the UN agencies are primarily motivated by a desire to deliver aid more effectively. Rather, they are seen as acting mostly out of institutional self-interest. Meanwhile, resistance organisations and networks continue to do what they have been doing to save the country from the coup regime. They need to be noticed, recognised and supported by donor countries. Yangon-based UN agencies and INGOs will not provide for them. Igor Blazevic is a prominent human rights campaigner based in the Czech Republic. He is a lecturer at Educational Initiatives, a training program for Myanmar activists, and a senior adviser with the Prague Civil Society Centre..."
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Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2022-08-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Civilian Harm Report (Part Two): Violent civilian deaths in North-West Myanmar During Myanmar Witness’ investigation into fires and military activity in the North-West regions of Sagaing (စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း), Chin (ချင်းပြည်နယ်) and Magway (မကွေးတိုင်း), reports of civilian harm and multiple violent deaths emerged. Following on from Myanmar Witness’ joint investigation with the BBC into killings in Kani Township, Sagaing (စစ်ကိုင်းတိ) in May 2021, Myanmar Witness has identified and analysed a number of incidents involving the discovery of significant numbers of corpses, allegedly the victims of mass killings by the Myanmar military. Each of these followed reports of anti-regime protests and clashes between the military and defence forces in the local area. This short article provides an overview of Part Two of Myanmar Witness’ report ‘Civilian Harm: An investigation into the impact of two military operations in North-West Myanmar’. This analysed and verified evidence of multiple killings in the same areas that the military operations widely known as Anawrahta (အနော်ရထာ စစ်ဆင်ရေး) and Alaungmintayar (အလောင်းမင်းတရား စစ်ဆင်ရေး) occurred. Part One revealed how the use of fire and destruction of villages in these North-West regions aligned closely with these military operations. To read the full report, download the PDF here. Killings of multiple people Myanmar Witness verified three separate incidents alleged to be mass killings committed by the Myanmar military in the north-west region: 18 people found dead in Myin Thar (မြင်သား), Gangaw (ဂန့်ဂေါ) Township, Magway (မကွေးမြို့) in September 2021 (partially verified). The dead reportedly included minors, the elderly and the physically disabled. 11 people found dead in Done Taw (ဒုံးတော), Salingyi (ဆားလင်းကြီး), Sagaing (စစ်ကိုင်းတိ) in December 2021 (fully verified). The dead reportedly included minors and an elderly women. Six people found dead in Thit Seint Gyi (သစ်ဆိမ့်ကြီး), Wetlet (ဝက်လက်) township, Sagaing (စစ်ကိုင်းတိ) in January 2022 (fully verified). This summary report focuses on the case study of Salingyi (ဆားလင်းကြီး) Township in the Sagaing (စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း) Region. To read the other case studies, download the full report. ​​ Salingyi Township, Sagaing - December, 2021 (fully verified) Background [Warning: Graphic] On 7 December 2021, Myanmar military troops reportedly raided the village of Done Taw (ဒုံးတော), Salingyi (ဆားလင်းကြီး) Township in Sagaing (စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း) Region. . This was, according to a report by Myanmar Now, following a mine ambush on military vehicles on the Monywa-Pathein highway near North Yamar bridge, located about 300 metres from the village. Salingyi (ဆားလင်းကြီး) is an area which was reportedly targeted by a convoy-centred military operation in November 2021. Salingyi (ဆားလင်းကြီး) residents have reportedly engaged in anti-regime protests - one of which occurred just days before this incident. Locals interviewed by Myanmar Now state that military soldiers entered the village from near the Pathein-Monywa road at 0800. Done Taw (ဒုံးတော) has only one entrance and exit route, through the Shwe Myin Tin farm on the bank of the Chindwin River. According to villagers and a local PDF leader (reported by Myanmar Now and The Irrawaddy), 11 villagers were reportedly captured, set on fire, and burned to death. A video uploaded to social media by various media outlets shows the aftermath of the attack, including the burnt remains of bodies (graphic footage – available on request). The video’s voiceover states: “They were shot and stabbed while forced to kneel, with their hands tied”. Verification Myanmar Witness can verify that the location where these bodies were found was just outside of Done Taw (ဒုံးတော) village, in farmland located at 22.142916, 95.062057 (Figure 48). However, it cannot be verified that this was the area where the people were killed, whether they had their hands tied, or whether they were dead before or after the fire started. It’s also reported by the Irrawaddy, as well as elsewhere online, that a Done Taw (ဒုံးတော) resident, Daw Win Yi, who was over 50, was also killed by the Myanmar military in farmland outside the village. While images of a deceased elderly woman have been collected, Myanmar Witness could not verify where these particular photos were taken. According to the official NUG twitter account, the NUG were supplied with a victim’s list by a local PDF group (Figure 49). This included f our victims under the age of 18 : Arkar Soe (14), Hsan Min Oo (17), Than Myint Aung (17), Kyaw Thet (17). Most of the victims were unrecognisable as a result of the impact of the fire, except for 17-year-old Than Myint Aung, who was identifiable from his ear piercing, according to Myanmar Now. To read the other two case studies, download the full report here. Conclusion Through a detailed investigation, this report demonstrates the grave civilian impacts of military operations in north-west Myanmar. The widespread destruction of communities along military routes represents a worrying trend. The verified reports of civilian deaths, which eye witnesses attribute to the military, indicates the precarious situation everyday citizens face across Myanmar. Myanmar Witness is still verifying footage related to further alleged killings in the north-west and other regions. These will be documented in a forthcoming report. Many trends documented in this report have been seen across the country more broadly, for example, see Myanmar Witness’ published reports: Burning Myanmar, Moso Village Christmas Eve Killings, and Using Pamphlets for Propaganda, Misinformation, Intimidate and Division. To read a summary of Part One of the report - on the use of fire and the destruction of civilian property - go to the reports page of the Myanmar Witness website. To read the full report, download the PDF. Myanmar Witness continues to document and investigate evidence of possible human rights abuses in Myanmar. These findings will be made available on the Myanmar Witness website, as and when they are completed..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Witness
2022-09-23
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Today, on September 21st, the world commemorates the International Day of Peace. This annual event is a day on which armed actors throughout the world are expected to cease hostilities for 24 hours as a celebration of the spirit of peace. Calls to cease hostilities in Burma are however currently deeply problematic. The junta’s recent calls for cease-fire are likely a smokescreen to conceal their real intent of securing allies rather than true peace, and of undermining and weakening opposition groups who are fighting for concrete political reform that will end the longstanding oppression of ethnic minorities. The current context thus serves as a sad reminder that even calls for peace can be used as a weapon of war. As such, local and regional actors have been stressing the need to hold Burma’s military leaders accountable for their crimes as the clearest means to bring about peace and end the violence committed against those striving for democracy. Since February 2021, when the Burma Army (or Tatmadaw) once again violently and unlawfully seized control over the country, villagers in Southeast Burma have been increasingly subjected to a vast array of human rights violations, including arbitrary arrests, torture, killing, extortion, looting, burning of entire villages, and forced labour, as well as being used as human shields. The military junta has also returned to a “four cuts” strategy (pyat lay pyat) aimed to destroy links between their opponents and sources of funding, supplies, intelligence, and recruits from local villages by directly targeting civilians. This was first used against the Karen in the 1970s, and was also deployed in Rakhine State in 2017, against the Rohingya. As a result, villagers in Karen State are being denied the most basic human necessities, including food, health care and education, and are struggling to survive. This year’s theme, “End Racism. Build Peace,” serves as a reminder that lasting peace is achieved not only through the absence of violent conflict but through the elimination of structures of violence, including ethnic and racial discrimination. The Burma Army has been oppressing ethnic minorities throughout Burma for decades, not just through its four cuts strategy, but also through a heavy Burmanisation campaign that sought to suppress the culture, language, history, and ethnic expression of minority groups. Due to ongoing and widespread problems of impunity, the Burma Army has been able to extend its tyranny and oppression to include all civilians who oppose its dictatorial rule. The ongoing failure of the international community to adequately respond to the atrocities committed against Burma’s ethnic minorities thus perpetuates the structures that fuel oppression and conflict. On this day that people across the globe are called upon to observe a “minute of silence” or “moment of peace”, KHRG hopes that everyone will reflect on the fact that for many people in Burma, and others currently facing oppression and war, enjoying a “minute of silence” and “moment of peace” is not even possible. Thus, in commemoration of this International Day of Peace, KHRG urges all relevant international actors to take concrete action to address the human rights violations in Burma by holding accountable the military junta leaders for their past and current crimes. In remembering the shared responsibility of all local, regional and international actors in bringing about peace, let this Day of Peace serve as a turning point for ending impunity and dismantling the structures that support ongoing violence and oppression. .."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-09-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: A freelance television presenter who worked for the BBC's charity branch has been sentenced to three years hard labour in Myanmar.
Description: "Htet Htet Khine, the presenter of a programme produced by BBC Media Action for local audiences, was arrested in August 2021. Many journalists and activists have been jailed since the military seized power in a coup in February 2021. BBC Media Action's director of programmes said the move was alarming. "This, and other detentions of media workers in the country, runs counter to basic principles of human rights and freedom of expression," Richard Lace said. The authorities said Htet Htet Khine's reporting amounted to incitement and illegal association, charges her family said were unjust. Her contact with family and access to legal representation has been limited since her arrest, BBC Media Action says. Since the coup, 12 media outlets have been forcibly shut and 142 journalists arrested, according to the independent Myanmar Now website. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which keeps a toll of those killed, jailed or detained by the military, says that more than 14,000 people have been arrested, with an estimated 2,114 killed by military forces. Htet Htet Khine became well known in the country as the face of Khan Sar Kyi, described by the charity as a national television peace programme. She had travelled across the country showing the impact of internal conflicts. BBC Media action is an independent charity that operates separately from BBC News. It follows the corporation's editorial standards but is distinct from BBC News Burmese language news programmes..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2022-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: In a rare first-hand account, Frontier journalist Ye Mon recounts being beaten and sexually abused by regime soldiers in December 2021 after being detained at Yangon International Airport.
Description: "I couldn’t see the soldiers through my blindfold, but their words were terrifying enough. “If they refused to answer our questions, we raped them – women and men – and then killed them.” Despite the casual delivery, it was clear that the soldiers were threatening me. I had read numerous reports about soldiers sexually assaulting people in detention but I never imagined it would happen to me. After covering the aftermath of the February 2021 coup along with my Frontier colleagues, I quietly flew out of Yangon to Thailand in October. The State Administration Council, as the junta calls itself, had been increasingly targeting journalists and I no longer felt safe. I had been living in a safe house for months, and soldiers and police visited my former residence at least twice looking for me. I made some enquiries and found I was not on the blacklist at Yangon International Airport, so I got a Thai visa and bought a ticket. Nevertheless, I didn’t feel relaxed until the plane actually took off. After finishing hotel quarantine, I resumed my work in Chiang Mai. I was close to finishing several pieces for Frontier when I got some bad news from Yangon: a close relative was seriously ill. I felt a powerful need to return and care for them. I knew there were risks in returning but they’d let me leave Myanmar less than two months earlier; getting back in would surely be no harder. I expected to face nothing more than a two-week stay in quarantine when I arrived back in Yangon. But as my plane landed around 8pm on December 12, I felt an overwhelming sense of fear. Many people from Myanmar will understand this fear. We can be arrested at any time, for no apparent reason. It doesn’t matter whether you’re involved in fighting the dictatorship – with the military in charge, you can never be truly safe in Myanmar. The airport was eerily quiet. We filed off the plane towards the counter where we needed to choose whether to spend our quarantine in a hotel or government facility. I chose hotel quarantine and an official directed me to the immigration counter. That was where my nightmare began. Our interaction started casually enough; I handed my passport over the counter, and the immigration officer stamped it and entered my arrival date. But then he said vaguely that I needed to wait a moment while they checked some other things. Ten minutes later, four fully armed police officers arrived and took me off into the corner of the room, a short distance from the immigration counter. They didn’t tell me why I was being stopped, but I knew it couldn’t be good. I sent a few short messages to my colleagues that the police had stopped me. The officers started asking questions, things like, “Did you write anti-SAC articles?” and “Do you have connections to the National Unity Government and People’s Defence Forces?” Then they said, “Do you know that you have been charged under 505A?”. This set my heart racing. By now, most people from Myanmar are familiar with the phrase “505A”: an incitement charge in the Penal Code that carries a potential three-year prison term, and which the junta has used regularly against its opponents. I had no idea what to do but tried to stay calm. I replied that journalists need to speak to all sides, so I had to contact the NUG and PDFs for my articles. Obviously, I would not have returned to Myanmar if I knew that I had been charged, I told them. At first, I thought my responses had worked. They took me away in a police car, but dropped me at the government quarantine centre in Dagon Seikkan Township. Had they just been trying to scare me? My heart sank, however, when the police took my laptop, mobile phone and passport. I realised I hadn’t wiped my devices as thoroughly as I had on the way out of Myanmar. They still had some sensitive information on them. I had another phone hidden in my luggage, and with that I sent a message to Frontier explaining what had happened. An hour later, soldiers and police arrived at my room. I was handcuffed and my eyes were covered with a black cloth, but I had time to see one soldier had the two-star insignia of a lieutenant. One of them told me that I would have to stay at a hotel for 14 days due to COVID-19 prevention measures. The handcuffs and blindfold suggested this was unlikely. Thirty minutes after getting into a vehicle it came to a halt. To this day I still don’t know exactly where I was taken, but I believe it was one of the junta-run interrogation centres in Yangon. Since the coup, these centres have earned a notorious reputation for the torture handed out to detainees, some of whom have died during interrogation. They forced me to sit on the floor and left me alone. After maybe three hours – it’s hard to tell when you’re blindfolded – several men came into the room and said they found emails I had sent to the NUG, and a story I had written about the telcos MPT and Mytel surveilling their customers. They particularly wanted to know the identities of the sources in the story. Knowing what the consequences would be if I gave them the names, I told them I had promised the sources their identities would remain secret. I also pleaded with the soldiers to let me go, trying to convince them that I had quit Frontier in October. They then started kicking me in the abdomen and beating me around the head with their guns. When I asked for a cup of water, they threatened to kick me again. They kept asking questions, about my work and Frontier. I remained blindfolded the whole time. I think this continued for an hour, after which they sent me back to a hotel in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township. It was about 2am and I was starving; I tried to call the hotel reception but the phone seemed to have been disconnected. In the morning, officials from the Ministry of Health turned up for my COVID-19 test and breakfast arrived at my door. The officials said nothing about the bruising on my face. I hoped my ordeal was over but spent the day waiting in fear. At about 9pm, the soldiers and police returned and I was again blindfolded and taken somewhere. The interrogation went on even longer that night. They kept repeating the same questions and beating me when I didn’t give them the answers they wanted. At some point in the morning, I was sent back to the hotel. I was in so much pain I couldn’t sleep. I thought it couldn’t get worse, but I was wrong. I will never forget the events of the following day, December 14. I had always considered the 14th of any month to be a lucky day: my wife and I got married on February 14, and my son’s birthday is July 14. Again, I was blindfolded and taken to the interrogation centre. A soldier gave me a cup of water, and then they asked me the same questions. As on the previous days, I refused to give them the information they were after. I then heard a girl screaming, possibly from the room next door. A soldier told me, “Min thu ko lote ya meh.” This literally meant I would have to do something for or to her, but from the context I knew they meant I would have to have sex with her. If I didn’t, they said, they would do “something” to me. I was terrified, but I refused. They asked again: who were the sources for the article? I told them I couldn’t remember, but they didn’t believe me. That was when they started to rape me. I begged them to stop, but they just told me to be quiet. It went on for about an hour. I was in shock; I never expected the soldiers would behave like that. It occurred to me that if they were sick enough to rape me, they could kill me at any moment. I couldn’t stay silent any longer; all I could think about was getting out alive. I thought about how to respond while giving away as little information as possible, to minimise the risk to others. One of the things they had been demanding were the phone numbers of three colleagues who were already out of the country, along with the numbers of an activist and a lawyer. I couldn’t remember the numbers, but I offered to retrieve them from my phone. It seemed as though it would be easy enough for them to get the numbers through other channels, anyway. Revealing the identities of sources was a more sensitive matter. I told them the position of one government official, but said I couldn’t remember their name or number, and gave a fake name and number for a police officer. In desperation, I then told the soldiers I also worked as a national consultant for UNICEF. This wasn’t a total lie, but my part-time contract with UNICEF had actually ended months ago – that’s why it hadn’t occurred to me to mention it earlier. Maybe saying I was with a UN agency worked, or maybe they just felt they had enough information, but shortly afterwards they sent me back to the hotel. Despite what I had experienced, I felt relieved to be alive. The next day, a senior military officer came to my hotel together with police from Mingalar Taung Nyunt and Sanchaung townships. They told me I would be charged under not only section 505A of the Penal Code, but also 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act and the Counter-Terrorism Law. But then they offered to withdraw the charges if I agreed not to reveal anything about my detention, including the sexual abuse I suffered. They had prepared a six-point statement for me to sign: Aside from staying silent about my experience, I would not be able to work for Frontier or contact the NUG or PDFs, and I would need to inform the Sanchaung Township police station at least 10 days in advance if I wanted to travel domestically or internationally. The agreement said I would receive my laptop, mobile phone and passport back within a week. If I broke the agreement, I would face the original charges. I told them I needed time to think about it. Although I desperately wanted to get out of detention, the idea of making a deal with the regime still made me feel sick. When they came back the next day, though, I was ready to sign. I was worried about my family, and what they might do to them if I refused. Once I had signed, the senior officer said I would be able to go home after completing quarantine on December 20. This concern with COVID-19 regulations may seem absurd, but not to those familiar with the workings of the Myanmar military. It is willing to do anything – no matter how barbaric – to hold onto power, but at the same time, it feels the need to show it is upholding and following the law. The sense of relief I had expected to feel upon returning home never came. Although my physical injuries soon started to heal and the doctor told me my damaged kidneys would repair themselves, I had trouble sleeping and was terrified of the darkness; just seeing soldiers on social media, let alone on the street, left me a wreck. I felt unable to tell my family, including my wife, the full story of what had happened. After a few months I decided to get tested for sexually transmitted infections, so I went alone, in secret. Frontier had stopped publishing temporarily in October to make it easier for us to quietly leave the country. The plan was to resume in December but after my arrest they decided to wait, and eventually relaunched in January this year. After my release, I stopped communicating with Frontier so that the authorities wouldn’t arrest me. But once articles were going up on the website again, the Sanchaung police started to call me regularly – perhaps around twice a month – to say Frontier was damaging the reputation of the military and that I would have to face the consequences. Unable to work for Frontier, or even contact my colleagues, I had little to keep me occupied; inevitably, I could think about little else than what the soldiers had done to me. The guilt of having potentially put others at risk by returning to Myanmar also weighed on me. I soon started to think about ending my life. I felt like I had no future, nothing to look forward to. Most of all I felt alone. For months I struggled on. Then, in April, I told my wife that I had been raped. This helped immediately – finally, someone else knew what I had been through. It wasn’t always at the front of my mind. Nevertheless, I was still in a bad way. The only thing I wanted was to get out of the country, but I was in a bind. Although I didn’t feel safe in Myanmar with the authorities seemingly watching my every step, trying to leave again seemed like such a risk. Eventually I decided to try to go back to Thailand. As per the terms of the agreement, I informed the Sanchaung Township police station. It was unclear whether I would be allowed to leave, and I was terrified they would arrest me again when I went through the airport. Travelling alone on June 6, I passed through immigration without a problem and soon landed in Bangkok. My family joined me later the same day on a separate flight. Why did they let me go? Why did they let me leave last year, and then arrest me when I returned a few months later? The regime’s decision-making is opaque and seemingly erratic. The police officer from Sanchaung told me they had let some other junta opponents leave, including known members of the Civil Disobedience Movement. Perhaps they just thought it was easier if I was out of the country. Regardless, we were now finally free of the regime, and this time I really did start to feel better. Since arriving in Bangkok, Frontier have been providing me with access to regular counselling and continued treatment for my physical injuries. But the trauma of my experience is always present, and deciding whether to write about it was difficult. I was sure that soldiers routinely used sexual violence against both men and women during interrogation, but also knew that most victims would not want to speak up – either because they had (like me) been forced to sign an agreement, they were worried about the stigma, or both. Part of me also wanted to stay silent about what had happened. The military has a particular sensitivity to allegations of sexual violence and nearly always denies that such incidents took place. If faced with incontrovertible evidence, it blames a rogue soldier or soldiers and has insisted for decades there is no institutional pattern. I decided to write this because I wanted the world to know that the use of sexual violence is indeed routine, even if it meant reliving my experience over and over again. I also chose to write under my name, rather than anonymously, to encourage other survivors to come forward about what they experienced. I believe that the use of rape and other forms of sexual abuse is not just a torture method designed to get information out of detainees. The soldiers see the people as their enemies and inflict sexual violence as a form of punishment, and to show that they have the power to do whatever they want. I think this attitude comes right from the top of the military, from Min Aung Hlaing himself. They know the people despise them, and violence and fear are the only tools they have left to maintain power..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
2022-09-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A Yangon court has sentenced journalist Htet Htet Khine to three years in prison under incitement charges, as disturbing crackdowns on press freedom continue under Myanmar’s military regime. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) condemns the court’s decision and calls on the junta to protect the rights of journalists and media workers in Myanmar. Htet Htet Khine, a former BBC television presenter, was sentenced to three years in prison on September 15, after she was convicted of incitement under Section 505(a) of the Myanmar Penal Code for allegedly disseminating ‘false information designed to foster public animosity towards the military government’. From 2016 until 2020, Khine presented the BBC’s Khan Sar Kyi (Feel It) program, which covered the devastating impacts of prolonged conflict in Myanmar. Htet Htet Khine and fellow journalist Sithu Aung Myint were arrested by the military junta in Yangon in August 2021. Khine was initially charged under Section 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act for working with an outlawed radio station and sheltering Myint from police. Following her sentencing, Khine’s family members said they feared for her safety and reiterated that the charges against her were unlawful. In a statement, BBC Media Action also expressed concern for Khine’s safety and said that the sentence ran “counter to basic principles of human rights and freedom of expression.” Since the military coup in February 2021, at least 120 journalists have been detained, according to Reporting ASEAN. Last month, a freelance photographer was arrested by junta troops and former photojournalist Ko Zaw Zaw was sentenced to three years in prison. On July 30, Aye Kyaw, a photographer and activist known for covering anti-junta protests, died in police custody. The IFJ said: “The unlawful charges against Htet Htet Khine are yet another blatant attempt to silence critical voices and stifle press freedom in Myanmar. The IFJ urges Myanmar’s military to immediately release Khine and respect the right of all journalists to report without fear of persecution.”..."
