Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma

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Description: Actions ... News ... Reports ... Success Stories ... Annual Reports
Source/publisher: Amnesty International USA
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-18
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: All reports
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-18
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: All reports
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from June 15 to 21, 2023 Military Junta troops arrested over 240 local civilians from Thayetchaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, Okpho Township, Bago Region and Sagaing Township, Sagaing Region and used them as human shields from 15th June to 21st June. Military Junta troops launched an airstrike and dropped bombs in Moebye, Shan State and Tamu Township, Saging Region. 3 civilians were burned and killed by Military Junta’s soldiers in Sagaing Region. The Military Junta strictly forbidden the “Flower Strikes” that were held on 19th June. The Military Junta arrested the peaceful protesters who participated in Flower Strike throughout the whole country. The Military Junta also arrested the people who post wishes for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s birthday on social media. The Military Junta tortured and killed (7) civilians at interrogation..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-06-22
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-22
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Description: "Executive Summary: Following the attempted coup on 1 February 2021, thousands of Karenni people participated in the peaceful mass protest movement against military rule that spread across the country. After the regime’s brutal crackdown and killings of peaceful protestors, young people in Karenni State set up barricades and roadblocks and took up arms to defend themselves. Some joined the Karenni Nationalities Defense Forces, while others joined local Peoples Defense Forces groups. Since May 2021 the junta has attempted to exert control over Karenni State through rapid militarization. Military reinforcements are routinely deployed across townships in Karenni State and neighboring areas. At the same time, the Burmese military has ruthlessly employed its counter-insurgency strategy known as the “four cuts.” This deliberately targets civilians, viewing them as the support base for armed resistance groups, and aims to cut off access to four essentials: food, funds, intelligence, and recruits. As part of its collective punishment strategy, the Burmese military has occupied villages across Karenni State, razing civilian infrastructure, setting up temporary outposts, and planting landmines around villages. When soldiers from the Burmese military retreat from a village, they typically burn down civilian homes. The first part of this report documents serious violations of international human rights and international humanitarian law. These include both indiscriminate and targeted attacks on Karenni civilian populations, murder and mass killings, widespread destruction of civilian property, forced displacement on a massive scale, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and cruel treatment, sexual violence, and using Karenni civilians as forced labor and human shields. It also describes the humanitarian crisis facing at least 180,000 Karenni internally displaced people (IDPs). More than 40 percent of the estimated total Karenni population has been forcibly displaced, the vast majority of them women and children. The five townships of Loikaw, Hpruso, Shadaw, Deemaw Soe and Pekhon have been almost entirely abandoned. Already traumatized by the violations they have experienced, IDPs live in constant fear of renewed attacks by junta forces. Many IDPs have been displaced multiple times. Junta forces continue their assaults on Karenni towns, villages, and IDP sites unabated. In many cases, IDPs’ homes have been destroyed and they have nowhere to return to. The uncertainties they face about the future are paralyzing as they struggle to maintain hope. The second part of this report contextualizes its findings with legal analysis. In summary, it is reasonable to conclude that members of the Burmese military have committed the war crimes of attacking civilians, attacking protected objects, pillaging, murder, torture, cruel treatment and displacing civilians in Karenni State. The conduct of the Burmese military likely also constitutes the crimes against humanity of imprisonment or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, murder, torture, enslavement, other inhumane acts, and forced displacement when considered in the context of a widespread or systematic ‘attack’ against the civilian population in Burma, committed with the requisite knowledge of the attack. The Burmese military can commit these atrocity crimes with impunity because the international community does not hold them accountable, even though it has a legal and moral obligation to do so. A series of important steps must be taken to ensure that individual perpetrators from the Burmese military are held accountable. This includes referral of the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court, which provides a pathway to justice and reparations for the thousands of victims. Without justice and accountability, there can be no lasting peace for Karenni communities. This report also urges the international community to take action beyond mere ‘statement diplomacy’ to protect the thousands of civilians who live with the daily threat of being murdered by the military regime. This should include imposing a coordinated global arms embargo on the Burmese military and sanctioning aviation fuel supply in a bid to end deadly airstrikes on civilian populations..."
Source/publisher: Karenni Human Rights Group, Kayan Women’s Organization, Karenni National Women’s Organization, Kayah State Peace Monitoring Network
2023-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Ministry of Defense, National Unity Government is deeply saddened to announce that terrorist military launched an airstrike on Pazigyee Village, Kantbalu Township, Sagain Region this morning, resulting in the loss of scores of innocent civilians and injuring many more, including children and pregnant women. Our thoughts and prayers are with the families of those who lost their lives and those who are wounded. We express our deepest sorrow and share the great pain felt by the families affected by this tragedy. This heinous act by the terrorist military is yet another example of their indiscriminate use of extreme force against innocent civilians, constituting a war crime. We strongly condemn all terrorist acts committed against the people of Myanmar, including today's attack, and reiterate our commitment to ensuring justice for the victims. The cycle of military coups in Myanmar must come to an end, and the military dictatorship must be eradicated once and for all for the people of Myanmar to establish a stable and peaceful society and work towards the welfare of all. We remain committed to this goal and assure the public that the losses suffered by our citizens will never be in vain. We will make every effort to reach our objective and create a safer and more prosperous Myanmar for all..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
2023-04-11
Date of entry/update: 2023-04-11
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Description: "AAPP issues this statement to bring attention to the gross human rights violations perpetrated by the military junta. On the evening of January 5, 2023, a dispute occurred between prison authorities and political prisoners. Eight political prisoners were called out and brought from the compound. Their hands were tied behind their back, and they were savagely kicked and beaten with batons. Following brutal torture several political prisoners were severely injured some of whom are in critical condition, and at least one political prisoner was killed. AAPP strongly condemns these severe crimes of extrajudicial murder and torture in a crackdown. In Burma since the coup, rule of law and any judicial system have collapsed. The pillars of military rule – judges, soldiers, police, and prison guards are being used by the junta to abuse and torture political prisoners. In fact, in every prison, political prisoners are intentionally tortured and violated. On January 5, 2022, there was an altercation between political prisoners and prison guards. Prison personnel used excess force to crackdown with brutal beatings on political prisoners who were severely beaten with hands tied behind their back. One political prisoner was killed, and several critically injured. Looking at these events, the torture and extrajudicial killings in Pathein Prison are crimes under the UN Convention Against Torture (UNCAT). Junta authorities including Pathein Prison Superintendent Nay Min Htet, Pathein City Surveillance Police Station Officer Myint Aung, and Police Station Officer Kyaw Oo, are responsible for Pathein Prison. Those who ordered crimes be perpetrated in Pathein Prison, as well as all other relevant prison officers who personally carried out the violations are responsible and must be held to account. AAPP condemns these extrajudicial killings and brutal torture which occur daily under military rule and will strive to achieve justice for all political prisoners whose rights have been violated. We urge the international community to provide protection from the daily perpetrated human rights violations, extrajudicial killings and brutal torture. The junta is committing international crimes, but such cases cannot be handled within the domestic judiciary system – international judiciary mechanisms must hence take action for accountability..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-08
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Sub-title: The dead men had worked at a local motorbike repair shop and had no political affiliations, residents say.
Description: "Residents in central Myanmar made a grisly discovery on Wednesday when they stumbled upon the corpses of six civilians who worked at a local motorbike repair shop. Their bodies bore signs of torture and their hands had been tied behind their backs, apparently executed by junta troops. “It appeared as if [the soldiers] struck their necks with a sword. We found that their throats were cut,” said a resident of Ywar Thit village in the Mandalay region who was among those that found the bodies. He spoke to Radio Free Asia on condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal by the military. Photos provided to RFA of the bodies appeared to confirm the source’s description. All six of the men’s hands are bound and their throats are slit. Three of the men have wounds to their throats that suggest they were made with a heavy weapon, such as a machete, while a fourth has a similar wound on the top-left of his head that has penetrated his skull. The heads of two of the men appear to have been crushed, while the chests of two others show as many as eight stab wounds. No political affiliation The source said two of the bodies were found between Myingyan’s Thar Paung and Gaung Kwe villages, another two near the intersection of Thin Pyun Road on the outskirts of Natogyi township, and the last two just west of Natogyi’s Ywar Gyi village. “The cuts of the bodies found west of Ywar Gyi village and those near Thar Paung village were exactly the same,” he said. “It appeared to me that the junta soldiers made them kneel, tied their hands behind their backs, and delivered a blow to their necks when they were tired of torturing them.” The victims were “innocent civilians” who were employed by a local motorbike repair shop, said a resident of Ywar Thit village, who also declined to be named. “[They] were just simple villagers who weren’t involved in any political activities,” he said. “They weren’t members of any political parties or organizations … But the pro-military Pyu Saw Htee militia and junta troops arrested and cruelly killed them.” The junta has yet to release any information about the killings of the six men. Attempts by RFA to contact the junta’s spokesman for Mandalay region, Thien Htay, went unanswered on Thursday. Sources from the two townships identified the six dead as Min Thu and Kaung Kaung, both 20; Aung Than Kyaw and Zayar Phyo, both 30; and Aung Naing Win and Zaw Naing Win, both 43. Inflicting terror Residents said that the discovery of the bodies followed a Nov. 29 raid on Ywar Thit village in which junta troops from the No. 88 Light Infantry Division and members of the pro-military Pyu Saw Htee militia detained six civilians. The families of the deceased retrieved their bodies on Wednesday from the Myingyan township mortuary and buried them in the township’s Su Phyu Kone cemetery, residents told RFA. Due to the graphic nature of their deaths, family members were unable to inspect the bodies of the victims and confirm their identities, they said. A political activist in Myingyan township, who gave his surname as Soe, told RFA that the junta hopes to gain control of the region through fear by arresting and killing innocent civilians. “When they lose their military bases and informers [to anti-junta forces], or suffer losses in battles, they attack unarmed civilians as revenge, since they cannot crush the resistance,” he said. “Myingyan-based junta troops and the … pro-junta militia try to cow the people by torturing and killing innocent civilians they accuse of being supporters of the [deposed National League for Democracy] NLD party and [anti-junta] People’s Defense Forces [paramilitaries],” he said. “In fact, as they cannot crush the armed resistance, they are abducting and killing innocent and unarmed civilians who become caught in the middle.” According to Thailand’s Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), junta troops have killed at least 2,604 civilians and arrested more than 16,500 others in the 22 months since the Feb. 1, 2021 military coup, mostly during peaceful anti-junta demonstrations..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2022-12-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-15