Source/publisher: International Federation of Journalists
2022-09-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar’s junta added a charge that carries a death sentence against jailed protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing for his role in the protest movement against military rule. The 27-year-old pro-democracy activist has been held in Monywa Prison, Sagaing Region, since his arrest in April last year during an anti-regime rally. He has already faced several charges and was given a 10-year sentence in five incitement cases last month. On August 26 the junta filed a fresh case against him under Article 122 of the Penal Code for leading protests in Monywa and for affiliating with the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw of deposed lawmakers, which the junta has declared an unlawful organization, his mother told The Irrawaddy. Article 122 enforces a death sentence or life in prison for high treason. Ko Wai Moe Naing defended himself in court as neither of his lawyers was able to attend court. One lawyer was detained and the other has been in hiding for over a month after the junta issued an arrest warrant. He also faces charges of murder, wrongful confinement, defamation and under the Natural Disaster Management Law. A hearing for the latest charge is scheduled for September 22. The regime, which has killed at least 2,273 people since the February 2021 coup, has used the death penalty to intimidate opponents as it struggles to control the country. It carried out Myanmar’s first execution in nearly four decades in July by hanging four detainees, including veteran democracy activist Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former National League for Democracy lawmaker, who were sentenced to death in January. The other two victims were Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw, who were accused of murdering a woman they believed to be a junta informant. Many other political prisoners now face death sentences issued by junta courts..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-09-14
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-14
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Description: "Myanmar’s detained democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is facing several health issues in solitary confinement, ranging from an irregular heartbeat to festering insect bites. The 77-year-old civilian leader had to undergo a medical check-up in early September after her heart rate quickened, according to sources familiar with the case. She had no history of heart problems previously. Before the coup, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was in excellent shape for her age, and had no problems with her kidneys, heart, lungs, stomach, liver or other vital organs. However, her physical condition has started to decline since she was moved from house arrest to solitary confinement in Naypyitaw Prison in June this year, the sources said. Moreover, she has developed itchy lumps due to insect bites. Some of these have begun to fester because the water inside the prison is not clean. Food provided by the prison is lousy, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has to make do with bread and milk, as well as nutritional supplements like Ensure. The poor nutrition is taking a toll on her physical condition. She is being kept in a small building in the prison compound in Naypyitaw, where daytime temperatures are high. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi asked for six curtains to ward off the heat, but prison authorities only gave her three. She also has to attend four trial hearings every week in cases filed against her by the regime. The regime has detained Daw Aung San Suu Kyi since the coup in February last year and filed 20 charges against her, including 13 corruption cases. As of Sept. 2, a regime court had sentenced her to a total of 20 years and she still faces other charges. If she is found guilty of all charges, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will have to spend the rest of her life in prison. Local and international observers see it as a deliberate strategy by the junta to remove her from politics once and for all..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-09-14
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-14
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Description: "At least 15 protesters were arrested in Yangon on Wednesday afternoon when regime personnel in civilian clothes broke up a flash mob in Kyimyindaing Township. The protest in Pan Pin Gyi Street was in support of the civilian National Unity Government and its United Nations representative, U Kyaw Moe Tun. The security forces were prepared and waiting for them, residents said. Protesters who escaped said the security forces were in plain clothes. “They arrived soon after we began the protest and beat us with sticks. Three vehicles suddenly appeared and at least three shots were fired,” said a protester who escaped. “At least 15 were taken away and we are very concerned for them. We saw them being beaten and shot at in public and anything can happen to them in an interrogation camp,” he said. Daw Win Win, a Kyimyindaing resident who witnessed the incident, said: “It happened very quickly. I saw the people in plain clothes with sticks and some with guns watching from a distance. They beat the protesters. I ran away because I was scared.” Ko Min Thurein, an executive member of the East Yangon University Students’ Union, was detained, according to the students union. Others seized were representatives of the Basic Education Students’ Union, Myanmar Labour Alliance, Myanmar Youth Network and Pyinnya Nan Taw private school. Five were members of the Confederation of Trade Unions Myanmar (CTUM), the group said, denouncing the crackdown. U Nay Min Tun from the Building and Wood Workers Federation of Myanmar and Daw Zuu Zuu Ra Khaing, Daw Yamin Kay Thwe Khaing and U Than Zaw from the Industrial Workers’ Federation of Myanmar were seized, according to the CTUM. Last December junta forces rammed a vehicle into protesters and bystanders in the same street and arrested at least 12 people, including two journalists..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-09-14
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Vicky Bowman and Htein Lin were arrested last week accused of violating immigration laws
Description: "Britain’s former ambassador to Myanmar and her husband, a prominent artist, have been sentenced to one year in prison by the country’s military-controlled courts, reports say. Vicky Bowman, who was the ambassador in Myanmar from 2002 to 2006, and her husband, Htein Lin, a veteran democracy activist, were arrested last week in Yangon and accused of violating immigration laws. They have each been sentenced to one year in prison, according to the BBC and Associated Press. Amnesty International’s deputy regional director for campaigns, Ming Yu Hah, described news of their conviction as extremely concerning. “Myanmar’s military has a notorious track record of arresting and jailing people on politically motivated or trumped-up charges,” she said. Separately on Friday, courts sentenced the ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi, 77, to three years’ imprisonment for electoral fraud, meaning she faces a total 20-year sentence. Further cases against her, which could lead to decades more prison time, are ongoing. The ousted president, Win Myint, and the former minister of the president’s office, Min Thu, also received sentences of three years for electoral fraud, according to AP. The military has sought to justify its 2021 coup by alleging widespread fraud in the 2020 election – which Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won by a landslide. The Asian Network for Free Elections, an independent group that observed the 2020 vote, found it was “by and large, representative of the will of the people”, however. In a statement, it condemned the latest convictions and called on the military to respect the results of the election. Dr Sasa, spokesperson for the National Unity Government (NUG), which was formed by elected lawmakers as well as activists in opposition to the coup, said the cases against Aung San Suu Kyi were ridiculous, and that the military was simply trying to silence her. She has been denied free and proper access to her lawyer, he said. “This is just the military doing everything they can to prolong their reign of terror agains the people of Myanmar. This has nothing to do with rule of law, nothing to do with justice, it’s all about them remaining in power,” said Sasa. Advertisement The sentences announced on Friday, including those relating to Bowman and Htein Lin, showed the true colours of the Myanmar military, he added. “Regardless of whether you are a foreigner, or a diplomat, whoever you are, if you are in Myanmar, you are not safe. They do not see you as a human being. They see you as someone who can be taken away from the house at night,” he said. Bowman, who is fluent in Burmese and began her diplomatic career working as the second secretary at the British embassy in 1990, now leads the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business. Htein Lin is one of Myanmar’s most famous artists. He was imprisoned for more than six years under military rule in 1998 and is known for continuing his art while in detention, improvising with materials to create more than 1,000 works. The junta said previously that the pair violated immigration regulations because they had not registered their new address with the authorities. The arrests came last week as the UK announced new sanctions targeting military-linked companies and said it would “intervene” in a genocide case filed by the Gambia against Myanmar at the international court of justice in 2019. More than 15,320 people have been arrested since the military took power in a coup on 1 February 2021, and 12,219 remain in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which tracks arrests and killings. Other foreign nationals being held are Prof Sean Turnell, an Australian economic adviser to Aung San Suu Kyi, and Toru Kubota, a Japanese film-maker..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2022-09-02
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The Civil Disobedience Movement member and former student leader was jailed under anti-terrorism laws.