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Description: "1. Social media is heavily trending the news of the incident in which a lady, purported to be a perpetrator in a murder of some PDFs, is shown being shot and killed. The Ministry of Defence of the National Unity Government reiterates that this is in contravention of the code of conduct and rules of engagement it has laid down. 2. The National Unity Government has directed relevant officials to investigate urgently the events in detail, and to find out whether members of the People’s Defence Force have been involved in any way, and to discover whether any rules of engagement have been contravened. 3. If anyone is found to be in breach of any of the rules stipulated by law, a severe penalty will be imposed on those found guilty, as this is an unacceptable situation. 4. In our endeavours to carry out the people defensive revolution and to counter the terrorism, the People Defence Force must act in accordance with the military law and procedures. 5. Members of the People Defence Forces, People Police Forces and People Defence Organization are reminded not to fall into the trap of acting like the forces of the terrorist military council by committing atrocities and barbarities. They should also be mindful of the fact that we, as a revolution, are combating inhumane acts committed by the military fascists, and so must not at any time act like the military by committing crimes against humanity and performing inhumane acts. 6. The National Unity Government pledges to do its utmost to prevent abhorrent incidents like this from happening again anywhere in the country, and to work towards an independent future Federal Democracy where compassion and empathy thrives in the community..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2022-12-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On October 23, a music concert was held in Hpakant, Kachin State, as an early celebration of the 62nd anniversary of the founding of Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). In the evening of the commemoration event, the armed wing of the junta forces perpetrated an aerial bombardment with fighter planes, causing the death and injury of many innocent civilians. More than 60 civilians, including ethnic Kachin, are known to have been killed, whilst more than 100 others were injured in the airstrike, based on reports so far. This atrocious and intentional terror attack targeted a crowd of people during a peaceful gathering at a ceremony, and constitutes a crime against humanity and war crime of the junta. The armed wing of the junta subsequently blocked local streets to obstruct those seeking treatment for the injured, a blatant violation of the right to life in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This atrocity demonstrated their intent to make the population submit to military dictatorship through using weapons to sadistically target and indiscriminately kill. The military junta considers the whole of Burma as their enemy. We, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, strongly condemn any act of terror committed by the junta. We implore international actors to take immediate and effective action - to mitigate the armed wing of the junta’s extrajudicial killings, destruction of innocent livelihoods and homes, on daily basis. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "At about 13:00 on 14 June, members of the volunteer People's Defence Force arrived at a patch of ground in the fields between two villages just west of the Chindwin River, in central Myanmar. They had been alerted by a cow herder, who had spotted crows picking at what he believed was a corpse. The volunteers saw a human hand protruding from the earth. It belonged to a young fighter from their group, Wu Khong, who had been injured and gone missing during an attack by the army four days earlier. With him, in the shallow grave, were four other bodies, dismembered and burned. From the clothing, a watch and a medical bag found nearby, they also identified 27-year-old Zarli Naing, a nurse who had come to this area in the Magway Region last year to provide healthcare to insurgents and locals. They were opposing Myanmar's military which had seized power on 1 February 2021, overthrowing the elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Through interviews with Zarli Naing's friends and family, those who trained her, and the villagers and fighters she lived with until her death, the BBC has pieced together the story of a bright and courageous young woman whose decision to oppose the coup ended in tragedy. This is also the story of the desperate resistance being put up against the military junta by communities across a large swathe of the dry zone, an impoverished and drought-prone region of Myanmar. Zarli Naing was the youngest of four girls from a poor farming family, which lived close to the great temple complex of Bagan. The only one of them who did well at school, she went on to qualify as a nurse and got a job at a hospital in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw. She was working there when the coup happened. Like thousands of other healthcare workers across the country, Zarli Naing joined the civil disobedience movement (CDM), refusing to work with the military-controlled administration. A month after the coup, she left Nay Pyi Taw and returned to her home village. But fearing her political activism would endanger her family, she decided to move on to a safe zone in the north of Magway, which is largely controlled by opposition forces such as the People's Defence Force or PDF. There she became part of an extensive underground healthcare network run by the thousands of doctors and nurses who have left their jobs in protest against the coup. She was also trying to complete an online degree course from the prestigious University of Nursing in Mandalay. She had started the programme in early 2020, but it was disrupted by the pandemic. "When I spoke to her a month ago she told me how happy she was to be there," says one of her online supervisors, a nursing instructor for the clandestine network. "She was especially happy that she could give first aid training to the PDF fighters in her area, because there are no other healthcare staff there. She was the only one able to give that service to them." Zarli Naing had spent the past 14 months in a village called Dan Bin Gan. She was invited there by a friend, Khin Hnin Wai, a teacher the same age as her, who was working at a school run by a respected head teacher, Win Kyaw. Win Kyaw was a prominent local CDM leader who backed the parallel National Unity Government, which was formed last year to challenge the military junta's rule. Dan Bin Gan was, in effect, a liberated zone. It had an active PDF wing, which had established its base in the centre of the village. Most of the 2,500 inhabitants are farmers, eking out a living from cultivating beans, sesame and groundnuts, and a little corn to feed their cattle. This part of Myanmar is known for being deeply loyal to Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy, which, in the last election, won every seat in Magway in both the national and local parliaments. Opposition to the coup here, and in neighbouring southern Sagaing Region, is as strong as anywhere in Myanmar, with dozens of volunteer militias taking on the army using captured and home-made guns, and improvised mines. The village also lies just 6km (nearly 4 miles) from Sin Pyu Shin bridge, one of the only road crossings of the Chindwin River, and so vital for moving troops and other reinforcements around. Zarli Naing offered the only medical treatment for communities no longer able to use the local hospital, both because it was under military control, and also because after the coup so many nurses and doctors had abandoned state-run institutions. Friends and PDF fighters who knew her say she was deeply committed to the armed struggle, and ran first aid classes for the fighters. "Zarli was very strong," says another of her supervisors, who is based in the UK, where some medics are providing support for the underground health network in Myanmar. "She was always very upbeat. She never spoke about her own difficulties. She just asked smart questions when she needed to fix something. The clandestine health workers can get depressed by the challenges they face. "Sometimes their patients cannot reach them because of roadblocks or fighting, and they cannot refer patients to hospitals if they need more complex surgery. That is very hard for them - many of their patients in that situation do not survive." But Zarli Naing "did not express any regret for the path she had chosen", says a friend who worked near her in northern Magway. "There were many times she missed her family. She never told them what she was doing. Knowing she was working for the CDM would have put them in danger. "We used to ask people we knew for donations, to pay for the medicines we needed. We often used to speak together on the phone, and talk about the medical problems we faced, or about our support for the CDM." From her Facebook page she seems to have been a keen reader, posting colourful covers of the Burmese novels she liked. The photos of herself that she shared show her either reading, or holding up her hand in the three-fingered symbol of defiance that has become so popular in South East Asia in recent years. One post has a series of pictures of a much younger Aung San Suu Kyi with her family back in the UK. The day before Zarli Naing died - 9 June - three PDF groups together launched an attack on the military post guarding the Sin Pyu Shin bridge, killing three soldiers and taking control of it for a few hours. A military counter-attack was inevitable, and in the early hours of 10 June, about 30 soldiers in four vehicles were spotted making for Dan Bin Gan from the east. Not all the soldiers were in uniform, but those that were could be identified by their shoulder badges as coming from infantry battalions 256, 257 and 258, based at Hpu Lon, near Yesagyo town about 25km to the south. At 03:00 the residents of Dan Bin Gan started fleeing the village, heading for open country to the west. Zarli Naing was among them. To slow the army down PDF fighters laid homemade mines along the road into Dan Bin Gan. One of them, Wu Khong, injured his leg in a fall while doing this. Zarli Naing stayed with him to treat his leg. Win Kyaw, who was protective of the young nurse, stayed back too. So did Zarli Naing's friend, Khin Hnin Wai, who was pregnant, and another young female fighter, Thae Ei Ei Win. They had run to the western edge of Dan Bin Gan, according to eyewitnesses, but had stopped for Zarli Naing to deal with Wu Khong's injury, when they were intercepted by a group of soldiers. Guided by an informer, the soldiers had come around the south of the village to avoid the mines. They captured Zarli Naing and her friends, tied their hands, and together with nine other people they had detained, began marching them north for about an hour to the village of Thit Gyi Taw. Eyewitnesses heard the soldiers asking their captives if they were members of the CDM, and warning that they could be jailed or shot. They say the soldiers repeatedly struck and kicked their captives; and stole food and alcohol from the now empty homes in the villages. According to PDF sources, they also set 70 houses in Thit Gyi Taw alight, sending up a large plume of black smoke over the fields. Later in the afternoon the captives were moved a little way south to a temple in a village called Peik Thit Kan. Nine of them were then released, the soldiers telling them to run for their lives. One of them told us the remaining five were still alive at that point. Exactly what happened to Zarli Naing and the other four prisoners after that is unclear. At some point in the night they were moved south of Peik Thit Kan, and killed by their captors. Some villagers have reported hearing them shouting for help. But it's not clear when and why their bodies were dismembered and burned. Local PDF fighters believe the military targeted Dan Bin Gan because it was a known centre of resistance to the coup, and also because of the school established there by Win Kyaw. The school had opened only in May, but had already attracted 250 students. Its success made it something of a showcase for the parallel administration which the National Unity Government is trying to run outside military-controlled zones. The PDF believes the informer travelling with the soldiers identified Win Kyaw, Zarli Naing and Khin Hnin Wai as important figures in Dan Bin Gan. Killing them has robbed the village and surrounding communities of leaders who helped to sustain the insurgency. It has also robbed Myanmar of a promising young nurse, in a country which, even before the disastrous military takeover, had one of Asia's poorest healthcare systems. "I am sure she was a wonderful nurse," says her online instructor. "She always tried so hard to do a good job. "Just imagine, she was providing healthcare to the people of the village while all that time she was also taking all our online courses, even though there was no reliable internet access where she was. And she was taking the Bachelor degree course as well. The workload was enormous. "Even I could not do all that. She was just wonderful. One of her teachers told me that her exam results were really good." Zarli Naing had finished her first semester exams just two days before she died. At the time of writing, the inhabitants of Dan Bin Gan are still hiding in the forested area to the west of the village. It is the first time they have been forced to evacuate, but many other villages in this region have been attacked multiple times. This has repeatedly displaced their populations, creating serious humanitarian needs which are not being met because of the conflict and lack of access given to international agencies. Thousands of houses in northern Magway and southern Sagaing have been destroyed by the army; even when they feel safe enough to return, people do not have the resources to rebuild their homes. Last year's coup has unleashed a brutal war of attrition in this Burmese heartland, with uncountable casualties. Zarli Naing's story is just one of so many..."