Description: "A member of Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), Thae Su Naing, has been sentenced to seven years in prison by Meiktila Court in Mandalay region. She received the maximum sentence allowed under the country’s anti-terrorism law. The 24-year-old teacher was a former chairwoman of the Meiktila University Students’ Union and taught in the local township. Thae Su Naing was sentenced under Section 52 (A) of the Counter-Terrorism Law on Monday, family members and colleagues told RFA. Sentences under the law range from three to seven years. One family member, who declined to be named for security reasons, told RFA it was unfair to sentence a young teacher to such a long prison term, “There is no justice. My sister is an ordinary school teacher, not a People’s Defense Force (PDF) leader,” the family member said. “This sentence is severe for my sister. She has to appeal but arrangements have not yet been made. I want my sister to come back home as soon as possible.” Thae Su Naing was arrested by the army at her home in Maiktila township on November 22 last year. She was accused of being a PDF leader and held for nine months before being sentenced. Her family told RFA that her leg had been broken during a beating she received from the junta soldiers who arrested her. They said her leg has not healed properly because she did not receive effective medical treatment in Meiktila Prison. Thae Su Naing was active in fighting for students’ rights during her university days. As a teacher, she participated in the anti-dictatorship CDM movement following the Feb.1, 2021 military coup. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), 12,171 people have been arrested since the military coup of February 1, 2021 up until Monday. Some 1,410 of them have been sentenced to prison terms across Myanmar. Last month the AAPP said 12 teachers had been killed and more than 200 arrested since Myanmar’s military seized control from the elected government..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2022-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-30
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Description: "Dr. Tayzar San, 33, is one of the military regime’s most wanted people and has been hunted by the junta for many months. But despite being in hiding, the man who led the first anti-coup demonstrations in Mandalay and who has since became a prominent revolutionary continues to carry out his mission of eliminating military dictatorship from Myanmar. He challenges the junta leaders on social media almost daily, and has been travelling extensively to meet resistance groups and civilians on the ground. The protest leader recently talked to The Irrawaddy about what he saw during his travels in resistance strongholds. What did you see on your travels? I have been travelling across the country. I travelled on foot, by bike, by water and even rode an elephant once. I have been to many places and met people from all walks of life, including ordinary civilians, People Defense Forces (PDFs), ethnic organizations, people’s authorities, education boards, health boards, lawmakers, political party leaders, businessmen and even beggars. And I have heard many things from them. To tell you briefly what I saw on my travels is that I have greater confidence that this revolution will definitely succeed. The people will definitely win this fight. The military regime are not capable, either physically or mentally, of withstanding this revolution. What can you tell us about the plight of ordinary people? What I have seen is the worst social, economic, health and security situation in the country since Myanmar became independent over 70 years ago. It is said that the occupation of Myanmar [then Burma] by fascist Japan during World War II was the worst period in Myanmar’s history. In the future, people will say that Min Aung Hlaing’s dictatorship was worse than fascist Japan’s rule. Every day, junta troops torch villages for no reason. They drop bombs on civilians for no reason and shoot anyone on sight, whether they are engaged in the revolution or not. It is an extremely brutal dictatorship. The people have nothing to lose now, so there is no other option but to throw themselves into the revolution. People have been participating in the revolution with a lot of determination. In some of the villages I visited, all the villagers are members of PDFs. The military torches houses and arrests and kills civilians in order to instill fear in villagers. But the crueler their actions, the more revolutionary the people become. How are people surviving? People face extreme hardship. The military regime is employing the ‘Four Cuts’ strategy that they have used for many years. They cut off supplies of food, medicine and fuel, as well as access to the internet. So people are extremely short of food, medicine and fuel. As Myanmar is an agricultural country, people can still manage to grow food to eat, but life is still very difficult for them. The worst thing is that the currency, the Kyat, is continuously depreciating. Farmers and low-income families are facing appalling hardship due to the inflation caused by that. But they have nothing more to lose. They have lost their houses and possessions in arson attacks. They live in makeshift shelters and under trees. And they make do with what they have. They are already facing the worst situation. They are not feeling down because of the woes they are facing. Instead they are preoccupied by the desire to fight for the revolution. As they have decided to sacrifice their lives if necessary, they are no longer feeling sad or shocked. They think more about how to end the military dictatorship in the shortest possible time. I would like to take this opportunity to tell the international community that millions of people need humanitarian assistance now. They have no shelter, no food and medicine. I want to urge the international agencies to help them on humanitarian grounds. There are millions of people affected by the fighting in Anyar [central Myanmar], Karen State, northern Shan State and Tanintharyi Region. There are many people who are going hungry. I would like to urge the world to help them. What are the young people doing? Teenagers as young as 15 are participating in the revolution alongside older people, which is encouraging. Parents take their children to local PDF groups. Almost all the young people in the villages take part in the revolution one way or another. Even if they don’t personally take part in the fighting, they do their part in logistics and helping displaced people. At the same time, interim schools from kindergarten to matriculation have been opened and children attend classes. Some of those who can’t join the armed revolution are serving as volunteer teachers. And the people who are part of the Civil Disobedience Movement are not just on strike. They are teachers or are serving in people’s authorities. Some have joined PDFs. They are working with determination to end the military dictatorship. If people in other parts of the country have similar thoughts, our revolution won’t take long to succeed. If people want to end this ordeal as quickly as possible, it is important that all of them take part in the revolution. What I have seen is that every young person has become a full-time revolutionary. What do PDFs and resistance groups need? All the groups said they need weapons and ammunition. The National Unity Government (NUG) has financial constraints. I would like to urge people to make donations to fund the resistance. What are your suggestions to revolutionary groups? Our resistance forces were established overnight out of the necessity of the revolution. They are made up of civilians who joined the PDFs after a few months of military training. The chain of command is not systematic and there is still room for improvement. They can’t still get rid of their civilian behavior. There must be a systematic and swift chain of command from the most basic unit of a squad to platoon, company and battalion level right up to the NUG’s defense ministry. There are PDFs at the village, township, district and regional level. There must be unity among the civilian administration officials such as the people’s authorities, township resource management boards, township health boards and education boards. This is very important. The second thing is they must follow codes of conduct and regulations. This is critical. PDF members must follow the code of conduct of a soldier. Administrative officials must also follow rules and regulations. Their weapons must be used only to protect the people and their property. So those are the two most important suggestions for them, the chain of command and compliance with codes of conduct and rules and regulations. How much territory do resistance forces now control? The regime says in its newspapers that normalcy has been restored to the country. Everyone knows that the rural population makes up 70 per cent of Myanmar’s total population. There are between 100 and 200 villages in every township. Today, the revolutionary forces led by the NUG are strong enough to assert control over all rural areas. The area that I am currently in is vast, and some 80 to 90 per cent of schools have been opened by NUG-led boards in the area. On the other hand, junta-run schools have been opened in only one township. Don’t judge the situation just by looking at Yangon and Mandalay or the regime-controlled media. On the ground, the huge wave of revolution is sweeping across rural areas and gaining momentum by the day. What do you want to tell the NUG on behalf of the people and PDFs? All the people including me view the NUG as our government. We have pinned high hopes on it and rely heavily on it. We have trust in the NUG. We understand that the NUG is trying hard despite various challenges. We rely on it and expect more from it. Everyone knows what the PDFs and resistance groups need. They need funds, weapons and ammunition. We expect the NUG to take practical steps to make sure that people’s authorities and so on can perform effectively. Another thing is understanding and sympathy from the international community. Even if the international community can’t directly give the things we need, they can help displaced people in Myanmar on humanitarian grounds. I want the NUG to try to solicit assistance from the international community for displaced people. Millions of people are going hungry now in our country. They need shelter and medicine. On behalf of the Myanmar people, I would like to urge the NUG to try and get them international assistance. What is the key to the success of the revolution? As our revolution is centered on armed resistance, people would say heavy weapons and ammunition are most needed. That is not wrong. But, personally, people are the most important part of the revolution. This is a revolution of the people. Frankly, this revolution belongs to neither the NUG nor the National League for Democracy (NLD). Nor does it belong to the PDFs. This is a revolution of the people for the people. People have risen up in revolt because they can’t accept the injustice that comes from being ruled by a gun and having their votes cancelled. This is not a personal fight and it is not a fight between two parties: between the red [the NLD] and the green [the Myanmar military]. That must be understood clearly. The Anyar Region is fighting the military fiercely in this Spring Revolution. The Bamar people themselves are fighting fiercely against the regime, even though the Myanmar military is traditionally dominated by the Bamar. The Myanmar military can be compared to a tree that has lost its roots. No matter how large it has grown, the tree will not survive for long once it has lost its roots. It will definitely fall down. If you want to see the tree fall down quickly, then join others to push it down. The more people who join to push the tree, the quicker it will fall down. Do whatever you can. Those with swords, cut the tree with swords. Those with axes, cut with axes. Anyone with arms, help push it down. The dictatorship will definitely collapse. As the people are the key, I would like to urge all the people to continue to participate in the revolution..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-08-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-29
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Description: "Myanmar junta forces have burned down 28,434 houses in 645 locations since last year’s coup, with Sagaing Region suffering the heaviest damage, according to the independent research group Data For Myanmar. Military regime troops have committed arson attacks in 11 states and regions, with Sagaing and Magwe regions and Chin State bearing the brunt of the junta’s campaign against civilians. From February 1, 2021 to August 25, 2022, some 20,153 houses in Sagaing Region were torched by junta forces. Magwe Region saw 5,418 properties burned down, while 1,474 houses in Chin State were destroyed. Another 1,400-odd homes were torched elsewhere in the country. Despite the United Nation’s (UN) Special Envoy Noeleen Heyzer calling on coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on August 17 to cease air and artillery strikes on civilian targets and the torching of homes, regime soldiers have conducted arson attacks and airstrikes on more than 20 villages in Sagaing and Magwe in the last nine days. Over a dozen civilians have been killed, while an estimated 50,000 people have been forced to flee their homes, according to local residents and People’s Defense Forces. Data For Myanmar said that regime forces escalated their arson attacks in Sagaing in April, May and June of this year, torching over 12,000 houses. 27 out of 34 townships in Sagaing reported junta arson attacks. Magwe Region also saw an escalation in regime arson attacks in August losing 1,300 houses, added Data For Myanmar. The research group said that it used reports from the media, rights groups and refugee organizations to calculate the number of homes destroyed. However, the actual number of houses burned down may be higher than the reported figures, as many regime arson attacks have yet to be verified. Junta forces have increased their arson attacks and airstrikes against civilian targets since September last year, when the civilian National Unity Government declared war against the regime. In mid-August, the UN Special Envoy also called on the junta leader to end all forms of violence, to show full respect for human rights and the rule of law, and to allow full and safe humanitarian access to those in need. But the Myanmar military has continued to commit atrocities including burning people alive, the arbitrary torture and killings of civilians, extrajudicial killings of resistance detainees, using civilian detainees as human shields, artillery and airstrikes on residential areas, looting and burning houses and acts of sexual violence. Some 2,249 people have been killed by the regime up to August 26, while 15,239 people including elected government leaders have been arrested or detained, said the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a group that monitors arrests and deaths by junta forces..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-08-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A police officer, who worked on police escorts for senior figures, has been sentenced to 26 years in prison for joining the civil disobedience movement (CDM), a source told The Irrawaddy. Lance Corporal Han Lin Myint from the counterterrorism unit joined the CDM in March last year and protested following the Feb. 1 coup. Around the end of May last year, he was detained in a raid in Thingangyun Township, Yangon, and charged with high treason. He was sentenced to 20 years by the Yangon Eastern District Court in May this year. He was handed later three more years for incitement under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code by Thingangyun Township Court and another three years for violating police discipline. A source said: “We are proud of him. Others are also making sacrifices. But it is too much to imprison him for high treason when he only joined the CDM. We will appeal.” Relatives appealed to Yangon High Court on August 17 against the 20-year sentence but it was rejected. Ko Han Lin Myint is being held in Insein Prison and is on medication for stomach problems. One of his ribs was broken during interrogation. He served for around five years, including in the counterterrorism unit and escorted trips by vice-presidents and state-level officials and provided security when State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited the construction of the Yangon-Dala Bridge, according to a source. He was part of the escort when then Vice-President U Myint Swe, who is now the junta’s acting president, visited Kachin State in late January 2021 just before the Feb. 1 coup. He and other personnel had to stay with the military in Kachin State due to the coup. The civilian National Unity Government reported in April this year that 2,973 police officers have joined the CDM, including two majors..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-23
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Description: "The wife of democracy veteran Ko Jimmy AKA Kyaw Min Yu has called in a statement for the Myanmar junta to be held accountable for his “unjust execution” in July and for the murder to be considered a war crime. In a statement released on Facebook on 20 August, Ma Nilar Thein called on organizations and the international community to take action and warned of more possible executions. Here is the personal Statement of Ma Nilar Thein on the execution of Ko Jimmy: 1. Since the SAC regime led by Min Aung Hlaing illegally seized the power of the nation, they have unlawfully killed so many people, and this “Death Penalty” punishment is also an unlawful act of murder and is a war crime. 2. The SAC regime never informed anything about Ko Jimmy from the time when he got arrested to the time that he was executed. And, he didn’t have any rights as a political-prisoners such as prison visits, receiving medicines and foods from the family, and legal representation from a lawyer. And, the trial was also a closed trial too and no one was able to access the trial. 3. A family member was allowed to have a Zoom Meeting with him for around 20 minutes, just a day before they carried out the execution. And, no one has informed about when and where they would carried out the execution. In addition to that, the SAC regime pretended as they would not yet carry out the execution. 4. The SAC has refused to return the dead body or any evidence that can proof the execution, back to the family since they have announced that “they have carried out the punishment” on the military-own newspaper. 5. It is clear that the SAC has violated the rights of the prisoner that they executed, moreover, they have also violated the rights of the family even after the execution. This bluntly shows that the SAC has violated human rights and standard valued of people by using arms and power. 6. I have learned through video records that a mob with around (50) people came to the houses of Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw on 27th July 2022. They stoned and threw with eggs at the houses and shouted that they have lost their family members because of Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw. We have confirmed that they don’t belong to any victims and they were the members of the USDP party, which is a subordinate organization under the terrorized SAC and members of religious extremist groups. And, media organizations and social media have expressed that this is just one of the agenda of the terrorized SAC. And, it was clear that the SAC had organized similar kinds of violence campaigns in the early time of the coup. 7. Since the coup in 2021, 76 political prisoners are under the death row and 41 political activists are death sentenced under absentia. This sums up 117 people under the death row including underaged young people, university students and women. This is the time for the international community to pressure from all possible sides to stop such kind of inhumane unlawful killings. 8. This unjust action of execution bluntly insults all of us, including people of Myanmar and pro-democracy activists amid the international diplomatic missions and ASEAN Human Rights Organizations pressured the SAC not to carry out the execution. 9. I strongly urged all the governments and organizations from the international community to take more effective actions against the SAC since I heard about more potential executions as I don’t want to see no similar cases like my husband, Ko Jimmy in the future..."
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Source/publisher: Mizzima
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Political prisoners on hunger strike at Mandalay’s Obo Prison have been beaten and placed in solitary confinement since August 3, and are being denied medical treatment, said prison sources. Some 19 political prisoners are currently being held in solitary confinement. Four are anti-regime protesters, including Ko Naung Htet Aung from the Basic Education General Strike Committee, who were placed in solitary confinement on August 3. Another 15 political prisoners were placed in solitary after August 9, according to prison sources. Relatives and colleagues are concerned about the health of Ko Naung Htet Aung, a former chairperson of the Yangon Education University Students Union, who was badly beaten by prison authorities. A member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) said: “Ko Naung Htet Aung lost three teeth and was also beaten on his head and shoulders. We have learned that political prisoners including him are being denied medical treatment. So we are working for them to be able to receive medical treatment.” Ko Naung Htet Aung was sentenced on August 10 to three years in jail by a junta court inside Obo Prison for incitement under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, said an ABFSU member. Political prisoners being held at Obo staged a hunger strike from August 1 in protest at the military regime’s executions of pro-democracy activists Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw. Some 40 anti-junta prisoners joined the hunger strike and on August 3 four of them were placed in solitary confinement. On August 9, a prisoner being held for criminal offences seized a care package sent to a political prisoner with the same name. A brawl erupted when political prisoners complained to prison authorities about the incident. Anti-regime protesters were subsequently beaten by a prison official and convicts being held for committing crimes. As many as 30 political prisoners were beaten and 15 were subsequently placed in solitary confinement. An ABFSU member said that the prison authorities instigated the brawl between the political prisoners and criminal prisoners, as they needed an excuse to punish the political prisoners on hunger strike. “Political prisoners are being held with criminal prisoners. Criminal prisoners have taken the care packages sent to political prisoners. When the political prisoners complained, the prison authorities got the criminal prisoners to beat political prisoners. The political prisoners were then placed in solitary confinement. It was a deliberate set-up by the prison authorities,” said the ABFSU member. The ABFSU said that it supported the political prisoners’ hunger strike as a way of demonstrating opposition to the unfair judicial system. The anti-regime prisoners on hunger strike are demanding that prisoners on death row be spared, that political prisoners be released as requested by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, that political prisoners be allowed visits by relatives and that restrictions on their rights be lifted. The ABFSU and student unions have called on the public and anti-regime media to publicize the plight of political prisoners at Obo Prison, as the junta has imposed a news blackout on their ill-treatment. Some 125 people have been given death sentences by regime courts since last year’s coup, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-08-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As of 29 Jul, there had been at least 14,070 armed clashes and attacks, resulting in the displacement of some 866,400 people since the coup began. Junta troops continued to slash their way through the country in July, torturing and killing civilians, burning people alive, and torching villages. • Junta forces have killed at least 2,138 civilians and arrested 14,917 as of 29 Jul. The regime continued to target former officials and NLD members, as well as perceived opponents and their families. Reports suggested that the junta was installing facial recognition CCTV systems in several cities to beef up its surveillance capabilities. • The regime sparked global outcry by executing four political prisoners, including an MP, the first executions in decades. Opposition forces staged protest actions and vowed to step up resistance, as local media sources said the junta was preparing to execute 41 more inmates in Yangon. • Local civil society reported an increase in violence against women since the coup, with 1,835 cases documented in 2021 and 1,158 during Jan-Jun 2022. Women in conflict-affected areas reportedly suffered some of the most horrific abuses. • The ICJ dismissed the regime’s preliminary objections in The Gambia vs Myanmar case, allowing the proceedings to move forward. The NUG welcomed the ruling, saying it stood ready to cooperate with international accountability efforts. • The World Bank projected a mere 3% growth in 2021-22, warning that political and economic uncertainty had severely damaged Burma’s financial system. The junta further damaged the economy by tightening forex restrictions as inflation continued to hit all sectors hard. • French oil and gas firm TotalEnergies withdrew from Burma after transferring some of its shares to junta-controlled company MOGE, thus ignoring civil society calls to exit responsibly. • The junta hosted its first high-level regional meeting, which was attended by China’s Foreign Minister. • ASEAN barred the regime from attending a high level meeting while allowing it to chair another. Malaysia further hardened its stance against the junta, repeating calls for the bloc to engage with the NUG..."