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Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2022-07-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-15
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Description: "Four civilians, including a teenage girl, were executed by Myanmar junta forces during a raid in Pale Township, Sagaing Region, on Monday, according to resistance groups. Around 200 troops raided Taung Ywar Thit village and residents and resistance fighters found four bodies after the soldiers left on Tuesday. A Royal Eagle People’s Defense Force (PDF) spokesman told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that Daw Aye Win, 45, and her daughter Ma Moe Yi, 17, were shot dead along with a 45-year-old woman. He said they were shot in the head and found in the same property. U Tin Maung, 60, was found partially buried, the spokesman said. The resistance group said regime forces attacked and raided the village without being attacked. Several hundred residents fled their homes. Since Sunday, 28 civilians from Pale villages have been detained and more than 12 civilian detainees are still missing and around 10 villagers have been released, according to the PDF and Pale Entertainment news site. On Wednesday, regime forces raided and torched houses in Htay Aung village in adjacent Myaing Township. Around 120 houses in the village were burned down, the news site reported. On Thursday last week, regime forces burned down Hmawet Tone and Myinywar villages in the township after resistance attacks. Two male villagers in their 70s were found dead in burned houses. Amid daily attacks from PDFs and ethnic armed organizations, junta forces are committing atrocities, arbitrary arrests, killing civilians, carrying out torture, burning alive and using civilians as human shields, carrying out aerial bombardment and shelling of residential areas and looting and burning houses, especially in Chin, Kachin, Shan, Kayah, Mon and Karen states, and Magwe, Mandalay and Sagaing regions. As of Tuesday, 2,077 people have been killed by regime forces while 14,549 have been detained since last year’s coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-07-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-13
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Description: "1. We sadly learnt that on July 5, 2022 at around one o'clock in the afternoon, two Indian citizens Mr. P. Mohan (28) and Mr Aiyanar (35) were brutally shot dead by members of the Pyu Saw Htee, a pillar of the terrorist Military Council in Saw Bwar Ward, Tamu town, near the Basic Education School No. (4). In addition, their bodies were cremated in Tamu on the same day without being returned to their families, by the administrative bodies under the Military Council. 2. According to reports from responsible People’s Organizations in the township, the above killings were executed by the members of Pyu Saw Htee Phoe Sein and Zaw Ye, under the direction of Maung Lay Win, a leader of Pyu Saw Htee in Tamu. Kathey Indian insurgents who are part of Pyu Saw Htee are also reportedly behind this killing at behest of the Military Council. There were previous incidences that Kathey have been keep helping the Military Council to kill pro- democracy groups. 3. The victims were Tamils living in Moreh, and their identities can easily be investigated. However, the fact that the murder of the two foreigners was not properly investigated and the immediate cremation and disposal of bodies on the same day without informing the government of the Republic of India by the Military Council’s own administration suggest that the Military Council’s administration is behind this massacre. 4. Although the residents of Tamu and Moreh know that the perpetrators were Pyu Saw Htee members, Zaw Min Tun, a spokesman for the Military Council, publicly denied and accused that the perpetrators of this killing being members of the People's Defense Forces at the Press Conference held on 7/7/2022. 5. Members of the Military Council including Pyu Saw Htee and the police force under the Military Council have carried out arbitrary arrests and inhumane acts of torture and killing towards the civilians across the country. We are in possession of strong records of such cases. 6. This case is clearly one of the many issues that highlight the fact that Myanmar issue is not just an internal affair but a safeguard for all, which threatens the security and peace of the countries in the region, including neighbouring countries and the security of the entire human race. We extend our deepest condolences to the bereaved families of Mr. P. Mohan and Mr Aiyanar, and we are ready to cooperate with relevant authorities to bring justice for them..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2022-07-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "၁။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၅) ရက်၊ မွန်းလွဲ (၁) နာရီခန့်တွင် တမူးမြို့၊ စော်ဘွားရပ်ကွက်၊ အမက (၄) ကျောင်း အနီး၌ အိန္ဒိယနိုင်ငံသားများဖြစ်သော Mr. P. Mohan (၂၈ နှစ်) နှင့် Mr Aiyanar (၃၅ နှစ်) တို့အား အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ထောက်တိုင်ဖြစ်သော ပျူစောထီးအဖွဲ့ဝင်များက ရက်စက်စွာ ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ကြောင်း စိတ်မကောင်းစွာ သိရှိရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ၎င်းတို့၏ရုပ်ကလာပ်များကို ကျန်ရစ်သူ မိသားစုများအားပြန်လည် လွှဲပြောင်းအပ်နှံပေးခြင်းမပြုဘဲ ယင်းနေ့တွင် တမူးမြို့၌ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကဦးဆောင်၍မီးသဂြိုဟ်ခဲ့ကြောင်းသိရှိရသည်။ ၂။ အထက်ပါသတ်ဖြတ်မှုကိုကျူးလွန်သူများမှာ တမူးမြို့ရှိ ပျူစောထီးခေါင်းဆောင်တစ်ဦးဖြစ်သည့် မောင်လေးဝင်း ဆိုသူ၏ညွှန်ကြားချက်အောက်၌ ပျူစောထီးအဖွဲ့ဝင်နှစ်ဦးဖြစ်သည့် ဖိုးစိန်နှင့် ဇော်ရဲဆိုသူတို့ ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သက်ဆိုင်ရာမြို့နယ်မှတာဝန်ရှိပြည်သူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏တင်ပြချက်အရ သိရှိရသည်။ ဤသတ်ဖြတ်မှုများတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ညွှန်ကြားမှုဖြင့် ပျုစောထီးနှင့်ဆက်စပ်မှုရှိသော အိန္ဒိယ ကသည်း သောင်းကျန်းသူများလည်းပါဝင် ပတ်သတ်နေမှုရှိနေသည်ဟု သိရှိရပါသည်။ ကသည်းသောင်းကျန်းသူအုပ်စုများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ကူညီပူးပေါင်းပြီး ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများကို တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သည့် သာဓကများစွာ ရှိပါသည်။ ၃။ လုပ်ကြံသတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသူများမှာ မိုရေးမြို့တွင်နေထိုင်သည့် တမီးလ်လူမျိုးများဖြစ်ပြီး၊ မည်သူမည်ဝါဖြစ် ကြောင်း အလွယ်တကူစုံစမ်းသိရှိနိုင်သူများသာဖြစ်သည်။ သို့ရာတွင် နိုင်ငံခြားသားနှစ်ဦး အသတ်ခံရခြင်းအား စနစ်တကျအမှုဖွင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း၊ အိန္ဒိယနိုင်ငံဘက်သို့အကြောင်းကြားခြင်းစသည်တို့ မပြုဘဲ တမူးမြို့ရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဆောင်ရွက်သူများကိုယ်တိုင် ယင်းနေ့တွင်ပင် အဆောတလျင် မီးသဂြိုဟ်ဖျောက်ဖျက်လိုက်ခြင်းသည် ယင်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု၏ နောက်ကွယ်၌ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများပါဝင်ပတ်သက်နေသည်ကို သုံးသပ်နိုင်သည်။ ၄။ ယခုဖြစ်ရပ်ကိုကျူးလွန်သူများမှာ ပျူစောထီးအဖွဲ့ဝင်များဖြစ်ကြောင်း တမူးမြို့နှင့် မိုရေးမြို့များတွင်နေထိုင်သူ ပြည်သူအများ သိနေကြသည့်ကိစ္စဖြစ်သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူဆိုသူ ဇော်မင်းထွန်းက ယင်းဖြစ်ရပ်ကိုကျူးလွန်သူများမှာ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များဖြစ်သည်ဟု ၇/၇/၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့ပြုလုပ်သည့် သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲတွင် စွပ်စွဲထားပြီး၊ အမှန်တရားကို ဗြောင်လိမ်လည်ငြင်းဆိုထားသည်။ ၅။ ပျူစောထီးအပါအဝင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များသည် မြန်မာ နိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြားတွင် ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ လူမဆန်ရက်စက်စွာ နှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း စသည်တို့ကို အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ်ပြုကျင့်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုသို့ပြုကျင့်သည့်ဖြစ်ရပ်များစွာ၏ ခိုင်လုံသောမှတ်တမ်း မှတ်ရာများကိုလည်း မိမိတို့ ရရှိထားပါသည်။ ၆။ ယခုဖြစ်ရပ်မှာ မြန်မာ့အရေးကိစ္စသည် ပြည်တွင်းရေးကိစ္စ သက်သက်မဟုတ်ပဲ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများအပါအဝင် ဒေသတွင်းနိုင်ငံများ၏ လုံခြုံငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး နှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ လုံခြုံငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးတို့ကို ထိပါးလာသည့် လူသားတိုင်းကာကွယ်တားဆီးရမည့် အရေးကိစ္စတစ်ခုဖြစ်ကြောင်းကို မီးမောင်းထိုးပြလျက်ရှိသော ဖြစ်ရပ်များစွာထဲက တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်မှာ ထင်ရှားပါသည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသည့် Mr. P. Mohan နှင့် Mr Aiyanar တို့၏ ကျန်ရစ်သူမိသားစုဝင်များနှင့်အတူ ထပ်တူဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲဖြစ်ရပါကြောင်းနှင့် ၎င်းတို့အတွက် တရားမျှတမှုရရှိနိုင်ရေး မိမိတို့အနေဖြင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အဆင်သင့်ရှိပါကြောင်း အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာ အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2022-07-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Statement by Mr. Ramanathan Balakrishnan, the UN Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator ad interim, on the killing of a World Health Organization staff member. The United Nations in Myanmar is deeply saddened by the death of Mr. Myo Min Htut, a World Health Organization staff, during a security incident in Mawlamyine Township, Mon State. Mr Myo Min Htut had worked for the World Health Organization as a driver for nearly 5 years and the United Nations sends heartfelt condolences to his family. Mr Myo Min Htut was shot dead when riding his own motorcycle on Thanlwin Uyin Road around 5pm on 8 June 2022. The exact circumstances of the incident currently remain unclear. Condemning the killing of the UN staff, Mr. Ramanathan Balakrishnan, the UN Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator ad interim in Myanmar said, “The United Nations appeals to all parties and stakeholders to respect the neutrality of the United Nations and Humanitarians and further calls for all parties to protect the rights and safety of civilians and strongly condemns acts of violence against civilians. The United Nations expects an impartial investigation into the incident and the perpetrators to be held accountable.” He further added, “During these difficult times, against significant odds, the United Nations continues to stay and deliver essential humanitarian and development support for the people of Myanmar”..."