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma,  Asia Democracy Network,  Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development,  Burma Human Rights Network,  Initiatives for International Dialogue,  International Federation for Human Rights,  Progressive Voice and US Campaign for Burma
2022-08-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Military Junta is Continuing to Perpetrate Human Rights Violation with Impunity in Southeastern Myanmar It has now been nearly a year and a half since the military junta attempted their unlawful coup. The regime has failed to honor the wishes of the people who overwhelmingly showed their support for the National League for Democracy (NLD) in a landslide victory. Despite earning less than 10% of the vote, the junta claimed electoral fraud without evidence and has since continued to make decisions which have devastated the country’s economy and social, political order. In addition, a humanitarian crisis has plunged one-million civilians into deep poverty as they are forcibly displaced from their homes. Their behavior in the days and months which have passed since 1 February 2021 have been increasingly violent. As the month of July came to a close, human rights violations in target areas of the Human Rights Foundation of Monland continued to be scaled up. Homes have been deliberately scorched by the junta as arbitrary arrests and ongoing raids spark fear in local communities. The international community’s slow will to act has led civilians to fear the worst is yet to come. Without concrete action and a response that makes clear that the junta is not above the rule of law, the Burma Army will continue to commit crimes with impunity. Civilians, including the elderly have not been spared. On 26 June 2022, joint troops of the military junta and soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion No.46 raided five homes in Longlone Township, Dawei. A 60-year old couple were arrested, and had their hands tied behind their backs before being shot to death at close range. The victims were residents of Kadak Gyi village, U Thaung Win, age 61 male, and Daw Win Aye, age 62, female. Homes in Kadagyi village were also destroyed, and some valuables and banknotes were stolen. Environmental degradation is also taking a toll on civilians. Villagers in northern Yebyu township claimed that there had been no compensation for their houses destroyed by a project survey conducted by Yardanar Natural Oil and Gas group in February 2022. In February 2022, officials from the “Yadanar Natural Oil and Gas Project” conducted a survey in the village of Pauk Pin Kwin, located in Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region. The survey destroyed twelve houses, and those who suffered property losses have not received compensation. The Yadanar Natural Oil and Gas Project bought land plots in the village in 2002/2003 but the company did nothing with the land. Eventually local villagers built houses on these plots. After the coup, the company showed renewed interest in their project. Oil companies, like TOTAL, chose to withdraw from the project in light of human rights abuses conducted by the military since the coup. Only Nippon Oil and Gas Exploration and Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which is controlled by the military junta, continue to support the Yadanar project. Young people, including students and affiliates of the Spring Revolution continue to be targeted by the military junta. A Mawlamyine University student, Ko Myo Thura Aung, who was abducted by the junta forces on June 30th 2022, has not been contacted by his family. He was studying in his fourth year of Physics and is accused of merging with the Civil Disobedience Movement. According to the Mawlamyine University Union, at least thirty students have been arbitrarily detained by the junta since the coup from the University. One student was murdered after being shot. Additional information has been difficult to obtain as the junta is increasingly blocking access to prisons. Members of the NLD and pro-democracy affiliates also continue to be relentlessly targeted. A member of the NLD party chairman who was abducted by the junta forces on June 22, 2022 in Bilin Township, Mon State, was found dead in a ditch on 7 July 2022. According to the local villagers. U Kyaw Myo Min and his coworkers, U Pan Myint and U Ko Ko Maung were arbitrarily arrested by the junta forces in Paw Kee village, Bee Lin Township, Mon State. Based on the NLD’s Human Rights Record Group, the junta has killed nearly 50 former members of Parliament, and over 900 NLD lawmakers have been arrested since the attempted coup on 1 February 2021. Meanwhile, as the junta expands their militarized operations into civilian areas, more people are being forced to abandon their livelihoods and flee. Internally displaced people (IDPs) and war-affected refugees at the Palaw IDPs camps in Tanintharyi are facing food shortages, according to an emergency response team member. The number of IDPs in the Palaw resettlement sites and camps has increased from 1,166 last month to almost 1,950 families this month. This is a rough estimate and may be higher. Crimes such as these are continuing with impunity, and further setting a dangerous precedent that suggests the military junta is above the law. Villagers who have been murdered by the junta during their power spree must be granted justice. The military is guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. These acts have been on display for the world to witness, including news that the military junta executed four political prisoners on the morning of 25 July 2022. Situation Overview in Target Areas Karen State Worsening hostilities in Karen State have prompted calls from rights groups in Burma, including the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), who have drawn attention to the human rights situation. KHRG noted that the junta is continuing to deploy air and ground attacks in civilian areas. A lack of international action and condemnation has granted impunity to military junta soldiers who are continuing to deprive innocent people of their immunity. HURFOM observed rising numbers of displacement as the presence of the Burma Army has led to more villagers fleeing to safer areas in search of refuge and protection. Across HURFOM’s documentation, it is evident that the junta is using the same policies of scorched earth, divide and rule as well as the four cuts. The Burma Army increased their attacks particularly in Karen State, promoting calls for Karen rights groups to call for urgent action including sanctioned aviation fuel, and a global arms embargo. Airstrikes on 1 July, in Thay Baw Boe village and Dooplaya district wounded five civilians, with three in critical condition. HURFOM has documented the growing numbers of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Karen State as the junta increases their presence, despite multiple orders from the Karen National Union (KNU) for the military to immediately retreat and withdraw all their forces. The junta forces in southeastern Dooplaya have been deploying relentless attacks against local villages in the areas with heavy mortar shelling and with airstrikes. At least 7 airstrikes targeted 16 villages located in Dooplaya District. Throughout the month of June 2022 alone, HURFOM reported nearly 3,500 civilians newly displaced in Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region. Mon State The military junta has adopted its scorched earth campaign tactics in Mon State where villagers are unable to return home due to their homes being deliberately set on fire. Residents of Lim Bo Lai village, in the Karen National Union (KNU) administrative area of Thaton Township, saw 61 of their houses burnt to ashes, as well as a monastery and a school. Three villagers were also killed. The bodies of the three villagers were found in the ashes of burned houses. It is possible they were burned alive or burned after being killed. Those who were killed by the military were Saw Samu, age 39, Saw Maung Lupyo, age 55 and Htee Doh Pawee, age 54 who was also a Buddhist monk. The perpetrators of this brutal attack were the junta’s Light Infantry Division No. 44. “In this situation, even if we can return home, there are often no houses left to live in,” said a villager Light Infantry Battalion No. 9 continued to burn remaining houses, destroying more than 60 houses in 4 villages in Thaton township. More than 110 civilians’ houses in 7 villages in Thaton township have been burned to the ground since June 26, 2022. An ongoing concern for civilians in Mon State is the fear of clashes between various armed opposition groups, and the military junta as well as junta-backed militias. They are concerned over the possibility of being targeted by the regime, and subsequently investigated, arrested and tortured. During the first week of July 2022, an unknown armed group invaded No 1023 military base of the Border Guard Force (BGF) located near Htaw Pa Law village, Hla Ka Zine village track, in Kyaikmayaw Township, Mon State. The BGF has since abandoned the base after it was burned down. Following this, they retaliated and conducted a search of vehicles passing through the checkpoint. There have been frequent armed clashes in Kha Lae- Da Gon Die area, and now the military base has been burnt down. Local villagers are afraid of being subjected to the junta’s brute force. “They left their houses and fled,” said a villager. Most people moved to Mudon Township, Mon State until it is more secure to move back. Another local who spoke to HURFOM said. “I’ve closed my house and just come back once a week to check its condition. I’m worried that the soldiers will burn down my empty house now that I’ve moved to Mudon.” Tanintharyi Region Tensions in the Tanintharyi region have led to growing instability as ongoing clashes threaten civilian livelihoods. The uncertainty plaguing what unknowns lay ahead has been the cause of ongoing stress and anxiety for residents, many of them displaced multiple times and in need of urgent materials. Junta forces looted and burned homes in Taung Pyouk village track, Dawei. At least ten civilian houses were burnt down between July 15 – 18, 2022, according to the local villagers: “The junta forces burnt down at least five houses only in Ah Lae Su village, which is part of the Taung Pyouk village track, located in Tha Yet Chaung Township,” a local villager told the reporter. Before burning the houses, the soldiers removed all the valuable belongings from the homes, a local source said. Another recalled, “I heard gunshots. There were no armed clashes. It’s just random shooting from one side. I moved my belongings with a truck to Thel Chaung Gyi village,” said a 35 years-old villager from Ah Lae Su village.The military juntas’ forces have bases in the Mya Nadi Mount in Taung Pyouk village track and they have been randomly shooting at nearby villages with heavy weapons every day, according to local sources. More indiscriminate attacks and firing has set course for the worst. On July 19th in the early morning, the junta battalion LIB No. 285 indiscriminately fired with artillery into the Pain-Nae-Taung village, Palaw township, Myeik, Tanintharyi. Villagers said that these attacks killed a 20-year-old man,two injured, and destroyed more than ten homes. Ko Zin Wine, age 20, was killed on the spot. The weapon hit him in the head and neck. The junta forces continued to fire heavy weapons at nearby villages and mountain areas till midnight on July 19, a male villager reported. An estimated 180 villagers fled their homes. According to additional confirmation, one woman and one man were injured because of the artillery attacks. The PDF and junta forces repeatedly clashed in Palaw township during the second week of July. At least three local defense members were killed, including a 30 year old male villager. Locals from Kyaung Shar Kwin area, Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region have told HURFOM that they had to abandon their plantation due to landmines: “A landmine exploded near my plantation. After that, I have not gone back. Another explosion can take place any time.” Between late 2019 and 2020, there have been 10 victims who suffered from landmine explosions in Yebyu Township. Five victims were from the Kyaung Shar Kwin area. Local plantation owners are frightened to go to their lands due to frequent explosions: “I’ve abandoned my plantation. I am afraid to go there. All landmine victims have been my neighbors. If I were injured, my family would be in trouble. That’s why I’ve abandoned my betel nut plantation for three years now,” said a plantation owner from A Lae Sakan village. Both ethnic armed organizations – the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Karen National Union (KNU) are active in this area, but no group has taken responsibility for the landmines. The Dawei District office released a statement on March 16, 2022 stating that both NMSP and KNU had A responsibility to find a solution. Civilians are targeted and extorted regularly on suspicions of supporting or being affiliated with People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). Kyauk-Hlay-Kar village in Thayet Chaung Township, Dawei was attacked and extinguished by the junta forces, killing five villagers accused of being PDF members and supporters, according to locals. A 45-year-old Kyauk-Hlay-Kar villager, said three local people were killed when about 70 Junta troops stormed the village on July 10 2022: “They arrested two more villagers on suspicion of being PDFs. Then they shot and killed those villagers when these military columns arrived at Yaung Maw village. A total of five villagers were killed as many locals were fleeing the village. It was estimated about 200 families are fleeing to safer areas. Names of the victims; the exact personal accounts, and locations are being examined by HURFOM. In a related case, on the night of 14 July 2022, two tutors from Myeik University of Technology and Computer University were accused of being linked with the CDMs’ assets and abducted by the junta security forces. They both are female tutors: Daw Ei Ei Phyo and Daw Thi Thi Swe. Some witnesses reported that during the forcible arrest, the soldiers continued beating them. On July 15 night, a fourth year Computer University student, Ma Thuzar Win Htet, 21, was also abducted by the Junta forces with no warrant from her residence. The witnesses reported that the junta troops raided Ma Thuzar’s parents’ home and were arbitrarily arrested. All arrested Tutors and this female student were brought to unknown detention centers, and the updated information was still being investigated. Key Findings Other armed and violent groups like the Pyu Saw Htee and Black Kite Brotherhood are believed to be sponsored by the junta, and they have targeted innocent civilians, predominantly those affiliated with the pro-democracy movement. Organizations providing legal support to women and childen have reported increases in domestic assuaults and rape – particularly of children. Families are scrambling to make a living and provide for themselves and often children are left at home and subject to abuse from strangers, and even family members. Civilian fears over landmines in their villages and places where they farm and secure their livelihoods have posed threats so grave that many dare not return to work or home, in fear of being killed. Prominent pro-democracy politicians and activists, including those affiliated with the National League for Democracy, continue to be targeted by the junta. They are also increasingly being charged under draconian laws and face long, unjust sentences. Devastatingly, four political prisoners were executed by the junta at the end of the month. Clashes have led to forced internal displacement in Burma as instability and tensions force people from their homes. Motorcycles, mobile devices, and money are regularly confiscated and extorted from civilians at checkpoints stationed by the junta deliberately along key-routes. Civilians were forced to pay excessive bribes to retrieve their possessions. However, very few were able to afford the high costs. Torture remains rampant in Burma, and across target areas where innocent civilians are subjected to grueling, horrifying acts by the junta to extract information. The international community including UN bodies and ASEAN are not responding swiftly enough to the situation on the ground in Burma, which demands urgent attention and consequences for the junta. Military impunity remains deeply ingrained into the institutions representing the Tatmadaw, which only emboldens the junta to continue perpetrating human rights violations. The rise of plain-clothes ‘security’ officers is backed by the military junta and have been using intimidation tactics and threats to extort civilians out of money, and their possessions. Cases have been reported across HURFOM’s main target areas. The arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention by the junta are ongoing, as are warrantless raids and indiscriminate firing into civilian areas. Recommendations The Human Rights Foundation of Monland immediately calls for the following: ● A referral of the situation on the ground in Burma made immediately by the United Nations Security Council to the International Criminal Court ● Concerted and coordinated action by global actors for an urgently mandated global arms embargo which would prevent the free flow of weapons into the hands of the murderous junta ● Aviation fuel sanctions to put an effective end to the airstrikes in Burma which have contributed to significant loss of life, particularly among innocent civilians ● Targeted sanctions on military junta officials, as well as their families, which puts holds on their financial assets and possessions and undercuts their ability to do corrupt business dealings abroad ● Strengthened and renewed protection mechanisms which grant civilians who are vulnerable and at risk of assault in a position where they are able to access justice referral and accountability pathways ● Renewed and continued funding support for local organizations responding to the needs of their communities on the ground. Cross-border aid pathways must be accessed and all humanitarian aid in the hands of local actors. ● Foreign investors in Burma must immediately cease their operations and withdraw their involvement from all development projects in the country, including but not limited to airports, seaports, and cement businesses. ● An abrupt and immediate halt to the use of torture by the military junta, and further we call for investigations to probe the unlawful deaths of civilians in Burma who have been tortured to death, as well as those who have been forced to endure trauma and long-term injuries as a result..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
2022-08-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Bangkok, August 1, 2022 – Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalist Maung Maung Myo and stop imprisoning members of the press on spurious charges, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Monday. On Friday, July 29, a court in the city of Hpa-an, in Kayin state, sentenced Maung Myo, a reporter for the independent Mekong News Agency, to six years in prison on charges of violating Section 52(a) of the Counter-Terrorism Law, according to news reports and the news agency’s editor Nyan Linn Htet, who communicated with CPJ via messaging app. Maung Myo was convicted for possessing pictures and interviews with members of People’s Defense Forces, an array of insurgent groups that are fighting Myanmar’s military government, according to those sources. Authorities banned the Mekong News Agency after the military seized power in a February 1, 2021, coup, according to Nyan Linn Htet. Nyan Linn Htet said Maung Myo is being held at Hpa-an’s Taung Kalay Prison, is in good health, and intends to appeal his conviction. “Journalist Maung Maung Myo’s sentencing and imprisonment is cruel and unusual, and is unjust retaliation for his work as an independent news reporter,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Myanmar’s junta must stop equating journalism with terrorism and allow journalists to report the news without fear of imprisonment.” Maung Myo, who is also known as Myo Myint Oo, was first arrested on May 10 at the Salween River bridge checkpoint near Hpa-an after officials discovered he had shared Mekong News Agency reports on his personal Facebook page, according to those news reports. Maung Myo has reported for Mekong News Agency since June 2020 and has covered various political topics, including COVID-19 in Myanmar, anti-coup protests, and clashes between the military government and armed resistance groups, including the People’s Defense Forces. At least two other Myanmar journalists were convicted and sentenced in July for their news reporting. On July 7, a Wetlet Township court in the northwestern region of Sagaing convicted and sentenced Democratic Voice of Burma journalist Aung San Lin to six years in prison with hard labor, with four years under Section 52(b) of the Counter-Terrorism Law and two years under the penal code’s Section 505(a), which criminalizes incitement and the dissemination of “false news,” according to DVB and other news reports. Aung San Lin was first arrested on December 11, 2021, by about 20 soldiers who raided his home around midnight in the Sagaing Region’s village of Pin Zin, shortly after he published a report alleging that military forces committed arson attacks on the homes of three supporters of the coup-toppled National League for Democracy in Wetlet Township. The DVB report said he was being held at Shwebo Prison near the central city of Mandalay. CPJ could not immediately determine whether he intended to appeal his conviction, and DVB editor-in-chief Aye Chan Naing did not reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment. Separately, on July 14, an Insein Township Court in Yangon sentenced Nying Nying Aye, a freelance reporter who contributes regularly to the local news website Mizzima, to three years in prison with hard labor under Section 505(a) of the penal code, according to multiple news reports. Nying Nying Aye, also known as Mabel, started reporting on domestic politics for Mizzima soon after the coup, according to the outlet’s editor-in-chief Soe Myint, who communicated with CPJ via email. She has been detained since January 15, according to those reports. The Myanmar Ministry of Information did not reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment on the journalists’ convictions and sentencings. Myanmar was the world’s second worst jailer of journalists, trailing only China, with at least 26 behind bars when CPJ conducted its most recent prison census on December 1, 2021..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
2022-08-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: " ၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၅ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီကို ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပြီးနောက် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ လက်ရှိဖမ်းဆီး၊ ထိန်းသိမ်းခံရမှု အခြေအနေများ နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်းပြီး သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် မှတ်တမ်းကောက်ယူပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာသို့ သိရှိနိုင်စေရန်တင်ပြလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သည့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ ယနေ့ အချိန်ထိ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ၃၄ ဦး ရှိပြီး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက် လာသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ၇ ဦးရှိသဖြင့် လက်ရှိဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူ ၂၇ ဦးရှိပါကြောင်း၊ တိုင်းဒေသကြီး သို့မဟုတ် ပြည်နယ်လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်း ခံရသူ ၇၉ ဦးရှိပြီး၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူ ၁၁ ဦး ရှိပါကြောင်း၊ အခြား ၁ ဦးမှာ အကျဉ်းထောင်ထဲတွင် ဆေးကုသ ခွင့်မပြုသဖြင့် သေဆုံးပြီး ကျန် ၁ ဉီးမှာလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီးနောက် လမ်းဘေးတစ်နေရာတွင် ရက်စက်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခံခဲ့ရပြီး သေဆုံးခဲ့ရခြင်းကြောင့် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး သေဆုံးသူ ၂ ဦး ရှိသွားပြီဖြစ်သဖြင့် လက်ရှိဖမ်းဆီး ထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူ ၆၆ ဦးရှိသွားပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအဆင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်၊ တိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အဆင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် စုစု‌ပေါင်း ယခုလက်ရှိ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံ‌နေရသူ ၉၃ ဦး ရှိပါသည်။ ၃။ စစ်ကောင်စီက မတရားအကြမ်းဖက်ပြီး အမှုဆင်ဖမ်းဆီးခံရခြင်း၊ နှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ သတင်း အဆက်အသွယ်မရရှိဘဲ ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရခြင်း၊ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် အများစုအား မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းထားသည်ဆိုသည်ကိုပင် မိသားစုဝင်များ ကိုယ်တိုင် မသိရှိရခြင်းနှင့် တရားဥပဒေအရ အကာအကွယ်ရယူခွင့် အပြည့်အဝမရရှိခြင်း စသည့် အခြေခံလူ့ အခွင့်အရေးများ များစွာဆုံးရှုံး‌နေရခြင်းနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ CRPH အနေဖြင့် သတင်းအချက်အလက် များကို စနစ်တကျ ကောက်ယူပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာလွှတ်တော် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ နှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများထံသို့ ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၄။ အဆိုပါ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကြီးများအနက် တစ်ချို့ကို ကောက်နုတ်ဖော်ပြရလျှင် ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော်အဆင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြစ်သည့် ဦးထွန်းအောင် (ခ) ဦးထွန်းထွန်းဟိန် ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်၊ နောင်ချိုမဲဆန္ဒနယ်သည် ၁-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပထမအကြိမ် ဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နောက်ပြန်လည် လွတ်မြောက်လာပြီး ဒုတိယအကြိမ်အဖြစ် ၁၀-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထပ်မံဖမ်းဆီးခံရပါသည်။ ၎င်းနောက် ၂၂-၁၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅ (က)၊ (ခ) အမှုတို့အတွက် အလုပ်ကြမ်းနှင့်ထောင်ဒဏ် လေးနှစ် ချမှတ်ခဲ့ပြီး ၇-၆-၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့တွင် ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ပုဒ်မ ၁၂၄ (ဃ) ဖြင့် အမှုဆင်ပြီး ထပ်မံစွဲဆို၍ နောက်တိုးပုဒ်မများ ထပ်ထပ်တိုးခြင်း၊ ဒေါ်ဝင်းမြမြ မန္တလေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ စဉ့်ကိုင်မဲဆန္ဒနယ်အား ၂၇-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅ (က)၊ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံခဲ့ရပြီး အိုးဘိုထောင်အတွင်း တစ်နှစ်ကျော် အကြာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားခဲ့ပြီး ၂၉-၆၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့တွင်မှ အလုပ်နှင့် ထောင်ဒဏ် ၃ နှစ်ကို ချမှတ်ခြင်း၊ တစ်ချို့သော လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကြီးများမှာ ထောင်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံခဲ့ရသော်လည်း ထောင်ထဲတွင် ရှိ၊မရှိမှာ မသေမခြာသလို မည်သည့်‌အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်ရှိနေမှန်းမသိရခြင်း စသည့် လုပ်ရပ်များသည် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂက ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာထားသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကြေညာစာတမ်းပါ လူတစ်ဉီး တစ်ယောက်ချင်းစီ၏ အခွင့်အရေးများကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၅။ ထို့အပြင် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကြီးများအနက်မှ အချို့ကို ကောက်နုတ် ဖော်ပြရလျှင် ဉီးညွန့်ရွှေ ပဲခူးတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ မဲဆန္ဒနယ်(၁) တိုင်းဒေသကြီး လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကို ၉-၇-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် စကစက သဘာဝဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ ပုဒ်မ ၂၅၊ တပ်မတော်ကို အကြည်အညို ပျက်စေမှု ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅-က တို့နှင့် ဖမ်းဆီးတရားစွဲခဲ့ပြီး ပဲခူးကျိုက်ကဇော် အကျဉ်းထောင်ထဲတွင် Covid ရောဂါကူးစပ်ခြင်းခံရပြီး ဆေးကုသခွင့် လုံလောက်စွာမရသဖြင့် ၁၆-၈-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့ ရခြင်း၊ ဦးကျော်မျိုးမင်း၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်၊ ဘီးလင်းမဲဆန္ဒယ်အား ၂၂-၆-၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့ နံနက် ၉ နာရီခန့်တွင် ဆိုင်ကယ် Taxi ဖြင့် ခရီးထွက်ခဲ့စဉ် တော်လှန်ရေးသမား နှစ်ဦးအပါအဝင်Taxi မောင်းသူရွာသားနှင့် အတူ လမ်းခရီးတွင် စကစ၏ ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပါသည်။ ယင်းနောက် ၃၀-၆-၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့ နံနက် (၈) နာရီတွင် တော်လှန်ရေးသမား နှစ်ဦးနှင့်အတူ ဦးကျော်မျိုးမင်းကို စကစ၏ စစ်ကြောရေးတွင် လူမဆန်စွာ လက်ပြန်ကြိုးတုတ်ထားပြီး ၎င်းကြိုးကို လည်ပင်းအား သိုင်းချည်ခြင်းတို့ ပြုလုပ်သည့် အပြင် မျက်နှာ၊ ဉီးခေါင်းနှင့်ခန္ဓာကိုယ်အနှံ့ စစ်ဖိနပ်ဖြင့် ကန်ခြင်း၊ ကျည်ကာ ဦးထုပ်ဖြင့် ရိုက်ခြင်း၊ ထိုးကြိတ်ခြင်များပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သဖြင့် ဒဏ်ရာပြင်းထန်သဖြင့် ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်သည့်နေရာတွင် မေ့မြော သွားခဲ့သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲများ၏ ရက်စက်စွာ ရိုက်နှက်နှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် ခန္ဓာကိုယ် အနှံ့ဒဏ်ရာများ ပြင်းထန်စွာရရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။ ဒါ့အပြင် ၃၀-၆-၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့တွင်ပင် သေနတ်ဖြင့် ပစ်သတ်၍ မြောင်းထဲတွင် အလောင်းကို ပစ်ချခဲ့ခြင်းမှာ လူတစ်ဉီးတစ်ယောက်ကို အတင်းအဓမ္မ ဥပဒေမဲ့စွာ ရက်စက်စွာသတ်ဖြတ်ပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများကို အဖန်တလဲလဲ ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်း၊ လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ အခွင့်အရေးများနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ “လွှတ်တော်ဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများမှအပ အခြားဥပဒေ များဖြင့် အရေးယူခြင်းမရှိစေရ” ဟူသည့် ဥပဒေပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်နေပြီး ဖမ်းဆီးနေခြင်း စသည့် ကိစ္စရပ်များကို နိုင်ငံတကာသိရှိအောင် တင်ပြခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သလို ပြည်သူအများ သိရှိနိုင်ပါရန် ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။.."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
2022-07-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "he executions of four men have brought into sharp focus the fate of more than 100 people sentenced to death under the regime since the coup in February last year. Student activist Minn Khant Kyaw Linn told the ABC the public was outraged. "There is fear from the family members of death-sentenced victims who are detained. Will their family members be executed in the next round?" But he said the people's hatred of the regime outweighed their fear. "It will just add more fuel to the rebellion of pro-democracy supporters," he said. Seventy-four people in detention have been sentenced to death in Myanmar since the February 1 military takeover, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). A further 41 people were handed death sentences in absentia and are not in the junta's custody, bringing the total to 115. Tom Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation on human rights in Myanmar, has said the estimate is even higher, at around 140. AAPP said two boys under the age of 18 were also initially sentenced to death, but those sentences were revoked and they face re-trial in a juvenile court due to their age. Among the four executed at the weekend were former hip hop artist and MP Phyo Zeya Thaw and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, known as Jimmy. Both had travelled to Australia in the past and built connections with the diaspora community here. Reports have begun to swirl that further executions could be imminent, but the ABC has been unable to independently verify them. "There is an information blackout from within Insein Prison at the moment. But we know 41 death row political prisoners have been separated [from] other sentenced prisoners," AAPP joint-secretary U Bo Kyi told the ABC. "We do not know if it is a threat or intention to execute. Ultimately, the military does not care for any laws, so who can say." Little is known about the prisoners on death row, who were mostly convicted in closed-door military trials. The AAPP database shows most were sentenced under counter terrorism laws or section 302 of the penal code, which deals with punishment for murder. But U Bo Kyi said the country's penal institution is being "used as a weapon to oppress the people". Dr Justine Chambers, a postdoctoral researcher at the Danish Institute for International Studies, told the ABC many family members would be reluctant to speak out now for fear of painting a target on their backs. "The reason it's so hard to get information on people who are currently on death row is because a lot of their families actually don't want to draw attention to them… in case they become another symbol for the military to show their power," she said. Dr Chambers said Myanmar people had been left shaken by the executions — even under the former military regime, which was regarded as particularly brutal, death sentences had not been carried out in more than 30 years. "The military, I think, was hoping to use these executions to reassert control and instil fear in the population, but actually, it's created anger — it's galvanised people against them," she said. She added while the recent executions could be seen as an escalation in some respects, they took place in the context of the army's ongoing violence. More than 2,100 have been killed by the junta since the coup, according to AAPP, and soldiers who defected have described to the BBC how the military forces burnt people alive and raped girls. Dr Chambers said the military's unpredictability was "terrifying" for ordinary people — whether they were on death row or not. "This constant threat of violence is always there," she said. Children taken as hostages, UN rapporteur says Mr Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur, told ABC's Radio National this week that executing the four prisoners "was a desperate move by a desperate junta". Around 14,000 people have been arbitrarily detained since the coup, among them 1,400 children, he said. "As a matter of fact, 61 children are being held by this junta as hostages, so that their parents, their family members, will give themselves up," he said. "So this killing, these executions, are in the context of a very deep, horrific brutality that's become a living nightmare for people of Myanmar throughout the country." Prior to the executions, Amnesty International had labelled Myanmar's approach to the death penalty as "abolitionist in practice" but had noted a dramatic increase in the number of people sentenced to death since the military seized control. "As resistance to the coup shows no sign of waning, Myanmar's military is getting desperate, so desperate that it is willing to resume executions after more than 30 years in a despicable attempt to terrify the population into submission," an Amnesty regional spokesperson said. "The military will apparently do anything to maintain control, even if that ruins lives and destroys families. International pressure on the Myanmar military must be stepped up. "Silence and inaction will only embolden the military to commit more human rights abuses, which means more lives ruined and more loved ones lost." Australian economist Sean Turnell, an advisor to Aung San Suu Kyi, remains in custody in Myanmar and faces trial under the Official Secrets Act. "The Australian government should do even more for the Australian national in arbitrary detention facing a kangaroo court," AAPP's U Bo Kyi said. He said every country in the region must condemn the "execution murders" and had a duty to put strong economic and political pressure on the regime. "The Australian government must work together with like-minded countries and pressure other countries to impose targeted sanctions and stop the flow of weapons used by a military to kill its own people," he said. The ABC understands the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade called in Myanmar's chargé d'affaires on Tuesday and made strong representations condemning the executions. Foreign Minister Penny Wong this week said Australia was "appalled" by the executions and called for an end to the violence, adding that sanctions against members of the military regime were under "active consideration". Myanmar's military spokesperson Zaw Min Tun has defended the executions, saying they were enacted under the law. "I knew it would raise criticism but it was done for justice. It was not personal," he said. Myanmar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs also slammed countries for condemning the executions. "The ministry cautions that such concerns and criticisms of the Myanmar government's legal actions could be tantamount to interfering in the internal affairs of the country and indirectly abetting terrorism," it said in a statement..."
Source/publisher: "ABC News" (Sydney)
2022-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Description: "Here is our urgent warning to the world: Myanmar’s barbaric regime is planning to execute more political prisoners on death row in the coming days and weeks. For anyone who has sympathy for them and desires to see justice prevail in the country, now is not the time for procrastination. Following the junta’s recent executions of four democracy activists, the fate of the remaining 76 political prisoners on the regime’s death row is now of great concern to Myanmar people. They have reason to be worried. After the weekend hangings of Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw, alarming reports have emerged that political prisoners sentenced to death in Yangon’s Insein Prison have been isolated from other inmates. Forty-one of the 76 detainees sentenced to death are being held at Insein Prison. As of Thursday, 118 people had been sentenced to death for their anti-regime activism in Myanmar. Forty-two of those were sentenced in absentia. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma on Wednesday said the remaining 76—who include university students, young professionals and eight women—would likely face extrajudicial killings at the hands of the regime, like the four activists hanged over the weekend. The Irrawaddy has also learned that more hangings are in the pipeline. The news has devastated the family members of the political prisoners on death row. They are silently praying they will not receive phone calls from prison authorities informing them they are to have “a meeting” with their condemned loved ones. The four recently executed activists were granted video meetings with their mothers and other relatives, then hanged within 24 hours. “I don’t want to get the call from them. I fear bad consequences. I can’t bear to think about it,”said a family member of a political prisoner sentenced to death. Through her tears, a deeply distraught mother begged the junta not to kill her son, while pleading for help from others: “Is there anyone who can save us? I would die if I face it. I can’t take it anymore.” The quotes above are extracts from The Irrawaddy’s interviews with family members of some of the political prisoners on death row; they capture the bleak situation in the country, as well as the families’ emotional devastation. All of the interviewees asked that their names and those of their imprisoned relatives be withheld, as they were extremely worried that the junta would kill their loved ones in haste as a punishment for talking to the media. For some skeptical souls who dare to wonder whether the regime would really do something so heinous for merely talking to the press, remember what regime leader Min Aung Hlaing once said: “There is nothing I don’t dare to do.” In the latest testament to their limitless inhumanity, the regime on Wednesday organized attacks on the homes of the recently executed Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, angered by the fact that the duo are being praised as martyrs, and because Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw’s mother told the media she was proud of her son. Please note the attacks came while the parents and relatives were still mourning their fresh losses. As the regime never fails to show new acts of barbarity to the world, we should not underestimate the junta; they won’t allow (and have never allowed) any ethical consideration or pang of conscience to get in the way of their grip on power. Given the junta’s relentless show of inhumanity, fears are high for the lives of the remaining 74 political prisoners on the regime’s death row. Even if they don’t kill them all, some—especially those convicted in high-profile cases—are at great risk, as the regime would simply carry out their executions as a form of reprisal, in the name of their so-called “rule of law” and “seeking justice” for junta informants and other regime targets attacked by resistance groups. Then, Myanmar will have to mourn more losses. If the executions are carried out, it would be too much for many in Myanmar, which has already lost more than 2,000 people to the regime since the coup last year. It’s time for the UN to adopt some meaningful resolutions to save lives in Myanmar—a step beyond Security Council condemnations of the executions of the four democracy activists. The same goes for the world’s democracies, including the US; it’s time to prove to the evil regime that they have to pay a price for their horrendous treatment of Myanmar and its people, as the world will no longer tolerate them. With the regime’s executions last week, we have all failed Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw. The world should not fail the Myanmar people, and the 74 political prisoners on death row, again. They should not feel they are forsaken while struggling to survive amid the junta’s unwavering abuses. They deserve to feel there are some in the world who care for them. Show your humanity with meaningful action on Myanmar now, please! EDITOR’s NOTE: The editorial was updated on Friday to reflect the latest number of death sentences..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
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Description: "We, the undersigned, strongly condemn the execution carried out by the military junta against four pro-democracy activists in Myanmar. We call on the international community, including ASEAN states, to publicly denounce these grave violations committed by the junta and to hold them accountable for their crimes. The four include prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu better known as ‘Ko Jimmy’, who was arrested in October 2021 and Phyo Zeyar Thaw, a former lawmaker from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and rapper, who was arrested in November 2021 for allegedly committing “terror acts” by the junta. The other two activists are Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. The four pro-democracy activists were convicted of trumped-up charges of terrorism under the draconian 2014 Counterterrorism Law and others laws and sentenced to death in June 2022. Their closed-door trial by secretive military tribunals has been condemned due to a lack of transparency and adherence to the due process of law. Kyaw Min Yu was also allegedly tortured during his detention. We are appalled that family members of the activists were not informed ahead of time that the executions would be carried out. Since news of the executions was released, family members have only received vague answers from officers at Insein Prison, such as that the prison procedures had already been followed. Further, the military junta continues to refuse to disclose the location and condition of the bodies of those executed. When Phyo Zeyar Thaw’s mother requested for his body, the prison officers responded that there is no law that calls for the return of the body to family members. The military junta must clarify the exact date and time that the executions were carried out, as well as immediately provide information on the whereabouts of the bodies. We condemn the cruelty of the military junta and are seriously concerned about the fate of many others who have been sentenced to death by the junta. These appalling actions are serious human rights violations and should be denounced by all members of the international community with calls for justice and accountability. With a total of 117 political prisoners being sentenced to death since the coup, failing to do so will put many other detained activists at risk of suffering the same fate. The executions are reportedly the first known judicial executions for over the three decades in Myanmar. It was undertaken despite repeated calls from human rights groups and the international community to the junta to halt and reverse the decision. The junta has even disregarded the calls from the ASEAN chair, Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia, to refrain from carrying out the executions. The execution was conducted three days after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) dismissed the Myanmar military government’s preliminary objections regarding the allegation of genocide against the Rohingya, giving the possibility of the investigation as requested by the Gambia to move forward. Since the coup in February 2021, human rights groups have documented the arbitrary and extrajudicial killings of more than two thousand individuals in the country. Thousands remain in detention facing torture and ill-treatment while the National Unity Government (NUG), the legitimate government elected by the people of Myanmar in November 2022, was declared a terrorist organisation. The junta has also weaponised humanitarian aid to undermine the resistance movement and to gain legitimacy. Various diplomatic efforts by international and regional mechanisms, including the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus that focuses on a meaningful and inclusive dialogue toward a peaceful solution, have failed to prevent the junta from committing serious human rights violations – some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. While some countries have imposed targeted sanctions, others such as Australia and Japan have failed to move in that direction and have effectively relied on the Five-Point Consensus as a solution. By executing the activists, the military junta has sent a strong message that it has no interest in respecting proposals from ASEAN and the international community to uphold democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the country. The international community must urgently step up and immediately deploy stronger actions to halt this brutality and hold the junta accountable..."
Source/publisher: Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
2022-07-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Description: "The homes of recently executed pro-democracy activists Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw were attacked on Wednesday by mobs of pro-regime thugs who denounced the two men for their anti-junta activities. The apartment of Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw’s parents in Bo Aung Kyaw Street in downtown Yangon was pelted with stones and other projectiles by nearly a dozen junta-backed thugs on Wednesday afternoon. They cursed the executed activist’s parents. In a video shared by pro-junta groups they can be seen hurling projectiles at the apartment and condemning the lawmaker’s mother, Daw Khin Win May, for telling the media she was proud of her son following his execution. She confirmed to The Irrawaddy that their apartment was under attack. The regime executed Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, another democracy activist, Ko Jimmy, and two other men during the weekend after sentencing them to death under the counter-terrorism law for masterminding the armed struggle against the regime and being involved in anti-junta activities. The world has condemned the hangings. On Wednesday, pro-regime Telegram channels said “people against of violence” perpetrated the attack and shared the video online. A mob also gathered in front of the house of the late Ko Jimmy in Yangon’s Insein Township on Wednesday, hurling stones at the building while denouncing him for his anti-regime activism. Pro-junta groups on social media shared a video of the attack and called it “a demonstration by people who want peace and against violence.” The attacks came one day after the regime’s spokesperson Zaw Min Tun said at a press conference that those executed were not democracy activists, but killers deserving of their punishment. “They have committed crimes for which they should have been given death sentences many times,” said Zaw Min Tun. In response to the international condemnations of the executions, the regime’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement on Tuesday that it protested “in the strongest terms on the statements issued by certain countries and regional/international organizations.” “The Ministry cautions that such concerns and criticisms on the Myanmar government’s legal actions could be tantamount to interfering the internal affairs of the country and indirectly abetting terrorism,” it said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-07-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
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Description: "On July 26, Mr. HAYASHI Yoshimasa, Foreign Minister of Japan, released the joint statement on the Myanmar military regime’s executions of pro-democracy and opposition leaders together with the High Representative on behalf of the European Union, and the Foreign Ministers of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, Republic of Korea, the United Kingdom and the United States. (Joint Statement) The Myanmar military regime’s executions of pro-democracy and opposition leaders are reprehensible acts of violence that further exemplify the regime’s disregard for human rights and the rule of law. We urge the regime to release all those unjustly detained, grant full and independent access to prisons and fulfill its obligations under the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) Five-Point Consensus to seek peace through dialogue, not further violence. We support the people of Myanmar in their aspirations for freedom and democracy and call on the regime to end the use of violence, respect the will of the people, and restore the country’s path toward democracy. Our thoughts and condolences are with the bereaved families and loved ones as they grieve those unjustly put to death. We remember and mourn all lives lost in Myanmar in the aftermath of the coup..."