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Source/publisher: United Nations Myanmar
2022-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-08
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Description: "20 May 2022 - London/Yangon - The Burmese military has increased its attacks on marginalised minorities throughout the country since the coup in February 2021. These incidents escalated yet again on 20 May when the Burmese army set fire to the homes and mosque in Innywa Village, Kathar District, Northern Sagaing Region. A Muslim girl (Sofia) and her uncle were shot and killed by Junta’s thugs (ThwayThaut) in Yangon in a separate event. One other person was injured in the incident. BHRN calls on all nations to heed these warnings of another potential mass atrocities in Myanmar before it happens. “The world cannot sit idly by and allow further atrocities in Burma. What happened to the Rohingya will happen to any minority mainly Muslims and Christians minorities. The efforts by the international community so far have not altered the Junta’s course or stopped them from attacking civilians. If the world put only a fraction of the effort into Burma that they have into Ukraine, we can avert these atrocities,” said BHRN’s Executive Director, Kyaw Win. The Burmese military frequently uses arson attacks on minority areas. The intentional killing of civilians is unacceptable and targeting anyone for their religious and ethnic background is especially atrocious. Similarly, civilians have regularly been shot arbitrarily by the military in areas where no conflict or armed groups are present. BHRN calls on the international community to increase the severity of sanctions on Burma, emphasizing all enterprises that the military directly profits from, particularly their energy sector. All nations must establish a global arms embargo to prevent the military from resupplying weapons that they will use to harm and kill innocent civilians. The crisis in Ukraine has shown the power the world has when it chooses to act, we must be willing to do the same for Burma. BHRN calls on the world to completely sanction all of the Burmese military’s assets and endeavours, particularly the gas and oil sector. A complete arms embargo must be launched against the Junta and they must be ostracised from the world stage. As long as the fascist military continue to exist in power the threat of mass atrocities against the religious and ethnic minorities is highly likely to take place again in Burma. Simultaneously, the National Unity Government must also recognise it as genocide and stop avoiding using the term “genocide”. The world has taken great measures to stand up to the cruelty of dictators and warlords around the world. It must finally do the same for the people of Burma. Organisation’s Background BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher: Burma Human Rights Network
2022-05-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-20
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Description: "More Myanmar junta victims have been found around Mone Taing Ping village in Ye-U Township, Sagaing Region, with the death toll rising to 36, according to residents. Most of the victims were found in torched houses and bore signs of torture, they said. Some corpses were dumped in wells. “We found the bodies while clearing debris from the fire. The bodies were disfigured. We found six bodies in a house where only two old women lived. There were pools of blood covered by shoveled earth,” said a villager. Around 200 junta soldiers from Taze Township in the region arrived in the village on May 10. Two resistance fighters who were preparing to plant mines were shot dead and a clash followed at the bridge leading to the village. Some villagers were shot dead by regime troops and others were abducted from neighboring villages, according to witnesses. Villagers and people’s defense forces (PDF) fighters returned to Mone Taing Ping after junta troops left. “Only bones were left from some bodies. Some had their hands tied,” said another resident. Villagers said they could not identify many of the victims. Junta troops torched 29 houses in Mone Taing Ping, which had 300 households. “They did not torch the entire village. They only torched houses of PDF members and supporters. Military informants showed them the houses. Junta troops put the dead bodies in those houses. They held detainees overnight and killed them the next day,” said a villager. Since May 10, junta troops have raided villages in Ye-U and Khin-U townships, torching houses and killing civilians. An estimated 11,417 houses were razed in arson attacks by the military regime and allied militias by April 30, according to Data for Myanmar, an independent research group documenting junta atrocities..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-05-17
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-17
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Description: "Two Shan youth activists forced by SAC troops to transport them in their truck on the Lashio-Muse highway were killed in a roadside ambush by TNLA troops on May 4, 2022. That day, at about 5 pm, the two youth, Sai Jarm Hla (aged 32) and Sai Hseng Harn (aged 29), were driving a pick-up truck on their way from Kutkhai to Muse, when they were stopped by 15 Burma Army troops from Infantry Division (ID) 99 at Nampaw bridge, about 16 miles from Muse. The troops forced the youth to transport them in the back of their truck. At about 5.20 pm, as they were approaching Maw Tawng village, Mong Yu tract, their truck was suddenly shelled by TNLA troops positioned on a hill top. Shrapnel hit Sai Jarm Hla’s chest, leg and hands, while Sai Hseng Harn was hit in his abdomen, head and wrist. Their truck overturned at the side of the road. At least ten Burma Army troops were also killed in the attack. One of the youth’s friends was driving behind them in another car, and arrived at the scene after the attack. He saw Sai Jarm Hla’s truck overturned by the road, and many SAC soldiers around the wreckage. He stopped his car and tried to get out and see what had happened, but some SAC troops who had arrived in another truck forced him to drive on. He then drove to the 105 Mile village, where he called a local welfare group to go and pick up his friends and take them to hospital. When the welfare group arrived by car at the site of the attack, the Burma Army troops refused to let them take the bodies. They then went back to Muse town and called more welfare group vehicles to come to the incident site. The bodies were allowed to be taken away at about 7:30 pm. The bodies were kept at Se Oo, Muse township, and were cremated in the afternoon of May 5, 2022. The deceased youth were both from Kyaukme. Sai Jarm Hla was a leading member of the Tai Youth Network (TYN) and belonged to the secretary team of the Committee for Shan State Unity (CSSU). Sai Hseng Harn assisted with many social welfare activities for his community..."
Source/publisher: Shan Human Rights Foundation
2022-05-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Joseph is mourning the death of his son. After the Myanmar military entered his village, he fled into the jungle but 13-year-old Pali Nang did not make it. Joseph saw a photo of his son’s dead body on Facebook where it showed signs of torture. He’s one of an estimated 40,000 Myanmar refugees who have fled to India. Aamir Peerzada has this exclusive report from Indian border state of Mizoram. Reporting and Editing by Aamir Peerzada Filming by Faisal H. Bhat Produced by Rebecca Henschke..."
Source/publisher: BBC News (London)
2022-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "၂၀၂၂ ခုနစ် မတ်လကုန်ပိုင်းတွင် ရှမ်းပြည်တောင်ပိုင်းနမ့်စန်မြို့နယ် နောင်ဟီးကျေးရွာအုပ်စုမှ ဒေသခံပြည်သူ တစ်ရာကျော်တို့ကို စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများက ကင်းတပ်စခန်းအသစ် တည်ဆောက်ပေးရန်အဓမ္မခိုင်းစေခဲ့သည်။ထိုတပ်စခန်းအသစ်တည်နေရာမှာ မန္တလေးအခြေစိုက်ငွေရည်ပုလဲကုမ္ပဏီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံကုမ္ပဏီမှ အသစ်တူးဖော်ရန်စီစဥ်နေသည့်ကျောက်မီးသွေးတွင်းကြီးနှင့် ၁ မိုင်ခန့်သာကွာ၀ေးသည်။ မတ်လ ၂၉ ရက် ၃၀ ရက်များတွင် နမ့်မိုကျေးရွာမှ ကျေးရွာသူရွာသား ၁၀၆ ဦးတို့သည် နမ့်စန်မြို့အရှေ့မြောက်ဘက်မှ ၁၅ မိုင်ခန့်ကွာ၀ေးသော နောင်ဟီးကျေးရွာအုပ်စုကုန်းတီးရွာမြောက်ဘက်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ ကင်းစခန်းအသစ်ကိုသွားဆောက်ပေးခဲ့ရသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် ကျေးရွာသူရွာသားများအားကတုတ်ကျင်းတူးခြင်း၊သစ်၀ါးများခုတ်ခြင်း၊ ခြံစည်းရိုးကာစခြင်း အစရှိသည် တို့ကိုအဓမ္မခိုင်းစေခဲ့ကြသည်။ အဆိုပါကင်းတပ်စခန်းသည် နမ့်မိုဒေသခံပြည်သူလုံးဆာ၏ ယာမြေပေါ်တွင် သွားရောက်တည်ဆောက်ထားခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ထိုသို့သွားဆောက်ရာတွင် လည်းကြိုတင်အသိပေးခွင့်တောင်းခဲ့ခြင်းမရှိသည့်အပြင် မည်သည့်လျော်ကြေး ငွေကိုမှလဲပေးအပ်ခဲ့ခြင်းမရှိပေ။ မတ်လ ၂၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် ရှမ်းပြည်အရှေ့ပိုင်း ကျိုင်းတုံရွှေတြိဂံတိုင်စစ်ဌာနချုပ်လက်အောက်ခံ မိုင်းကန်းမြို့နယ် အခြေစိုက် ခလရ ၅၅၃ တပ်မှအင်အား ၃၅ ဦး ခန့်ပါရှိသောစစ်ကြောင်းသည် နမ့်စန်-ခိုလမ်ကားလမ်းမကြီးမှတစ်ဆင့် နောင်ဟီးကျေးရွာအုပ်စု ကွန်ဆိုင်း ကျေးရွာသို့ရောက်လာပြီး ကွန်ဆိုင်းကျေးရွာစာသင်ကျောင်းတွင် ညပေါင်းများစွာ ညအိပ်ရပ်နားပြီးနောက် တိလင်ကျေးရွာတွင် ၁ ညအိပ်ကာ မတ်လ ၂၈ ရက်နေ့တွင် နမ့်မိုကျေးရွာ သို့ရောက်ရှိလာခဲ့သည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် နမ့်မိုကျေးရွာ ဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်းတွင် ညအိပ်ပြီး ထိုနေ့ည ၆ နာရီတွင် ကျေးရွာသူကြီးကိုခေါ်ယူ၍ နမ့်မိုကျေးရွာတွင်ရှိသော အိမ်ထောင်စုစာရင်းများကိုမေးမြန်းခဲ့သည်။ နမ့်မို ရွာ တွင်အိမ်ထောင်စု ၆၃ စုရှိရာ အိမ်ထောင်စုတစ်စုလျှင် တစ်ဦးကျ မဖြစ်မနေ၄င်းတို့တပ်စခန်းကိုသုံးရက် အ တွင်း တည်ဆောက်ပေးရန် ခိုင်းစေခဲ့သည်။သို့သော် ရွာသူရွာသားများမှ နှစ်ရက်အတွင်းလူ ၁၀၆ ဦးဖြင့် အပြီးလုပ်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့ကျသည်။ မတ်လ ၃၁ ရက်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သားများသည် နမ့်မိုကျေးရွာဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်းမှ တပ်စခန်းအသစ် သို့ ပြောင်း ရွေ့ခဲ့ကျသည်။ အဆိုပါတပ်စခန်းသည်ခိုလမ်မြို့ရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ အရှေ့အလယ်ပိုင်းတိုင်း စစ်ဌာနချုပ်နှင့် မိုင် နှစ်ဆယ်ခန့်သာကွာ၀ေးပြီး ယခုကဲ့သို့ စစ်ရေးတိုးချဲ့မှုအသစ်များကြောင့် ၄င်းတို့ဒေသတွင်း လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်ခံရမှုများပိုမိုဆိုးရွားလာမည်ကိုစိုးရိမ်နေကြသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနစ်နို၀င်ဘာလတွင်ထုတ်ပြန်သော စစ်ကောင်စီ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာ၀ပတ်၀န်းကျင် ထိန်းသိမ်းရေး၀န်ကြီး ဌာန၏ တစ်နိုင်လုံးသယံဇာတတူးဖော်မှုခွင့်ပြုစာရင်းတွင် နမ့်စန်မြို့နယ် နောင်ဟီးကျေးရွာအုပ်စုတွင် တူးဖော်ရန်စီစဥ်နေသည့် စုစုပေါင်းဧက ၅၀၀ကျော် ကျယ်၀န်းသည့် ကျောက်မီးသွေးတွင်း ၅ခုလည်းပါ၀င်သည်။ အဆိုပါကျောက်မီးသွေးတွင်းအားလုံးသည် ငွေရည်ပုလဲ ကုမ္ပဏီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ မန္တလေးဖြန့်ချီရေးနှင့် သတ္တုတူးဖော်ရေး ကုမ္ပဏီမှတူးဖော်ရန်ခွင့်ပြုချက်ရရှိထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ဒေသခံများ၏ပြောကြားချက်အရ ပြီးခဲ့သည့်လတွင် ကုမ္ပဏီတာ၀န်ရှိသူများက နမ့်စန်မြို့အာဏာပိုင်များအား ကျောက် မီးသွေးစမ်းသပ်မှုများကိုမကြာမှီစတင်တော့မည်ဟုအကြောင်း ကြားခဲ့ကြောင်းသိရသည်။ အသစ်တူးဖော်ရန်စီစဥ်နေသည့် ကျောက်မီးသွေးတွင်းဧရိယာသည် ဒေသခံတောင်သူလယ်သမားများ ၏အဓိက ၀င်ငွေဖြစ်သောပြောင်းစိုက်ပျိုးရာယာမြေပေါ်တွင်တည်ရှိနေရာ ၄င်းတို့အတွက်အထူးစိုးရိမ် စိတ်များဖြစ်လာစေသောရင်း မြစ်ဖြစ်နေသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ သယံဇာတနှင့်သဘာ၀ပတ်၀န်းကျင် ထိန်းသိမ်းရေး ဦးစီးဌာန၏ ၀က်ဆိုက်၏ဖော်ပြချက်များအရ ငွေရည်ပုလဲသည် လက်ရှိတွင် ရှမ်းပြည်မြောက်ပိုင်း၏ အကြီးဆုံးကျောက်မီးသွေးတူးဖော်ထုတ်လုပ်သူဖြစ်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့၏ သီပေါ၊တန့်ယန်းနှင့် မိုင်းရယ်မြို့များရှိကျောက်မီးသွေးတွင်းများသည် သဘာ၀ပတ်၀န်းကျင်နှင့် ဒေသခံများ၏ ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့်လူနေမှုဘ၀ကိုပြင်းထန်စွာထိခိုက်ဖျက်ဆီးလျက်ရှိသည်။ မန္တလေးဖြန့်ချီရေးနှင့် သတ္တုတူးဖော်ရေး ကုမ္ပဏီသည် လက်ရှိတွင် ရှမ်းပြည်တောင်ပိုင်းရပ်စောက်မြို့တွင်လည်း အခြားကျောက်မီးသွေးတွင်းတခုကို တူးဖော်နေသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Shan Human Rights Foundation