Source/publisher: European Union, Government of Australia, Government of Canada, Government of Japan, Government of New Zealand, Government of Norway, Government of the Republic of Korea, Government of the United Kingdom and US Department of State
2022-07-26
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
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Description: "အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဦးဂျင်မီ (ခ) ဦးကျော်မင်းယု၊ ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင် နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးကြောင်း ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၄) ရက်နေ့တွင် သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်မှုသည် ပြဌာန်း သတ်မှတ်ထားသော ဥပဒေများ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများနှင့်ညီညွတ်မှု လုံးဝမရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက် လူသတ်မှု သက်သက်သာ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ (၉) ရက်နေ့တွင် နေပြည်တော်၌ မမြသွဲ့သွဲ့ခိုင်အား ကျည်အစစ်ဖြင့် ဦးခေါင်းသို့ ပစ်ခတ်ချိန်မှ စ၍ နေ့စဉ်ရက်ဆက် အကြမ်းဖက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို ဥပဒေမဲ့ လက်ရဲဇက်ရဲ ကျူးလွန်နေသော ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ခွင့်မလွှတ်နိုင်သော နောက်ထပ် ရာဇဝတ်မှုကြီးတစ်ခု ဖြစ် သည်။ ထို့ပြင် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ပြည်သူလူထုအား အထူးသဖြင့် လူနည်းစုတိုင်းရင်းသားများအား ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအား ထပ်မံ အတည်ပြုခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီအား အပြုသဘောဖြင့် ဆက်ဆံချဉ်းကပ်ခြင်းသည် ပြေလည် စေမည့် အဖြေဖြစ်နိုင်လိမ့်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်နေသူများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်တို့၏ သဘောထားအမှန်ကို နားလည်သဘောပေါက်သင့်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ နှင့် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပရှိ ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားအားလုံးသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ဖက်ဆစ်စနစ်ကို ကျွန်ုပ်တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ်ဖြင့် ဖြစ်နိုင်ချေရှိသည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် အမြစ်ပြတ်သည်အထိ ပြတ်ပြတ် သားသားတော်လှန်ကြရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်းကို ငြင်းပယ် ထားသော အကြမ်းဖက် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရေး၊ ပိတ်ဆို့ဟန့်တားရေးနှင့် တော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆင်နွှဲနေသော ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အင်အားစုအားလုံးကို အဖက်ဖက်မှ ကူညီပံ့ပိုးရေး တို့ကို လက်တွေ့ကျကျ ထိရောက်စွာ အရှိန်မြှင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးကြရန် တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေ၏ပန်းတိုင်သည် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ဆန့် ကျင် တိုက်ဖျက်ပြီးနောက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်ရန်ဖြစ်သည်ဟူသော အချက်မှာ တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများ၏ ဘုံတူညီသောရည်မှန်းချက်အဖြစ် ရှင်းလင်းပြတ်သားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ဤကြေညာချက်သည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ ဆင်နွဲနေသည့် ဖက်ဆစ် စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ်မြေလှန်ပစ်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး အဆုံးသတ်တိုက်ပွဲများ၏ ခရာတွတ်သံ ဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အင်တိုက်အားတိုက် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်မှုဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စစ်ရေး၊ သံတမန်ရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး စစ်မျက်နှာစုံတွင် ဖြစ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းအားလုံးကို အသုံးပြုပြီး ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ဖြတ်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး အမြန်ဆုံးအောင်မြင်အောင် ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ် မဆုတ်မနစ် ဆန့်ကျင်တွန်းလှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟု ခိုင်မာသော သန္နိဌာန်ဖြင့် အဓိဌာန်ပြုကြောင်း ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, Karen National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party, Chin National Front, National League for Democracy and All Burma Students' Democratic Front
2022-07-26
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
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Description: "The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners is devastated by news today from the military-controlled Global New Light of Myanmar[1], that Ko Jimmy (aka Kyaw Min Yu), Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were executed over the weekend. These four political prisoners were detained by an illegal and murderous junta. The trial was a kangaroo court. Any forced confessions the outcome of mental and physical abuse. Relatives and friends are in agony because of the actions of the Prison Department and junta leaders who have imposed an information blackout from inside the walls of Insein. According to Chapter VIII Section XIV of the Burma Jail Manual, paragraph 660 the body of executed prisoners “shall be carried outside the main gate and there delivered over to them [relatives or friends]. In addition to this, per paragraph 661 when the sentence has been executed the Superintendent shall “return the warrant to the court from which it issued… certifying the manner in which the sentence has been carried out”. Even if the dead bodies have not been returned, paragraph 1027 stipulates that graves shall be marked with “the name of the deceased, his residence and the date of his death”. And yet, the military junta is refusing to disclose their location and condition, with only vague wording and unclear messages following news the execution was carried out. Junta officials must verify the exact date and time the executions were carried out. As well as where the dead body is now. AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said “If they executed the four it is a crime, Min Aung Hlaing committed murder. The junta is illegal, unelected by the people, they have no right to execute”. This appalling event must be a wake-up call for diplomats. Promises were supposedly made these executions – which could constitute a war crime and crime against humanity[2] – would not take place. The last execution of political prisoners was between 1986 and 1987, when three Karen resistance fighters were condemned by the previous murderous junta. Junta leaders are again telling the world they refuse dialogue. As Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar put it, “the status quo of international inaction must be firmly rejected”. Since the coup 76 political prisoners have been sentenced to death under detention, while 41 others are evading a death sentence warrant. In total, 117 sentenced to death political prisoners..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Description: "France strongly condemns the execution, announced on July 25, of four political prisoners by the military regime in Burma that came to power through the coup of February 1, 2021. They are writer Kyaw Min Yu, former National League for Democracy lawmaker Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. With no executions reported in the country for more than 30 years, these executions represent a major step backward and a further escalation in the atrocities committed by the Burmese junta since the coup d’état. France reaffirms its staunch opposition to the death penalty everywhere and in all circumstances. We remain firmly committed to the universal abolition of this unjust, inhuman and ineffective punishment. We call on all nations that still apply the death penalty to place it under a moratorium ahead of its ultimate abolition. France reiterates its call for the release of all those who have been arbitrarily detained since February 1, 2021; for an end to the violence perpetrated by the Burmese military regime; and for the establishment of a dialogue that includes all stakeholders. France’s support for the Burmese people, whose courage we salute, remains unchanged..."
Source/publisher: Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs
2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has executed former NLD Member of Parliament Phyo Zeya Thaw, prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’ as well as Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung. The European Union strongly condemns the executions and expresses its sincere condolences to the bereaved families and friends of the victims. These politically motivated executions represent yet another step towards the complete dismantling of the rule of law and a further blatant violation of human rights in Myanmar. The four men were the first prisoners to be executed in Myanmar in more than three decades, a move that is contrary to the overall worldwide trend to abolish the death penalty. The European Union is fundamentally opposed to the death penalty as an inhumane, cruel and irreversible punishment that violates the inalienable right to life. The executions are reprehensible acts that show that the military authorities have no respect for the life or dignity of the very people they are supposed to protect. They will only exacerbate the polarization, violence and dramatic humanitarian situation in Myanmar. The EU stands unequivocally with the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for freedom, and urges the military regime to end all acts of violence without further delay and calls for the unconditional and immediate release of all those arbitrarily detained, as well as to return to a democratic path. We will continue to support all efforts by the United Nations and ASEAN to this end..."
Source/publisher: Council of the European Union
2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Description: "25 July 2022: The summary executions of political prisoners are further abhorrent acts of terror by a military junta desperately trying to ensure its own survival. The United Nations (UN) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must stop shamefully failing the Myanmar people and finally take concerted action against the junta, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Myanmar military propaganda reported today that democracy activists Kyaw Min Yu, also known as “Ko Jimmy,” and Phyo Zeya Thaw, also a former member of parliament, as well as two other men, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, were executed in prison. The military first announced its plans to carry out the executions in June 2022. The four individuals were sentenced to death by a military tribunal acting contrary to international standards of justice and due process. The courts in Myanmar under the control of the military junta are not independent and work only to serve the interests of the junta. “The military has been executing Myanmar people in their thousands for the last 60 years and these are but the latest,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “What makes these executions especially revolting, however, is the military’s blatant attempt to give them the appearance of judicial legitimacy, though the military court was a sham, a mockery of justice, fairness and due process. No one is fooled.” The Myanmar military has been losing ground to the democratic resistance since it launched a failed coup eighteen months ago. The junta is detaining at least 11,759 political prisoners in its jails without access to legal representation, including many of the 114 people it has sentenced to death since February 2021. 41 people have been sentenced to death in absentia. Multiple, credible reports have been made of systematic torture, sometimes resulting in death, occurring in military detention. Across the country the junta is committing further massive human rights violations in an attempt to crush democratic resistance, but it is unable to defeat the national uprising revolting against Myanmar’s long-established military-dominated system. “The military junta is acting with total barbarism. The despicable execution of these four men – that amount to summary executions – are intended entirely to drive fear into the hearts of anyone opposing the junta. That is an act of terror by any UN definition,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The junta is a massive militarised force that is waging war against the civilian population of Myanmar and is therefore primary accountable for the highest degree of violence currently prevailing, which these executions are the most manifest. The junta fails to understand that every act of brutality is only strengthening the resolve of the entire nation against it.” The international community has failed shamefully to protect the Myanmar people from the junta’s extreme and escalating violence. UN Member States have been slow to grant formal recognition to the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). The UN Security Council is yet to even table a single resolution on Myanmar, despite the gravity of the situation and the threat to international peace and security. The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus agreed with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing in April 2021 is a failure with the junta making no progress towards its implementation. Current ASEAN Chair, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, wrote publicly to Min Aung Hlaing requesting that he refrain from carrying out the planned executions. By going ahead with them, Min Aung Hlaing has demonstrated that no one has the diplomatic leverage to curb his atrocities. “It is long past time for a new approach to Myanmar’s crisis,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The international failure of the Myanmar people cannot continue. Min Aung Hlaing and his illegal barbaric junta are not people that can be reasoned with. The UN and ASEAN must exert as much pressure on the junta as possible to bring this crisis to an end.” SAC-M is calling for all UN Member States to formally recognise the NUG. The UN Security Council should pass a resolution on Myanmar referring the situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC). States parties to the Rome Statute of the ICC should also refer the situation in Myanmar to the Court. If the ICC cannot act, then the General Assembly or the Human Rights Council should establish a special tribunal on Myanmar to begin the prosecutorial process and bring Min Aung Hlaing, the junta leaders and their cronies to justice. SAC-M calls on ASEAN to maintain permanently its rejection of Min Aung Hlaing and the military junta from participation in ASEAN meetings as a consequence of its abrogation of the Five-Point Consensus and contempt for the efforts of successive ASEAN Chairs. SAC-M calls on ASEAN to work with the NUG to develop a new roadmap towards resolving the crisis, beginning with the urgent provision of cross-border humanitarian assistance..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Description: "GENEVA (25 July 2022) – The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, and the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial summary or arbitrary executions, Morris Tidball-Binz, today condemned the Myanmar junta’s execution of four individuals, as reported by the junta. “We are outraged and devastated at the news of the junta’s execution of Myanmar patriots and champions of human rights and democracy. Our hearts goes out to their families, friends and loved ones and indeed all the people of Myanmar who are victims of the junta’s escalating atrocities,” the UN Experts* said. "These individuals were tried, convicted, and sentenced by a military tribunal on 21 January without the right of appeal and reportedly without legal counsel, in violation of international human rights law," Andrews and Tidball-Binz said. Since the military coup of 1 February 2021, military tribunals have sentenced a total of 117 individuals to death, including 41 in absentia. “These depraved acts must be a turning point for the international community. What more must the junta do before the international community is willing to take strong action?" they said. "The widespread and systematic murders of protesters, indiscriminate attacks against entire villages, and now the execution of opposition leaders, demands an immediate and firm response by member states of the United Nations. The status quo of international inaction must be firmly rejected.” “Having made a mockery of the Five Point Consensus, Min Aung Hlaing has now callously rejected the personal appeal of the Chair of ASEAN, Prime Minister Hun Sen, to spare the lives these individuals. ASEAN – and indeed all UN Member States—must take action that is commensurate with this outrage.” ENDS **The experts: Mr. Thomas Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar; Mr. Morris Tidball-Binz Special Rapporteur on extra-judicial summary or arbitrary executions The Special Rapporteurs, Independent Experts and Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Description: "ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၂၅ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၂)..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Consultative Council
2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