2022-04-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On March 29, 2022, after a bomb explosion in Kyaukme town, SAC troops stopped two villagers riding a motorcycle and beat them so severely that one of them died of his injuries. The explosion, caused by a hand-made bomb, occurred at the Kyaukme municipal office at about 4 pm. The roof of the municipal office was slightly damaged by the blast. At that time, the two men, Sai Bee, age 43, and his nephew Sai Aung Kyaw Oo, age 28, were riding a motorcycle to buy some food in Quarter 9 after buying a smart phone in Quarter 6 of Kyaukme town. After buying food, they were on their way back to Nawng Bing village, when they were stopped by over 20 SAC troops at a traffic light in Quarter 6. Sai Aung Kyaw Oo was driving the motorcycle, and Sai Bee was sitting behind him. The troops interrogated the men about the bomb blast, beating and pushing them to the ground. They kicked them multiple times in the head and chest until both of them fell unconscious. The troops then put them into an army car, and took Sai Aung Kyaw Oo to the Kyaukme police station and took Sai Bee to the Kyaukme hospital. A soldier drove their motorcycle to the police station. After about an hour, the troops phoned the police to inform them that Sai Bee had been certified dead by the hospital. The police then released Sai Aung Kyaw Oo, returned his motorbike key, and told him he could go to the hospital. Sai Aung Kyaw Oo did not go to see his uncle’s body that evening, but phoned his relatives to come from Pong Wo village to collect the dead body from the hospital. On March 30, 2022, at about 1 pm, his relatives from Pong Wo came to the hospital. They had to pay 50,000 kyat for the autopsy, and then took the dead body to be buried at the Kyaukme cemetery at about 2 pm. The cost of the funeral was over 500,000 kyat, but the military did not provide any compensation for his family or for the funeral ceremony. Sai Bee was a widower who stayed with his elder sister. He had five sisters in his family, and was the youngest brother. He worked at a car workshop in Kyaukme. Sai Aung Kyaw Oo told his family what had happened to them: “We were riding a motorcycle from the phone shop, where we had bought a smart phone. While we were riding past the municipal office, we heard the sound of an explosion, but we just kept driving. We rode our motorbike to go and buy some food at a place nearby. When we came back, we met a group of SAC soldiers on the road. They stopped us, and then beat and kicked us.” When Sai Aung Kyaw Oo was arrested, the troops took about 45,000 kyat and his ID card from his wallet. About 700,000 kyat was taken from Sai Bee, who had come to Kyaukme to make a new ID card. He was staying in Nawng Bing village and had called his nephew to bring him some household documents for the ID application. Sai Aung Kyaw Oo had left Pong Wo on the morning of March 29 to come to Kyaukme. On March 30, 2022, after the burial of Sai Bee, the Nam Khong charity group went to the police station to ask for Sai Aung Kyaw Oo’s ID card and the confiscated money. The police replied that they had not seen any money. They said that the only item handed over by the soldiers at the police station was Sai Aung Kyaw Oo’s motorbike. Sai Aung Kyaw Oo is still suffering physically and mentally from being beaten by the SAC troops. The previous month, on February 3, a 44-year-old displaced farmer called Sai Tun Win was similarly beaten and kicked to death in Kyaukme town by SAC military intelligence officers, who falsely accused him of being a drug dealer and a PDF member. His family have received no compensation until now, even though the SAC authorities admitted his arrest was a “mistake”..."
Source/publisher: Shan Human Rights Foundation
2022-04-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Ten alleged Yangon activists, who were detained in April last year and charged with involvement in bombings, were sentenced to seven years in prison with labor, according to their lawyers. A court in Insein Prison on March 31 handed down the maximum sentences for illegal weapons possession and their detention period will be deducted from the sentence. The 10 still face charges Article 436 of the Penal Code which could extend their terms by 20 years. “The arson trial under Article 436 is ongoing. The maximum penalty under 436 is 20 years,” said a lawyer. They were detained in night raids on April 17 last year following three blasts that killed at least one soldier and wounded several others at the General Administration Office in Yankin Township, where troops were based. The following day, the regime’s Myawaddy TV announced suspects had been arrested in the township with bomb-making equipment after a tipoff. The accused showed signs of severe torture in the junta’s pictures. The face of Ma Khin Nyein Thu, 31, was visibly swollen and she was reportedly sexually harassed during the interrogation. A family member said Ma Khin Nyein Thus is now in good health. Since the coup, many activists have been given lengthy jail terms or death sentences for alleged attacks and for having ties to the civilian National Unity Government or its armed people’s defense forces (PDFs). Recently several individuals were given 10-year sentences for allegedly donating cash to PDFs. Those who are tried by court-martial are given harsher penalties and denied citizenship and human and legal rights, including the right to counsel, said lawyers. U Khin Maung Myint, a lawyer, said: “There are two separate types of court, one for courts-martial in townships where direct military rule is imposed. Lawyers are not allowed to represent the accused in those courts. No one tried at those courts has been released and they are all given maximum sentences.” No detainees tried at prison courts have been released, he added. More than 10,007 people remain under detention since the February 2021 coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Around 905 detainees have been given prison sentences, including 59 death sentences. Two children have received death sentences. At least 41 other suspects in hiding have been given death sentences in absentia..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-04-04
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "၄-ဧပြီ-၂၀၂၂ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အာဏာကိုမတရားလုယူချိန်ကတည်းက နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက် အိုးအိမ်၊ စည်းစိမ်ကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်၊ အနိုင်ကျင့်၊ ဖျက်ဆီးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်နေခဲ့ရာ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက် မှုများမှာ ပိုမိုအရှိန်မြှင့် ဆိုးရွားရက်စက်လာလျက်ရှိသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ဟု အကြောင်းပြကာ အဆမတန် အင်အားသုံး၍ စစ်ရေးအရှိန် မြှင့်တင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသလို တစ်ဖက်တွင်လည်း ပြည်သူများကို အကြောက်တရားလွှမ်းခြုံနေစေရေး အတွက် လူမဆန်သောနည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံအသုံးပြုလျက်ရှိသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) မှ လက်လှမ်းမီသမျှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထား သော အချက်အလက်များအရ မတရားအာဏာလုရန်ကြိုးပမ်းချိန်ကတည်းက မတ်လ (၃၁)၊ ၂၀၂၂ အထိ နေအိမ်၊အဆောက်အအုံ စုစုပေါင်း (၅၄၇) ထက်မနည်း စစ်အုပ်စုက ချိပ်ပိတ်သိမ်းဆည်းခဲ့သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2022-04-04
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "This Briefing pape provides a summary of the body evidence on the long-term implication for the mental health of people in Burma in view of the unprecedented levels of violence directed by the military junta towards the population, as well as the weaponization of the COVID-19 crisis in the country (1) Drawing from AAPP data, as well as academic literature and several interviews with CSO Activists, this birefing paper reveals the severe consequences of psychological traum, and the persisting effects of destress, depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among communities, after suffering from insecurity, widespread attacks, torture, displacement, and terrorist-like action by the armed wing of the military junta..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2022-04-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) is pleased to announce the release of its latest field report, Southeast Burma Field Report: Intensification of armed conflict, air and ground attacks, and widespread human rights violations, July to December 2021. The reporting period was marked by increased armed conflict and attacks, which spread to locations in KHRG’s operational area that had reported little to no fighting or shelling during the initial five months following the February 1st 2021 military coup. A surge of armed conflict and attacks, including airstrikes, took place in the Lay Kay Kaw area of Dooplaya District in December 2021 after State Administration Council (SAC) and Border Guard Force (BGF) troops entered the area and conducted raids and arrests while searching for Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) participants and People’s Defence Force (PDF) members. Over 10,000 people were displaced in just over a week. Possibilities for seeking refuge in Thailand remain extremely limited. Most displaced villagers were either pushed back by Thai authorities or forced to set up temporary encampments along the river. Mu Traw (Hpapun) District had been the target of major offensives, including airstrikes, during the first five months of the coup. Although there were no further airstrikes in Mu Traw District from July to December 2021, most parts of the district continued to experience heavy conflict and military activities, with some areas experiencing fighting and shelling on a near daily basis. Many villagers continue to face displacement, while those who have remained in their villages have endured repeated threats by SAC soldiers, including battalion commanders, who seek to punish civilians for the activities of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). The reporting period was also marked by an increase in human rights violations, including forced labour, the use of human shields, torture, killings, theft and looting, and the planting of landmines. Incidents of forced labour, including the use of civilians as human shields, have become more widespread and systematic because tied to the movement of SAC and BGF troops through KNU-controlled areas while rotating troops or bringing food rations, supplies and ammunition to more remote army camps. In many cases, these acts were combined with other rights violations like beatings or torture, the deprivation of food and water, and various threats, including threat to life. Theft and looting, particularly of food items, crops and livestock, also became more systematic as the presence of SAC soldiers in rural areas, including KNU territory, spread. Theft and looting often took place after villagers were forced to flee their homes, and in some cases included the destruction of property. As the SAC continued to target anyone seen as opposing the military regime, it undertook violence, including torture and beatings, against civilians while searching for people whom they suspected of having an affiliation with the PDF and CDM. There has also been an increase in intentional killings of civilians by SAC security forces. The situation of rural villagers in Karen State has grown more critical, with many villagers now facing severe food insecurity and health issues, including the spread of COVID-19, with little access to external support. KHRG hopes that this field report will allow national and international stakeholders to gain a better understanding the impact of SAC atrocities in Southeast Burma. It includes a number of recommendations on how national and international stakeholders can develop more inclusive support schemes that ensure the protection and well-being of rural villagers. Recommendations Neighbouring states must allow for the legal provision of cross-border humanitarian aid through non-state actors and local service providers. The UN, donors and other international actors must support and increase the legitimacy of the CSOs, CBOs and ethnic health and aid providers operating on the ground because they have the most direct and best access to affected populations and understand their needs. A comprehensive global arms embargo against the Burma military must be imposed. Military “No Fly Zones” need to be established and enforced; and sanctions must be placed on supplying aviation fuel to the Burma military. Civilian safe zones need to be created, whether in Burma or across the border, and the protection of civilian safe zones must be internationally guaranteed. UN agencies in Burma must take a clear and strong position in responding to the situation on the ground, and to use all possible resources to limit the human rights abuses and violations undertaken by the SAC..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-03-31