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Description: "၁။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအား ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်သူများဖြစ်ကြသည့် ကိုကျော်မင်းယု (ခ) ကိုဂျင်မီ၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်၊ ကိုအောင်သူရဇော် တို့အား သေဒဏ်စီရင်လိုက် ကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် များစွာ တုန်လှုပ်မိပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ မိသားစုဝင်များ၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတို့နှင့်အတူ များစွာ ဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲရပါသည်။ ၂။ လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ် သည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အာဏာအား လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ဥပဒေမဲ့ လုယူထားသော တရားမဝင် အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုသာ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့သည် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာဖြင့် ဝယ်ယူ ထားသည့် လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ်၌ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်သော ဖိနှိပ် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို အစဉ်တစ်စိုက် လုပ်ဆောင်နေလျက်ရှိသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း အနေဖြင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား ထိန်းသိမ်းကာကွယ်ရန် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအား ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ပွဲ ဝင်နေကြသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား ထိရောက်စွာ အားပေးထောက်ခံရန်နှင့် ပံ့ပိုးကူညီ ပေးရန်လည်း အထူးလိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ ထို့ပြင် ဥပဒေမဲ့ အာဏာလုယူထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်လူသတ်စစ်အုပ်စုအား သက်ဆိုးရှည်စေမည့် မည်သို့သော ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုမျိုးမျှ လက်တွဲလုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းမပြုဘဲ ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော သံတမန်ရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး ဖိအားပေးမှုတို့ကို တိုးမြှင့်လုပ်ဆောင်သွားရန် အထူးတိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း၏ တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်တို့သည် မြန်မာပြည်သူတို့၏ အသက်ပေါင်းများစွာကို ကယ်တင်နိုင်လိမ့်မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ယင်းသည် ကမ္ဘာ့ နိုင်ငံများက ဒီမိုကရေစီအား မည်မျှ တန်ဖိုးထားသည်ကိုလည်း သက်သေပြခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ကိုကျော်မင်းယု (ခ) ကိုဂျင်မီ၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်တို့ အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား ကာကွယ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းသူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချပြီး လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အတူ ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ကိုဂျင်မီ (ခ) ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို ပြီးခဲ့သော သတင်းပတ်တွင် သေဒဏ်ပေးလိုက်ပြီးဖြစ်ကြောင်း မြန်မာ့အလင်းသတင်းစာတွင်[1] ယနေ့ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက် သည့် သတင်းကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေး အသင်းအနေဖြင့် အထူးဝမ်းနည်း ကြေကွဲရပါသည်။ မတရားသဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်အာဏာကို လုယူထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ထိုနိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၄) ဦးကို ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီး ဥပဒေဘောင်မဝင်သော တရားရုံးတွင် စစ်ဆေးခဲ့ကြသည်။ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ၊ ရုပ်ပိုင်း ဆိုင်ရာ နှိပ်စက်ခဲ့ကြပြီး အတင်းအကြပ် ဝန်ခံထွက်ခိုင်းစေမှုများ လုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ အကျဉ်းဦးစီးဌာနနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ အင်းစိန်ထောင်အတွင်းမှ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ဖုံးကွယ်ထား မှုကြောင့် ဆွေမျိုးသားချင်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဆွေများသည် ပူပန်သောက ရောက်ကြရသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကျဉ်းထောင်လက်စွဲ အခန်း ၈၊ ပုဒ်မ ၁၄၊ အပိုဒ် ၆၆၀ အရ သေဒဏ်ကွပ်မျက်ခံရသော အကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ခန္ဓာကိုယ်အား “ထောင်အကျဥ်းတံခါးပေါက်အပြင်သို့ သယ်ဆောင်သွားပြီးနောက် ထိုနေရာတွင် ဆွေမျိုးများ (သို့) မိတ်ဆွေများထံ ပေးအပ်ရမည်”ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အပိုဒ် ၆၆၁ အရ ပြစ်ဒဏ်အမိန့်အတိုင်း သေဒဏ်ကွပ်မျက်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးလျှင် “အကျဥ်းထောင်တာဝန်ခံသည် (ဝရမ်းအား ထုတ်ဆင့်သည့် တရားရုံးသို့ ပြန်လည်ပေးပို့ပြီး) ဝရမ်းထုတ်ပေးသည့် တရားရုံးသို့ ပြစ်ဒဏ်အမိန့်အတိုင်း မည်သို့ ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးစီးကြောင်းကို အောက်ပါပုံစံဖြင့် မှန်ကန်ကြောင်း ထောက်ခံချက်ပြုလုပ်ပြီး ပြန်ပို့ပေး ရမည်”ဟု ဖော်ပြပါရှိသည်။ သေဆုံးသူ၏ရုပ်အလောင်းကို အထူးအကြောင်းတစ်စုံတရာကြောင့် ပြန်လည် မပေးအပ်ခဲ့လျှင် “မြှုပ်နှံသော သင်္ချိုင်းမြေနေရာများတွင် သေဆုံးသူ၏ အမည်၊ နေရပ်လိပ်စာနှင့် သေဆုံး သည့် နေ့ရက်တို့ကို မှတ်သားထားရှိရမည်”ဟု အကျဉ်းထောင်လက်စွဲ အပိုဒ် ၁၀၂၇ တွင် ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (၄) ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသည့် သတင်းများထွက်ရှိလာပြီးနောက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသူတို့နှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် တည်နေရာနှင့် အခြေအနေများကို ရှင်းရှင်း လင်းလင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ထားခြင်းမရှိသေးပါ။ စစ်အုပ်စု တာဝန်ရှိသူများအနေဖြင့် သေဒဏ်ပေးခဲ့သည့် နေ့ရက်၊ အချိန်အတိအကျနှင့် အခုလက်ရှိ ရုပ်အလောင်းကို မည့်သည့်နေရာမှာထားရှိသည်ကို အတည်ပြု ထုတ်ပြန် ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP)၏ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးဘိုကြည်က “ဒါလူသတ်မှုကျူးလွန်တာပဲ။ သူတို့က တရားဝင် ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံထားရတဲ့ အစိုးရမဟုတ်ဘူး။ သူတို့မှာ ဒါမျိုးလုပ်ခွင့်မရှိဘူး။ အခုလို လူသတ်အလောင်းဖျောက်တဲ့လုပ်ရပ်ဟာ သူရဲဘောကြောင်သူတွေရဲ့ လုပ်ရပ်သာ ဖြစ်ပြီး အကြီးမားဆုံး ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ကျူးလွန်လိုက်တာ ဖြစ်တယ်”ဟု မှတ်ချက်ပြုသည်။ ဤ ထိတ်လန့်တုန်လှုပ်စရာ သေဒဏ်ပေးသည့်ဖြစ်ရပ်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာသံတမန်များ အနေဖြင့် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက် စက်၍ လူမဆန်သောလုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် ပြန်လည်သတိမူနိုးကြားလာရမည့် ကိစ္စရပ်ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အုပ်စု ကို ထောက်ခံသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာအာဏာရှင်များက စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်မှုများတွင် အကျုံး ဝင်နိုင်သည့်[2] သေဒဏ်ကိုလက်တွေ့ကျင့်သုံးခြင်းမျိုး မပြုတန်ရာဟု ပြောဆိုနှစ်သိမ့်ခဲ့ကြသော်လည်း အမှန် တကယ်အားဖြင့်မူ စစ်အုပ်စုက ၎င်း၏သရုပ်မှန်ကို ဖော်ပြခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ယခင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်ကြီးနေဝင်းဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်အစိုးရလက်ထက်တွင် ကရင်တော်လှန်ရေး တိုက်ပွဲဝင် ရဲဘော် (၃) ဦးကို ၁၉၈၆ ခုနှစ်နှင့် ၁၉၈၇ ခုနှစ် တို့၌ သေဒဏ်စီရင်ချက်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို နောက်ဆုံး သေဒဏ်ပေးခဲ့သည့် ဖြစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့ကွပ်မျက်လိုက်ခြင်းသည် စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအရတွေ့ဆုံ ဆွေးနွေးမှုမလုပ်နိုင်ဟု ငြင်းဆိုလိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Tom Andrews က “နိုင်ငံတကာရဲ့ နဂိုနေမြဲအတိုင်း နေနေ တဲ့ အနေအထားကို ပြတ်ပြတ်သားသားပယ်ချရမယ်” ​ ဟုဆိုထားသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍ ယနေ့အထိ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၇၆) ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် (၄၁) ဦးမှာ မျက်ကွယ်သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် လက်ရှိအချိန်ထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား စုစုပေါင်း (၁၁၇) ဦး ရှိနေ သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2022-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "At about 13:00 on 14 June, members of the volunteer People's Defence Force arrived at a patch of ground in the fields between two villages just west of the Chindwin River, in central Myanmar. They had been alerted by a cow herder, who had spotted crows picking at what he believed was a corpse. The volunteers saw a human hand protruding from the earth. It belonged to a young fighter from their group, Wu Khong, who had been injured and gone missing during an attack by the army four days earlier. With him, in the shallow grave, were four other bodies, dismembered and burned. From the clothing, a watch and a medical bag found nearby, they also identified 27-year-old Zarli Naing, a nurse who had come to this area in the Magway Region last year to provide healthcare to insurgents and locals. They were opposing Myanmar's military which had seized power on 1 February 2021, overthrowing the elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Through interviews with Zarli Naing's friends and family, those who trained her, and the villagers and fighters she lived with until her death, the BBC has pieced together the story of a bright and courageous young woman whose decision to oppose the coup ended in tragedy. This is also the story of the desperate resistance being put up against the military junta by communities across a large swathe of the dry zone, an impoverished and drought-prone region of Myanmar. Zarli Naing was the youngest of four girls from a poor farming family, which lived close to the great temple complex of Bagan. The only one of them who did well at school, she went on to qualify as a nurse and got a job at a hospital in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw. She was working there when the coup happened. Like thousands of other healthcare workers across the country, Zarli Naing joined the civil disobedience movement (CDM), refusing to work with the military-controlled administration. A month after the coup, she left Nay Pyi Taw and returned to her home village. But fearing her political activism would endanger her family, she decided to move on to a safe zone in the north of Magway, which is largely controlled by opposition forces such as the People's Defence Force or PDF. There she became part of an extensive underground healthcare network run by the thousands of doctors and nurses who have left their jobs in protest against the coup. She was also trying to complete an online degree course from the prestigious University of Nursing in Mandalay. She had started the programme in early 2020, but it was disrupted by the pandemic. "When I spoke to her a month ago she told me how happy she was to be there," says one of her online supervisors, a nursing instructor for the clandestine network. "She was especially happy that she could give first aid training to the PDF fighters in her area, because there are no other healthcare staff there. She was the only one able to give that service to them." Zarli Naing had spent the past 14 months in a village called Dan Bin Gan. She was invited there by a friend, Khin Hnin Wai, a teacher the same age as her, who was working at a school run by a respected head teacher, Win Kyaw. Win Kyaw was a prominent local CDM leader who backed the parallel National Unity Government, which was formed last year to challenge the military junta's rule. Dan Bin Gan was, in effect, a liberated zone. It had an active PDF wing, which had established its base in the centre of the village. Most of the 2,500 inhabitants are farmers, eking out a living from cultivating beans, sesame and groundnuts, and a little corn to feed their cattle. This part of Myanmar is known for being deeply loyal to Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy, which, in the last election, won every seat in Magway in both the national and local parliaments. Opposition to the coup here, and in neighbouring southern Sagaing Region, is as strong as anywhere in Myanmar, with dozens of volunteer militias taking on the army using captured and home-made guns, and improvised mines. The village also lies just 6km (nearly 4 miles) from Sin Pyu Shin bridge, one of the only road crossings of the Chindwin River, and so vital for moving troops and other reinforcements around. Zarli Naing offered the only medical treatment for communities no longer able to use the local hospital, both because it was under military control, and also because after the coup so many nurses and doctors had abandoned state-run institutions. Friends and PDF fighters who knew her say she was deeply committed to the armed struggle, and ran first aid classes for the fighters. "Zarli was very strong," says another of her supervisors, who is based in the UK, where some medics are providing support for the underground health network in Myanmar. "She was always very upbeat. She never spoke about her own difficulties. She just asked smart questions when she needed to fix something. The clandestine health workers can get depressed by the challenges they face. "Sometimes their patients cannot reach them because of roadblocks or fighting, and they cannot refer patients to hospitals if they need more complex surgery. That is very hard for them - many of their patients in that situation do not survive." But Zarli Naing "did not express any regret for the path she had chosen", says a friend who worked near her in northern Magway. "There were many times she missed her family. She never told them what she was doing. Knowing she was working for the CDM would have put them in danger. "We used to ask people we knew for donations, to pay for the medicines we needed. We often used to speak together on the phone, and talk about the medical problems we faced, or about our support for the CDM." From her Facebook page she seems to have been a keen reader, posting colourful covers of the Burmese novels she liked. The photos of herself that she shared show her either reading, or holding up her hand in the three-fingered symbol of defiance that has become so popular in South East Asia in recent years. One post has a series of pictures of a much younger Aung San Suu Kyi with her family back in the UK. The day before Zarli Naing died - 9 June - three PDF groups together launched an attack on the military post guarding the Sin Pyu Shin bridge, killing three soldiers and taking control of it for a few hours. A military counter-attack was inevitable, and in the early hours of 10 June, about 30 soldiers in four vehicles were spotted making for Dan Bin Gan from the east. Not all the soldiers were in uniform, but those that were could be identified by their shoulder badges as coming from infantry battalions 256, 257 and 258, based at Hpu Lon, near Yesagyo town about 25km to the south. At 03:00 the residents of Dan Bin Gan started fleeing the village, heading for open country to the west. Zarli Naing was among them. To slow the army down PDF fighters laid homemade mines along the road into Dan Bin Gan. One of them, Wu Khong, injured his leg in a fall while doing this. Zarli Naing stayed with him to treat his leg. Win Kyaw, who was protective of the young nurse, stayed back too. So did Zarli Naing's friend, Khin Hnin Wai, who was pregnant, and another young female fighter, Thae Ei Ei Win. They had run to the western edge of Dan Bin Gan, according to eyewitnesses, but had stopped for Zarli Naing to deal with Wu Khong's injury, when they were intercepted by a group of soldiers. Guided by an informer, the soldiers had come around the south of the village to avoid the mines. They captured Zarli Naing and her friends, tied their hands, and together with nine other people they had detained, began marching them north for about an hour to the village of Thit Gyi Taw. Eyewitnesses heard the soldiers asking their captives if they were members of the CDM, and warning that they could be jailed or shot. They say the soldiers repeatedly struck and kicked their captives; and stole food and alcohol from the now empty homes in the villages. According to PDF sources, they also set 70 houses in Thit Gyi Taw alight, sending up a large plume of black smoke over the fields. Later in the afternoon the captives were moved a little way south to a temple in a village called Peik Thit Kan. Nine of them were then released, the soldiers telling them to run for their lives. One of them told us the remaining five were still alive at that point. Exactly what happened to Zarli Naing and the other four prisoners after that is unclear. At some point in the night they were moved south of Peik Thit Kan, and killed by their captors. Some villagers have reported hearing them shouting for help. But it's not clear when and why their bodies were dismembered and burned. Local PDF fighters believe the military targeted Dan Bin Gan because it was a known centre of resistance to the coup, and also because of the school established there by Win Kyaw. The school had opened only in May, but had already attracted 250 students. Its success made it something of a showcase for the parallel administration which the National Unity Government is trying to run outside military-controlled zones. The PDF believes the informer travelling with the soldiers identified Win Kyaw, Zarli Naing and Khin Hnin Wai as important figures in Dan Bin Gan. Killing them has robbed the village and surrounding communities of leaders who helped to sustain the insurgency. It has also robbed Myanmar of a promising young nurse, in a country which, even before the disastrous military takeover, had one of Asia's poorest healthcare systems. "I am sure she was a wonderful nurse," says her online instructor. "She always tried so hard to do a good job. "Just imagine, she was providing healthcare to the people of the village while all that time she was also taking all our online courses, even though there was no reliable internet access where she was. And she was taking the Bachelor degree course as well. The workload was enormous. "Even I could not do all that. She was just wonderful. One of her teachers told me that her exam results were really good." Zarli Naing had finished her first semester exams just two days before she died. At the time of writing, the inhabitants of Dan Bin Gan are still hiding in the forested area to the west of the village. It is the first time they have been forced to evacuate, but many other villages in this region have been attacked multiple times. This has repeatedly displaced their populations, creating serious humanitarian needs which are not being met because of the conflict and lack of access given to international agencies. Thousands of houses in northern Magway and southern Sagaing have been destroyed by the army; even when they feel safe enough to return, people do not have the resources to rebuild their homes. Last year's coup has unleashed a brutal war of attrition in this Burmese heartland, with uncountable casualties. Zarli Naing's story is just one of so many..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2022-07-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Regime forces have repeatedly deployed their vehicles to crack down on anti-junta protests since last year’s coup
Description: "One person was hurt on Thursday after a car rammed into a group of protesters in Yangon’s Hlaing Township, according to activist sources. The incident occurred at around 3pm, shortly after a flash mob of around 20 people carrying a protest banner started shouting slogans near the Thukha bus stop on Insein Road, the sources said. “The car rammed into us just seconds into our demonstration. The guy at the far left was hit and thrown into the air,” said one person who took part in the protest. Myat Min Khant, the Yangon district chair of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), told Myanmar Now that all of the protesters, including the one who was hit, fled the scene after the incident. “The person who was hit managed to escape, but his arm was injured,” he said. Myanmar Now has received a video that shows the moment of impact. In it, a white Toyota Belta can be seen running into a masked protester holding one end of the banner. According to Myat Min Khant, a black item that exploded with a loud bang, believed to be a flash grenade, was thrown out of the vehicle as it sped away. Thursday’s protest was held to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the day that Myanmar’s first dictator, General Ne Win, blew up the Yangon University Student Union building on July 7, 1962. “With a strong mind, we will fight for a new world. Never forget what happened on 7.7.1962” read the banner carried by the protesters. A friend of the man who was hit by the car shared a screenshot of a conversation he had with him later that day on Facebook. “The first thought that jumped into my head was that I had to take care of my parents, and so I just ran in a panic. My legs are still sore even now,” the man said. According to a Facebook group called Hlaing Info, plainclothes officers were seen searching the area near the Thukha bus stop soon after the protesters had scattered. While it could not be confirmed that regime authorities were responsible for the apparently deliberate attack on the protesters, it would not be the first time that the junta had used a vehicle to crack down on an anti-dictatorship demonstration. In December of last year, regime forces were captured on video at they plowed into a crowd of protesters on Panbingyi Street in Yangon’s Kyimyindaing Township, killing or injuring several people before making a number of arrests. In April, junta troops riding in a double cab pickup truck smashed into a taxi while trying to hit a crowd of marchers in Yangon’s Okkalapa Township. The three people inside the taxi, including two women from the Confederation of Trade Unions, Myanmar, were arrested after the collision. The latest incident was on May 30, when five teenagers suffered multiple injuries after regime soldiers ran their vehicle into them following a flash mob protest in South Okkalapa Township. The five minors were then beaten and arrested, according to the ABFSU’s Myat Min Khant..."
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Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2022-07-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Two other party members, arrested with him, were also killed by junta troops, while one man escaped.