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Ministry of justice and the Ministry of Defence have launched an investigation into incidents that took place in November last year, that appear to show unlawful killings by some, militants associated with the PDF in Sagaing region. It is a complicated story of accidental deaths due to mishandled explosives, apparently followed by killings in retribution, and more to attempt to cover-up the incidents. NUG Minister of Justice, U Thien Oo, in announcing the investigation, said these allegations, if true, would be a "very disturbing breach of discipline and an apparent abuse by these militants of the PDF's sacred responsibility to protect innocent civilians." He pledged that the investigation would "get to the truth of what happened and who was responsible." "No one is above the law, even in a time of conflict," he concluded. The regional commander, Boh Tanmani, said no such killings had been ordered, but admitted that, "Some comrades from the lower ranks might have lost their tempers and committed these killings. He added, "I have agreed to face the consequences if I am found guilty under the law and given a sentence." If sufficient evidence can be collected, "there will be trials and upon convictions, punishment." The NUG has been very clear that no battlefield killings that involve PDF soldiers taking the lives of innocent civilians will be permitted. It has conducted trains and briefings with regional commanders about the rules of war and international law, even in conflict..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Justice - NUG
2022-03-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes the report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar,1 as well as his Conference Room Paper on 'UN Member States' Arms Transfers to the Myanmar Military'.2 Myanmar extends its full support to the Special Rapporteur and will grant him access to the country. This same cooperation is offered to all mandate-holders. Myanmar therefore issues a standing invitation to the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. The Special Rapporteur's latest report catalogues horrors on an 'immense' scale by the illegal military junta. These atrocities include murders, executions, enslavement, torture and inhumane treatment, rape and sexual violence, the forcible transfer and displacement of communities, the use of human shields, forced recruitment, the destruction of property, pillaging, and the weaponisation of humanitarian aid. In a finding shared by the High Commissioner for Human Rights,3 the Special Rapporteur confirms that these acts constitute probable crimes against humanity and war crimes. In horrific accounts, the Special Rapporteur documents junta methods of torture that include stabbings, shocking with electrical devices, burning of skin and genitalia, the ripping out of fingernails, stress positions and deprivation of food and water. A displaced Karenni man recounts the killing of his two teenage daughters by junta bombardment. His daughters, he says, were 'thrown in different directions. The stomach and lower body... blown to pieces.' The Special Rapporteur goes on to record more junta acts of terror - the burning of bodies, the ramming of peaceful protestors with vehicles, the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war, the continued dehumanisation and exclusion of the Rohingya, the hostage taking and use of children as human shields, and the likely targeting of LGBTQ detainees because of their sexual orientation. At the heart of these atrocities lies a deeper shame: that they have long been known to the Human Rights Council yet allowed to escalate. Myanmar shares the Special Rapporteur's profound disappointment with 'the failure of the international community to act decisively to help prevent atrocities and hold perpetrators accountable'. Where Myanmar stands in firm solidarity with the people of Ukraine, it also acknowledges the Special Rapporteur's insight that our people are similarly 'under siege by a brutal and relentless military attack' - indeed, as the Special Rapporteur’s Conference Room Paper documents, one armed by a common aggressor. Myanmar accepts the Special Rapporteur’s recommendations, particularly those addressed to the National Unity Government, and supports the Special Rapporteur’s calls on UN Member States to: • increase humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar • immediately halt the sale or transfer of weapons and dual-use technology to Myanmar and ensure that aviation fuel is not transferred to the Myanmar military • exert strong, sustained pressure on the military junta including through coordinated, targeted economic sanctions and embargoes of weapons and dual-use technology • support efforts to hold perpetrators of atrocity crimes accountable in impartial and independent courts, including the International Criminal Court, International Court of Justice and national courts in countries with universal jurisdiction laws • recognise the National Unity Government as representing the sovereign will of the people of Myanmar and as a trusted source and partner to engage in the distribution of humanitarian, health, education and other support for the people of Myanmar. Myanmar, in closing, expresses its continued gratitude to the Special Rapporteur for his tireless commitment to its people..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
2022-03-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Fourteen people, 11 resistance fighters and three civilians, were slaughtered earlier this week in Sagaing Region’s Khin-U Township, as Myanmar junta forces stepped up attacks on local People’s Defense Forces (PDF). The military regime is reportedly on a ‘Kill All, Torch All’ mission to eliminate resistance in Sagaing before the annual Armed Forces Day on March 27. Soldiers from Division 77 and pro-junta Pyu Saw Htee militia from Sagaing’s Ye-U Township arrived in Khin-U Township on March 5. They joined troops already deployed in Ywa Thit Gon Village in Khin-U and raided several surrounding villages, according to local residents. Junta troops raided Thein Taw Village on Tuesday morning. They reportedly fired at least 50 rounds from 40 mm grenade launchers as they entered the village and clashed with PDF fighters. Members of the village defense forces were forced to withdraw as junta troops continuously fired on them. But 11 fighters were detained and shot dead, said residents. The slain resistance fighters bore signs of torture and some had been shot point-blank in their heads, a local who was involved in retrieving their bodies told The Irrawaddy. “It appears that they were not killed in the fighting, but that they were shot dead after being arrested. They had no gunshot wounds to their bodies, but they were shot point-blank in their heads. Heads had been severed from some bodies. We also saw knotted ropes near the bodies which are believed to have been used to tie them. And they were apparently kicked in their chests with boots before being shot dead,” he said. Eight of the victims were between 18 and 25 and two were 17. The other victim was 40, said locals. Regime soldiers also shot dead three Kyun Lel villagers who they abducted and took to Thein Taw Village. The victims were 45, 48 and 55, according to locals. “I think they [junta soldiers] killed the three villagers because they had witnessed their cruelty,” said one resident. Locals were only able to retrieve the bodies on Wednesday after junta troops had left the village. They said they saw the cremated body of a junta soldier in the field where the resistance fighters were massacred. Junta troops also torched homes, with 35 houses burned down in Dan Gon Village and 25 houses destroyed in Hman Taw Village, according to locals. On February 17, 14 PDF fighters died in a junta raid on Myothit Village in Khin-U. Five resistance fighters were killed in a raid on Thayet Kan Village on February 20. That village was also raided on January 25, when 11 resistance fighters died..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-03-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-11
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Description: "In Myanmar, landmines and other explosive remnants of war shatter lives. Hundreds of people are killed or injured every year. Last year, we supported 160 people affected by incidents involving landmines and other explosive ordinances. With Myanmar in ongoing crisis, the risks continue to rise. Even after the fighting, explosive remnants of war remain -- continuing to endanger lives. U Maung Thein Htay from Rakhine State's Ann Township is one of the many civilians whose life was disrupted by a landmine injury. Early in 2021, he was on his way to gather raw material to make traditional handmade hats and fans. He wasn't far from the highway when he stepped on something and heard a deafening blast. "The place was covered with leaves, so I didn't spot anything out of ordinary on the ground. Also, I had never seen explosive devices in my life to be able to identify them," he said. U Maung Thein Htay was rushed to Kan Htaung Gyi Hospital in Myaebon Township and was later transferred to Sittwe General Hospital for further treatment. That's where the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) team first met him while assessing the best form of support that could be given to victims of landmine accidents. "I was devastated at losing my leg and I worried that I wouldn't be able to make enough money to feed my family," U Maung Thein Htay said. As a father of three children and the breadwinner of the family, he felt depressed sitting at home all day, relying entirely on his wife and children to even get about the house for his own needs. In October 2021, U Maung Thein Htay arrived at the ICRC's Sittwe physical rehabilitation workshop to get new prosthesis fitted and undergo physiotherapy. ''Now that I've got my prosthetic leg, I feel like my old self again. It feels like I lost my leg, then got it back. I'll be able to work again and provide for my family," he said with a smile. Thinking of the future, U Maung Thein Htay said he would like to open a small grocery store at his home in Ann Township. "I hope it will cover some of the daily expenses of my family," he added. To strengthen rehabilitation services in Rakhine State, the ICRC partners with The Leprosy Mission Myanmar (TLMM) and provides mobile prosthetic-orthotic services particularly to those living with physical disabilities, the elderly, pregnant women and children in communities displaced by armed conflict. These services include counselling, medical referrals and support for those in need of prosthesis, mobility aids and wheelchairs..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-03-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: New “flash report” details war crimes, ongoing attacks on civilians in Myanmar’s Karenni State
Description: "The Myanmar military massacred civilians, used human shields, and committed other atrocities in Karenni State in acts that may amount to war crimes, said Fortify Rights in a new flash report published today. Fortify Rights recommends that member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) support the establishment of a U.N. Security Council-mandated global arms embargo to prohibit the sale of weapons and dual-use technology to the Myanmar military junta. ASEAN foreign ministers are due to meet for their annual retreat this Wednesday. “The Myanmar junta is murdering people with weapons procured on the global market, and that must stop,” said Ismail Wolff, Regional Director at Fortify Rights. “Clear and definitive action is needed to compel the Myanmar junta to rethink its attacks on civilians. The U.N. Security Council must urgently impose a global arms embargo on the Myanmar military, and it would be strategic and sensible for ASEAN to support it.” The 36-page flash report, entitled, “Ongoing War Crimes in Karenni (Kayah) State, Myanmar: May 2021 to January 2022,” documents information related to the murder of at least 61 civilians in Karenni State by the Myanmar military. The report includes additional details surrounding the “Christmas Eve massacre” near the village of Moso in Hpruso Township, Karenni State, where the Myanmar military killed at least 40 civilians, including a child and two humanitarians working with Save the Children, on December 24, 2021. A medical doctor in Myanmar—name withheld for security—who conducted autopsies on bodies retrieved from the massacre site told Fortify Rights that autopsies were not possible on many of the bodies because they were so thoroughly burned. However, he and another doctor identified at least 31 bodies, including five bodies of women and one girl under the age of 15. “Some had their mouths stuffed with cloth, so we were pretty sure these people were gagged,” the doctor told Fortify Rights. “Almost every skull was fractured and badly cracked . . . [In some bodies], we could gather enough evidence to say they were burned to death alive.” The flash report draws on firsthand testimony from 31 eyewitnesses, survivors, internally displaced persons (IDPs), religious leaders, humanitarian and civil-society workers, members of armed resistance groups, and others between May 2021 and January 2022. Fortify Rights obtained and reviewed photographic and video evidence of atrocities and internal files and documentation from humanitarian agencies and ethnic armed organizations operating in Karenni State. In December 2021 and January 2022, the military junta intensified its attack on civilians in Karenni State, murdering men, women, and children, bombing civilian-populated areas, and using heavy artillery, arson, and airstrikes against civilian targets. These violations were committed in the context of armed conflict between the Myanmar military and several ethnic armies and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs)—community-led militias established for self-defense and to resist military rule in the aftermath of the coup d’état on February 1, 2021. The report also documents the Myanmar military’s use of civilians as human shields and forced porters. For example, the Myanmar military detained an 18-year-old student from Moe Bye on the Karenni-Shan state border, his uncle, and two other men in early June 2021. Soldiers then used them as human shields during armed clashes with PDF fighters in Karenni State. “The soldiers put their guns on our shoulders and shot PDFs, staying behind us,” the man told Fortify Rights, his name withheld for security. “We were kept tied up and blindfolded. We were tortured a lot, in so many ways. They kicked our bodies, hit our heads with gun handles, and more.” The military junta’s attacks since the coup forced the displacement of an estimated 170,000 civilians in Karenni State, or more than half of the state’s estimated population of 300,000, according to the Karenni Civil Society Network. According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), national internal-displacement figures “reached a new high of 441,500” people displaced since the coup, with approximately 91,900 displaced in Karenni State and 56,200 displaced in neighboring southern Shan State as of January 31, 2022. UNHCR previously noted that “[a] substantial proportion of Kayah [Karenni] State’s 300,000 population is now displaced.” The Myanmar military’s forced displacement of civilians threatens to become protracted given the continued attacks on towns and villages and destruction and damage to civilian homes and properties, said Fortify Rights. In November 2021, Fortify Rights published an investigation into the blocking of humanitarian aid in Karenni State. The 31-page flash report, entitled Access Denied: The Myanmar Military Junta’s Deprivation of Lifesaving Aid in Karenni (Kayah) State, documented how the Myanmar military arbitrarily arrested aid workers, destroyed food stocks, confiscated aid, and committed other ongoing acts that may constitute war crimes. Fortify Rights “flash reports” provide preliminary documentation regarding ongoing human rights violations, short of a full investigation. The Geneva Conventions primarily define the laws of war, providing fundamental rules to regulate the conduct of armed conflict. The Myanmar military’s murder, forced displacement, and other attacks on civilians in Karenni State constitute severe violations of international humanitarian and human rights law and may amount to war crimes, said Fortify Rights. In a joint statement released on the anniversary of the February 1 coup, the European Union and foreign ministers of nine U.N. member states, including Canada, Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States, urged the international community to hold the perpetrators of human rights violations in Myanmar accountable for their crimes and for countries to end the sale of “arms, materiel, dual-use equipment, and technical assistance” to the military junta. Since February 2021, the U.N. Security Council has issued four press statements and one presidential statementexpressing various levels of condemnation of violence in Myanmar, with no discernable effect. The military junta in Myanmar has repeatedly flouted the Security Council’s directives, providing a context for heightened action from the council, such as an arms embargo, said Fortify Rights. The junta has also failed to honor ASEAN’s “Five Point Consensus” on the situation in Myanmar, adopted by consensus in April 2021, which includes provisions for the “immediate cessation of violence” and a commitment for all parties to exercise “utmost restraint.” ASEAN reportedly declined to invite the junta’s foreign minister to this week’s meeting and instead invited Myanmar to send a “non-political representative.” The bloc previously postponed a meeting in January, reportedly due to disagreement over whether to invite a junta representative. “The junta is not a government; it’s a criminal enterprise and doesn’t belong at the ASEAN table,” said Ismail Wolff. “It would be dangerous for ASEAN to give Min Aung Hlaing and his junta any political legitimacy.” Today’s flash report makes 18 recommendations to the U.N. Security Council, ASEAN and all U.N. member states, the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar, armed resistance groups, and the Myanmar military junta. The report recommends that the U.N. Security Council pass a resolution mandating a global arms embargo to prohibit the sale of weapons and dual-use technology to the Myanmar military junta. Further, it calls on the U.N. Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court and to deny the Myanmar military access to funds, especially revenue generated from the sale of natural gas—the junta’s single largest source of income. The report calls specifically on member states of ASEAN to play a more significant role in these efforts, including engaging the NUG on solutions, providing it with material support, and supporting the establishment of a global arms embargo against the military junta. ASEAN states are not significant suppliers of arms to the Myanmar military but routinely deal with the political, economic, and humanitarian fallout from the military’s attacks on civilians, said Fortify Rights. “The Myanmar military has posed a threat to international peace and security for decades, including by committing genocide with impunity against Rohingya Muslims as well as crimes against humanity and war crimes against other ethnic nationalities,” said Ismail Wolff. “An arms embargo is crucial to help end these atrocities, and it would be strategic for ASEAN on several levels. Urgent action is needed now.”..."
Source/publisher: Fortify Rights
2022-02-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 7.84 MB 339.73 KB
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Sub-title: Some of the victims died on the spot after being shot by regime troops, while others showed signs of being torture to death
Description: "Junta troops have killed at least five civilians and two resistance fighters in three Sagaing Region townships so far this week, according to local sources. On Monday, two unarmed civilians were shot dead near a bridge in Sagaing Region's Htigyaing Township. They were travelling to the village of Kyarhnyat in Mandalay Region's Thabeikkyin Township, some 70 km away from Htigyaing, a resident of the area told Myanmar Now. The victims, both men in their late 30s, were killed near a military checkpoint where villagers are routinely harassed by soldiers, said the source, who did not want to be identified. “It happened at around 8pm. They were heading back to the village on a motorcycle when the soldiers started shooting,” he said. One man was killed instantly as he attempted to flee, but the other, who was shot first, managed to call his family before dying, he added. “He told them to come pick him up, but that was all he was able to say,” said the villager, who is close to the victim’s family. Earlier in the day, the bodies of two other men who were taken into custody at the same checkpoint late last week were found on the side of a nearby road. The men, both aged 23, were members of a local resistance group called the Eagle Army, the group’s leader, Bo Chit, told Myanmar Now. “The bodies were badly disfigured. One had been shot in the head, but the other was covered with bruises and didn’t have any bullet wounds,” he said. There were also signs of extreme abuse on the bodies of two civilians who were killed during a military raid on Chanthar, a village in Ye-U Township, on Monday, local sources reported. The raid, which was carried out by around 130 junta troops at around 10am, forced most of the village’s inhabitants to flee, but the two victims were among several people who were unable to escape in time, the sources said. A villager who found the bodies of the two middle-aged men said that both had stab wounds to their chests, while one also had a crushed skull. According to the source, three other local men were also tortured before the troops left on Tuesday. The village remains empty, he added, as residents feared that the troops could open fire with heavy artillery again, as they did the day before. This is the third time that Chanthar has come under attack since last April. Late last month, at least seven civilians were killed after the military used five helicopters to carry out a raid on the nearby village of Yae Myet. On Tuesday, another village came under attack in Kalay Township. At least one civilian was killed and three others were injured, local sources reported. Thasi, a village on the Kalay-Gangaw road, was raided by more than 120 uniformed troops and others in plainclothes at around 7am, the sources said. Most of the village’s roughly 1,000 inhabitants had fled ahead of the raid, but several people were still there when the regime forces arrived, they added. According to a local woman who spoke to Myanmar Now at around 3:30pm on Tuesday, the village’s residents remain vulnerable to attacks by members of the pro-military Pyu Saw Htee militia who took part in the raid. “We’ve had to flee again, because the Pyu Saw Htee started terrorising us even in the woods. Things are looking very bad here,” she said. At least 20 civilians were found dead earlier this month following airstrikes on the village of Natchaung, which is also located on the Kalay-Gangaw road. Myanmar’s junta has denied targeting civilians in its ongoing offensives against anti-regime groups operating in Sagaing Region and other parts of the country. In a recent interview with the BBC, the regime’s spokesperson, Zaw Min Tun, blamed resistance forces for the high number of civilian casualties. “There have been several occasions where they [resistance fighters] blended in with the civilians and ambushed the army. Our security forces have been trying to manage this situation,” he said..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2022-01-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-01-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Burma’s illegitimate military regime kept trying to grind down a nation that overwhelmingly rejects it. During 1 Feb–10 Dec 2021, there were at least 7,053 attacks on civilians or armed clashes that failed to protect them, a 664% increase from the same period in 2020. Increased attacks caused 5,000 Karen villagers to flee into Thailand, and pushed Thai villagers on the border to relocate for safety. As of 1 Dec, 432 NLD members remained in detention, while junta military tribunals had sentenced 92 people to death. UNDP warned that 46.3% of the population will be living in poverty in 2022. It is estimated that 14.4 million people will need humanitarian assistance in 2022..."