Description: "The body of a National League for Democracy MP has been found two weeks after his arrest. Kyaw Myo Min had been tied up and buried in a shallow grave in Kayin state’s Hpa-An township. He had been arrested in his home town of Belin in neighboring Mon state on June 22 along with two other NLD members and a local who were traveling by motorcycle. Junta forces shot at them and they were then arrested. An NLD member told RFA the troops had tried to hide Kyaw Myo Min’s body. “He was tied up at his back and buried on the shore of the creek, but he was not buried well and his head was visible. It seems the body was dumped on the shore of the creek and covered with leaves. It was difficult to identify the body as it had decomposed. There were no visible bullet or stab wounds”, he said. A member of Kyaw Myo Min’s family, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, said the family knew he was in danger because it was impossible to contact him after his arrest. Last Saturday locals also found the bodies of the other two arrested NLD members, Pan Myint and Ko Ko Maung. The bodies were dumped in Hpa-An township close to where the MP’s body was found. There are a number of infantry troops stationed in Belin township: the Thein Zayat-based Kha Ma Ya 207 brigade, the Kyaik Hto-based Kha La Ya , Kha Ma Ya 102 from Tha Hton, along with Military Battalion 33 and the Border Guard Force Brigade. It is not yet known which troops were involved in the arrests and killings. Calls to the military council spokesman by RFA went unanswered and it has not released any statement on Kyaw Myo Min’s arrest. One of his family members told RFA the local who was arrested with the NLD members managed to escape so the troops broke the other captives’ legs and critically injured Kyaw Myo Min. “Now they are doing what the powerful do: anything they want without following laws regarding prisoners,” said an NLD source and colleague of the murdered MP. “I will record their illegal activities so I can recall them during the [coming] revolution. People will know who committed the crimes and they will be made to suffer one day.” Kyaw Myo Min became an MP in 2011. He also served as chairman of the Belin branch of the NLD. An NLD statement released in May said 917 NLD members had been arrested since the coup on February 1, 2021. It also said 18 party members, including MPs, died due to inadequate health care and brutal interrogations. Many NLD members joined the mass protests after the 2021 coup and armed themselves to fight after junta forces launched a brutal crackdown on peaceful protests..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2022-07-07
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-07
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Description: "The Myanmar military has been blocked from livestreaming MRTV broadcasts by Dacast, a live streaming and video hosting company, based in California. MRTV is a national broadcaster controlled by the illegitimate Myanmar military junta, under its information ministry, and had been using Dacast to livestream broadcasts on its new MRTV website and mobile apps. The Myanmar military uses MRTV to disseminate hate speech and disinformation. Justice For Myanmar contacted Dacast warning about the Myanmar military’s use of their software. A Dacast representative replied, “We had no prior knowledge of the customers use case and will investigate the issue thoroughly. If it breaches our terms we will take action.” Dacast declined to comment further. Hours later, the livestream on the MRTV website and apps displayed the message, “The broadcaster of this content has been blocked”. Dacast’s Terms of Service allow for immediate termination of service without notice, when used for illegal purposes, to violate the rights of a third party and for other legal or regulatory reasons. The MRTV website and apps were first launched by war criminal Min Aung Hlaing on May 4, 2022. Justice For Myanmar publicly called out the Iowa-based company, Apps Web Social LLC, which had published the MRTV apps on the Apple App Store and Google Play in May. They were removed from the App Store and Google Play on May 5, and the website was taken down. The website has since been republished under a new domain, and the apps are again available in the Apple App Store and Google Play. The registrar for the junta’s new domain name, mrtv-media.com, is GoDaddy.com, also a US company. MRTV continues to publish on Twitter and Telegram. The illegal junta’s State Administrative Council (SAC), which has control over MRTV, is sanctioned in the US, raising questions over whether tech companies are compliant with US sanctions. The junta’s former information minister, Chit Naing, was sanctioned by the US on July 2, 2021, shortly before he was replaced by Maung Maung Ohn. MRTV is banned from Facebook, as part of a ban against the Myanmar military and its businesses. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome Dacast’s swift action when notified that the illegitimate Myanmar military junta, a terrorist organisation, was using their software to spread hate speech and disinformation. “It is deplorable that companies including Apple, Alphabet, Cloudflare, GoDaddy, Telegram and Twitter continue to do business with the Myanmar military and allow its junta to use their technology against the people of Myanmar. “The junta targets human rights defenders, journalists and democracy activists with total impunity. More than 2,000 people have been murdered by the junta, with over 14,000 arrested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Its deliberate attacks against the people, indiscriminate airstrikes, shelling, rape and torture amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. “We call on tech companies to act swiftly, in accordance with their global human rights responsibilities, and ban the Myanmar military and its businesses, including MRTV and the military’s mobile operator, Mytel.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-07-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A transgender prisoner detained in Sagaing Region’s Monywa Prison for anti-junta activities has been sexually abused by a prison officer, said LGBT Alliance-Myanmar. Prison officer Zaw Zaw Aung, also known as Paline, forced the prisoner into performing oral sex on him on June 30 and also attempted to have anal sex, said the Monywa Strike Committee. The LGBT Alliance-Myanmar issued a statement condemning the sexual assault. Justin Min Hein, a spokesperson for the LGBT Union Mandalay, said that the report came from credible sources inside Monywa Prison and that the group is making further inquiries. The transgender prisoner was detained at home around one month ago and charged with incitement. The prisoner has reportedly been forced to wear male clothes while in jail. Justin Min Hein said: “Anyone subjected to sexual violence, not just LGBT people, can be demoralized. We feel emotional and discouraged when we hear about such cases. I can’t help respecting the prisoner for having the courage to speak out about the abuse.” The prison officer perpetrator reportedly often beats political prisoners when he is drunk. “Similar things happen in other prisons across the country,” said a member of LGBT Alliance-Myanmar. The group said it would report the case to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and ask for its intervention. In March, rights groups called on the ICRC to probe human rights violations in the country’s jails and the use of sexual violence against political prisoners. However, the regime has rejected the ICRC’s request to resume its prison visits and other humanitarian activities and allow family visits. Prison visits by the ICRC and families of detainees have been suspended since March 2020, following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Former political prisoner U Tun Kyi said: “A prison officer sexually assaulting a LGBTQ person is not something unusual anymore. They do it as if it was part of their daily routine. They are officially licensed to do so. It is indisputably one of the worst and gravest human rights violations.” Since the coup, female detainees have especially suffered from sexual abuse inside prisons, but sexual assaults on male and LGBTQ prisoners are on the increase. In October last year, Shin Thant, an advocate for LGBTQ rights in Mandalay, was detained after junta troops rammed a car into her. The activist was sexually abused during her interrogation. Over 20 LGBTQ detainees have experienced sexual assaults in prisons, according to sources. LGBTIQ groups in Myanmar have actively participated in anti-regime protests since last year’s coup and so have been targeted by the military regime..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-07-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "1. The 54 million people of Myanmar have been going through their darkest period for the last 16 months. A period of pain, suffering, death, destruction, atrocities, and crimes against humanity inflicted upon them by the brutal and cruel hands of the genocidal military dictators of Myanmar. In regards to the brave people of Myanmar’s defensive activities, we have been doing everything we can to end the junta’s reign of terror against the people of Myanmar and to defend and protect the civilians and people’s properties from the cruel military’s acts of terrorism. We have been working hard on training, equipment, and establishing a chain of command. We have been acquiring armaments in two ways: purchasing them outright from non-state actors, and locally manufacturing arms. 2. To this day, we have received no material assistance from the international community when it comes to defending freedom and democracy and protecting the lives of the people of Myanmar. We have made repeated calls for the international community to listen to the people of Myanmar and to give help to end this military reign of terror and to assist us to achieve freedom and federal democracy. Material assistance is the fastest most efficient route to end the suffering in Myanmar and put the Nation on the path to Freedom and Federal Democracy. 3. Besides the generous donations of many both domestically and abroad, for which we are grateful, we are currently generating income through the sale of NUG bonds, which have amounted to $38M (USD) thus far, and the sale of property illegally acquired by the junta, such as Min Aung Hlaing's illegal belongings (the mansion stolen from the people of Myanmar) the sale of which has thus far raised $7M (USD). Most of these funds have gone to strategic spending like; sharing with our alliance, strengthening of people’s defensive activities, increasing of the people’s defense capacity, and for social and humanitarian relief projects. 4. The people's contributions have resulted in the rapid progress that we have seen in the revolution recently. To continue our efforts, we need to secure a great deal more in funds. We are investigating a range of options to bring in this sum, and in the meantime, we call on all entrepreneurs to assist the NUG by paying all due taxes. 5. To facilitate financial transactions which are safe, secure, and above all, free from SAC control, we are launching a mobile payment system called NUG Pay. A pilot project will begin by the end of June. The Initial roll out will be in NUG dominated territories and will spread nationwide from there. 6. We also announce that another property illegally occupied by the terrorist military leader Min Aung Hlaing will be auctioned, and public land unjustly confiscated by the army in the center of Yangon will serve as a green space featuring the Spring Revolutionary Memorial Park, for which the NUG is inviting design proposals. Interested investors whether local or foreign will be invited to invest in this Development Project, the purpose of which is to pay homage to fallen heroes, rehabilitate injured fighters of the Spring Revolution who have lost their body parts, and assist heroes of the revolution and CDM who have lost their homes. 7. The Central Committee for Natural Resources Administration (CCNRA) has organized municipal-level sub-committees to manage the natural resources in NUG controlled areas. As a result, the National Unity Government can manage natural resources in our controlled areas and prevent illegal logging and mining. The CCNRA has been arresting and prosecuting those guilty of illegal logging, and 70% of the money raised from the confiscation of illegally logged timber and the proceeds of illegal sales are being handed over to municipal officials and 30% is being used by NUG-MONREC. 8. Together with our allies, the NUG controls more than 50% of Myanmar's territory. In Sagaing and northern Magway – traditional heartland strongholds of the military élite – more than 80% of villages and 90% of the transportation infrastructure is under PDF control. Previously in recent history the military have never before lost control of these two key divisions, and the dominance of pro-democracy forces here is a strong indication that the junta are being progressively beaten day by day. 9. Furthermore, the PDFs are advancing in Tanintharyi and northern Mandalay, while in Yangon, Bago, Irrawaddy, Naypyidaw and southern Mandalay intense guerrilla campaigns are being fought, despite the military's many crimes against our freedom fighters and their allies. Ethnic organizations are collaborating with PDF to expand their areas of control in Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Chin, northern Mon, while ethnic resistance organizations in Rakhine, and northern Shan have also made significant territorial gains. 10. As far as the fighting for freedom and federal democracy itself is concerned, we have seen significant losses on the part of the military, while pro-democracy forces are preparing to transition away from guerrilla tactics to conventional warfare when training, manpower, and material are more favorably balanced. 11. Currently, the NUG has established 257 PDF battalions, and this is in addition to the over 500 local PDF groups who are under the command of NUG-MOD. By contrast, over 10,000 SAC personnel have defected to the democratic cause, many bringing their weapons and ammunition with them. This demonstrates the military's inability to control their own foot-soldiers in a time of war, and raises genuine doubts on the part of the rank and file that the war is even winnable for the junta. We are therefore preparing to establish a new professional defense force of Myanmar the Federal Army under the Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar. 12. Despite the SAC's continued crimes against our heroes the CDM participants and pro-democracy activists, the pro-democracy and pro-peace movement remains unshakable and strong. These brave and peaceful movements of CDM have proved that they are stronger and more powerful than the junta’s acts of terrorism against the people of Myanmar. 13. To provide stability and justice as a government, we have declared the formation of local judiciaries in 15 municipalities. Subject to declaration 11/2022, the judiciaries will soon begin their task of hearing trials and dispensing justice. Trials will proceed in person wherever possible. However, in cases when logistics or security do not permit, trials can be held via online platforms. Additionally, prisons are currently under construction in NUG-controlled territory for the detention of those awaiting trial. 14. Furthermore, to ensure safety and security in NUG-controlled regions, the PDF along with our allies are taking on security roles subject to the people's administrative bodies which have already been formed in 36 townships. 15. People’s administration bodies are in addition to the People's Police Force which was formed on the 7th of June through the Office of the President. This force will be tasked not only with ensuring public safety and compliance with the law, but also investigations and the collection of evidence, and ensuring that perpetrators are brought to justice. 16. Regarding Education: We are delivering education services to the children of Myanmar in two ways: online and on the ground. On the ground: We are doing this in two ways at the moment: school-based education in schools or home-based education. Home-based education targets students who cannot go to schools for several reasons. For propositional education and higher education, we are also making guidebooks and textbooks available online. 17. Online Education: This is a remote and digital approach to education delivery that we have been undertaking. Currently, we have 52 online schools operating. For propositional and higher education, guidebooks, notebooks, and educational resources are being prepared. These are made available online. For remote education where there is no internet connection. We have adopted a practical approach to educational learning. Teaching materials are stored on memory sticks and distributed to remote regions/places. 18. Our hero CDM teachers together with private and volunteer teachers are the main reason we can deliver this much-needed education service to the children of Myanmar. These are both being delivered in Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Magway, Bago, Ayeyarwady and Tanintharyi divisions, Kachin, Karen, Kayah( Karenni), Shan, Mon and Chin states. 19. Regarding Healthcare Services: We are doing everything we can in our power to deliver much needed healthcare services to the people of Myanmar. We are delivering healthcare to the people of Myanmar in two ways by online and on the ground. 20. Telehealth and telemedicine services: Telehealth and telemedicine services are being made available to more than 90% of all the townships across Myanmar (more than 309 townships). Our great heroes, CDM doctors, nurses, midwives and health workers, are providing this service day and night together with our alliances from 11 countries across the world. 21. On the ground health care services: We have been delivering emergency healthcare services to the brave people of Myanmar through (267) mobile frontline clinics, which are all operational on the ground. We are operating (52) hospitals across Myanmar. Six hospitals with fifty beds each are under construction and soon to be operational on the ground. Again, our brave heroes, CDMs, doctors, nurses, mid-wives, and health workers are doing this life-saving work in these (267) clinics and (52) hospitals. 22. Regarding Humanitarian Affairs: We have been doing everything in our power to secure humanitarian assistance for the brave people of Myanmar. We have delivered over 3 billion MMK worth of aid to populations most in need. However, it is only a tiny drop of water in the ocean of need. On the other hand, the military regime is constantly and deliberately creating more humanitarian crises by instigating bloody violence against the people of Myanmar. 23. During the month of May alone, more than seven thousand civilian houses were burnt and destroyed by military foot soldiers in Sagaing and Magway divisions. A total of more than 20 thousand houses, places of worship and public buildings have been destroyed by the genocidal military generals. 24. Because of this reign of terror against the people of Myanmar by the genocidal military more than 1.2 million people are displaced, homeless, and over half the population of Myanmar is being forced to live below the poverty line. About 15 million people of Myanmar are in desperate need of humanitarian assistance. The military generals in Myanmar created all these atrocities, violence, hunger, and starvation, and at the same time they are using these crises as weapons. 25. All humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar must bypass the military generals’ control and weaponization to reach the people of Myanmar. We have made this very clear to the many generous donors such as ASEAN AHA Centre, OCHA, Governmental and UN agencies, international donors and INGOs. The profound mistrust of the people of Myanmar towards the junta is real and must be taken into consideration while delivering this much needed humanitarian assistance. 26. Regarding International Affairs: We have been requesting to the International Community to take coordinated, targeted, and tougher actions by the total rejection and sanctioning of the brutal military SAC regime and by recognizing and supporting the peace and freedom loving people of Myanmar through their democratic representatives such as CRPH, NUG and NUCC. This is the fastest way to end Myanmar’s crisis and put Myanmar on the path to freedom and federal democracy. 27. A delegation led by H.E Daw Zin Mar Aung, Union Minister of Foreign Affairs visited the United States between the 11th and 22nd of May and met with the U.S. Deputy Secretary of state of USA, H.E Wendy Sherma, senior U.S. government officials, representatives of the U.S. Senate, the Minister of foreign affairs of Malaysia, H.E Saifuddin Abdulla and several leaders from ASEAN, including a meeting with Minister of Foreign Affair of Sweden, H.E Ann Linde. 28. A delegation led by H.E U Aung Myo Min, the union minister of human rights, and NUG representative U Lin Tant met with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic, H.E Mr. Jiří Kozák, and officials of the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs on June 9th. 29. A delegation led H.E Professor Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, the union minister of health and education, travelled to the UK, European Union and Norway between the 24th of May and 10th of June to discuss international relations, the military's human rights violations, humanitarian assistance, revolutionary issues, and Myanmar's ultimate path to restore peace and democracy. During their visit to the UK, they met with the Rt. Hon. Amanda Milling, minister of state for Asia and Middle East; Lord Kamall, undersecretary of state for innovation; and the Academy of Royal Colleges. They then met with the vice president of the European Parliament, H.E Heidi Hautala and H. E Paola Pampaloni, Deputy Managing Director for Asia and Pacific Department, the European External Action Service (EEAS) of EU in Brussels, and in Oslo they met with officials from the University of Oslo, various INGOs, the Oslo Peace Research Institute, the Norwegian Buddhist League, and visited Diakonhjemmet hospital. 30. As we all know this terrorist Military Council has no legitimacy. They disregarded the democratic voice and will of the Myanmar people. They instigated detention, arrest, prosecution, and unlawful imprisonment of elected leaders, the President of the union of Myanmar H.E Win Mint and the State Counsellor of Myanmar, H. E Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, members of the Parliament, and many pro-democracy activists. We strongly condemn and reject the illegal military council’s unjust arrests of elected officials, innocent people, illegal trials, death sentences, and in particular, the confirmation of death sentences handed down to Ko Jimmy, Phyo Zayar Thaw, U Hla Myo Aung and U Aung Thura Zaw. 31. To continue their brutal and cruel control over the nation, the military junta have committed acts of terrorism, carried out arbitrary and unlawful arrests, and have torched entire villages. The military's crimes are horrific and beyond words to properly describe. War crimes and crimes against humanity plague the Myanmar people across the nation. The National Unity Government and the media have already received mountains of evidence that prove these many crimes of the military. The evidence is being examined by international governments and prosecution bodies with intent to launch formal investigations and legal proceedings. 32. In the brutal military junta’s attempt to normalize their crimes, the SAC is attempting to pull the wool over the international community's eyes to steal legitimacy through sham and fake elections. We will never accept this criminal attempt and they will fail. By all means, we will stop their crimes and we will never allow normalization of crimes against humanity committed against the people of Myanmar by genocidal military generals. 33. We have had free and fair and democratic election in 2020 where the people of Myanmar have spoken loudly and clearly by electing their representatives for the people of Myanmar. These legitimate elected members of Parliament formed the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)- Committee Representing the Union Parliament of Myanmar, then the National Union Consultative Council (NUCC) and National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) which truly represents the people of Myanmar inclusively. 34. We make it loud and clear that the military general’s constitution known as the 2008 constitution has been abolished and is no longer in effect, we adhere to the Federal Democratic Charter as its roadmap for the establishment of a true federal democratic Union of Myanmar for all the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religious, gender, culture, ethnicity and background and these federal democratic principles are already being implemented in the interim revolutionary administration. 35. This is the darkest moment in our history but also this is the first time in the history of Myanmar that we have a National Unity Government of Myanmar-NUG and National Unity Consultative Council- NUCC. Together we have achieved a historical Unity in diversity, our Nation’s greatest strength is our Unity in diversity and that’s who the brave people of Myanmar are now. We are united to end the military dictatorships once and for all, we will not rest nor give up until Freedom and Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar fruit and flourish not only for Myanmar but also for whole regions and the world..."
Source/publisher: Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2022-06-23
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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