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-BURMA, Burma Human Rights Network, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, Initiatives for International Dialogue, International Federation for Human Rights, Progressive Voice, US Campaign for Burma and Women Peace Network
2022-01-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-01-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "Over eleven months since an illegitimate coup, the entire Burma struggles in the face of the military’s inhumanity. The armed wing of the junta is systematically stealing civilian properties, carrying out violent military operations, and committing widespread murder. This war of terror, perpetrated by the junta against civilians, is only getting worse. On December 5, the armed wing of the Junta rammed a vehicle into a peaceful protest on Pan Pin Gyi Road in Kyeemyindaing Township, Yangon. Thereafter, opening fire and aggressively detaining demonstrators and bystanders, leading to several reported casualties. The military junta shamelessly claimed that they were simply dispersing unauthorized protests. In Sagaing Region, there is strong opposition to the coup d’état. As a result, locals in the region are the victims of heinous junta crimes. In December, at least (18) locals were arrested and burnt to death. (2) of these victims were children, under 18 years old. Similarly, on December 25, in Moso village, Hpurso Township, Kayah State, over (30) bodies of innocent civilians, including children, were found dead in a vehicle. They had been burnt to death. Before the victims were killed, four members of the Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (Kalalata) met with junta troops to negotiate the release of these detained civilians. The four members were tied up and shot dead in the head. Moreover, several innocents are still missing in the incident of Moso village, Hpruso Township. In December, the armed wing of the Junta deliberately committed arson attacks on civilians’ houses, buildings, and properties. There were at least (56) arson attacks and more than (650) houses were burnt down. This comes from data collection and monitoring by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, the true number is likely higher. In December, (127) civilians across the country, were killed in junta’s targeted attacks. According to data collected by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), this includes (61) victims were tortured to death, (5) women and (7) children, under 18 years old. (309) civilians were detained by the junta between December 1 and 31. Of these, (68) were women, (15) children under the age of 18 and (18) hostages. Across the country, the junta coup is targeting members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and ordinary civilians’ homes and properties are being sealed and unlawfully taken, if they are accused of being related to the National Unity Government or in connection with alleged PDF. In December, a total of (33) houses were seized. Those who are unlawfully and arbitrarily detained, are also facing inhumane torture. On December 10, International Human Rights Day, civilians across the country staged a silent strike. Political prisoners held at Insein Prison partook. (89) prisoners who participated, were beaten with rubber batons and wire cables and kept in solitary confinement. Wai Yan Phyo Moe, one of those tortured following the silent strike, the Vice-Chairman of the All-Burma Federation of Student’ Unions, was sentenced on December 29 and also severely beaten again by criminal prisoners with support of prison authorities while he was being sent to prison cell. He is now in critical condition but is not receive proper medical care. As with all our monthly chronology’s since the coup, it is but a summary of the numerous human rights violations committed by the armed wing of the Junta in its bid to induce a climate of fear across the country..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2022-01-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-01-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းမှု (၁၁) လ ကျော်လာသည့်အချိန်တွင် တနိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ လူမဆန်စွာရက်စက်မှုများ၊ ဘေးဒုက္ခများ၊ စစ်ရေးအရှိန်မြင့်တက်လာမှုများနှင့်အတူ အရပ်သား ပြည်သူလူထု ၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ် ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးရမှုများနှင့် နစ်နာခံစားရမှုများမှာ ဆထက်တိုး၍ ဆိုးရွားလာနေဆဲ ပင် ဖြစ်သည်။ ဒီဇင်ဘာ (၅) ရက်နေ့က ရန်ကုန်မြို့၊ ကြည့်မြင်တိုင်မြို့နယ်၊ ပန်းပင်ကြီးလမ်း၌ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြနေသည့် လူအုပ်ထဲသို့ စစ်အုပ်စုလက်ပါးစေများက ကားကိုအရှိန်ပြင်းပြင်းမောင်းနှင်၍ ဝင်တိုက်ကာ သေနတ်ဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်၍ ဆန္ဒပြပွဲကို ဖြိုခွင်းခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် ဒဏ်ရာရရှိသူများ၊ အသက်အန္တရာယ်ထိခိုက်သူများနှင့် ဖမ်းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသူများရှိခဲ့သော်လည်း စစ်အုပ်စုကမူ ၎င်းတို့အနေဖြင့် တရားမဝင် ခွင့်ပြုချက်မဲ့ ဆူပူဆန္ဒပြမှုအား လူစုခွဲ ထိန်းသိမ်းခဲ့ခြင်းသာဖြစ်ကြောင်း တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှုကင်းမဲ့စွာ ငြင်းဆိုခဲ့သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန်ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ဒေသများထဲမှ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းမှာ အာဏာ သိမ်းအကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ပစ်မှတ်ထားတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကို ဆိုးဆိုးရွားရွားရင်ဆိုင်ရလျက်ရှိရာ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ အတွင်း၌ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းကျေးရွာများရှိ ဒေသခံ (၁၈) ဦးထက်မနည်းမှာ စစ်အုပ်စုလက်ပါးစေများ၏ ဖမ်းဆီး မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းကို ခံခဲ့ရပြီး ထိုအထဲတွင် အသက် (၁၈) နှစ်အောက် ကလေးနှစ်ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ အလားတူ ပင် ဒီဇင်ဘာ (၂၅) ရက်နေ့က ကယားပြည်နယ်၊ ဖရူဆိုမြို့နယ်၊ မိုဆိုကျေးရွာအနီးတွင် မော်တော်ယာဉ်ပေါ်၌ ကလေးငယ်များပါ ပါဝင်သည်ဟု အတည်ပြုထားသည့် မီးရှို့ခံထားရသော အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူ ရုပ်အလောင်း ၃၀ ကျော်ကို ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ကြသည်။ ထိုအပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများကို မီးရှို့မသတ်ဖြတ်ခင် ဖမ်းဆီးထားစဉ်အတွင်း ၎င်းတို့လွတ်မြောက်ရေးအတွက် သွားရောက်ညှိနှိုင်းခဲ့သော ကရင်နီပြည်နယ် လူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံလွတ်မြောက်ရေး တပ်ဦး (ကလလတ) ပြည်သူ့စစ်အသွင်ပြောင်း မှ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင် ၄ ဦးအား စစ်တပ်မှ လက်ပြန်ကြိုးများတုတ်၍ ဦးခေါင်းကို ပစ်ကာ ရက်ရက်စက်စက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ကြောင်း ကလလတ မှ ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ဖရူဆိုမြို့နယ်၊ မိုဆိုကျေးရွာဖြစ်စဉ်တွင် အချို့သော အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများ ပျောက်ဆုံးလျက်ရှိသည်။ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ၏ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံနှင့် ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကို စစ်အုပ်စုမှ မီးရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးမှုခြင်းများ အား ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိရာ ဒီဇင်ဘာလအတွင်း၌ ကျေးရွာများ၊ လူနေ ရပ်ကွက်များ မီးရှို့ခံရမှုမှာ အနည်းဆုံး (၅၆) ကြိမ် ရှိခဲ့ပြီး အဆောက်အဦပေါင်း (၆၅၀) ထက်မနည်း ပျက်စီး ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ အဆိုပါ အချက်အလက်မှာ မိမိတို့နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းမှ စောင့်ကြည့်မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားချက်များအရဖြစ်ပြီး လက်တွေ့မြေပြင်တွင် ယခုထက်ပိုမိုများပြားနိုင်ဖွယ်ရှိ သည်။ ဒီဇင်ဘာလအတွင်း စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူမဆန်စွာ ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကြောင့် နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းရှိ ပြည်သူ (၁၂၇) ဦးကျဆုံးခဲ့ရပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) ၏ ကောက်ယူ စုဆောင်းရရှိသည့် မှတ်တမ်းများအရ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ၌ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် ကျဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ (၆၁) ဦး၊ အမျိုးသမီး (၅) ဦးနှင့် အသက် ၁၈ နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ် (၇) ဦး ရှိခဲ့သည်။ AAPP မှ လက်လှမ်းမီသမျှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အချက်အလက်များအရ ဒီဇင်ဘာ ၁ မှ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့အထိ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုကြောင့် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံခဲ့ရသူပေါင်း (၃၀၉) ဦး ရှိခဲ့သည်။ ထိုအထဲတွင် အမျိုးသမီးဦးရေ (၆၈) ဦး၊ အသက် ၁၈ နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ်ဦးရေ (၁၅) ဦး နှင့် ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူ (၁၈) ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုသည် နိုင်ငံအဝှမ်း၌ အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ်ပါတီဝင်များ၊ အရပ်သားပြည်သူ လူထု၏ နေအိမ်များ၊ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ PDF စသည်တို့နှင့်ဆက်သွယ်သည်ဟု ဆိုကာ မတရားချိပ်ပိတ်သိမ်းဆည်းမှုများကိုလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိရာ ဒီဇင်ဘာလအတွင်း၌ ချိပ်ပိတ်သိမ်း ဆည်း ခံခဲ့ရသော နေအိမ်အဆောက်အအုံပေါင်း (၃၃) ခု ရှိခဲ့သည်။ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းမှုများကြောင့် အကျဉ်းထောင်များ၌ ချုပ်နှောင်ခံနေကြရသည့် မတရား ဖမ်းဆီးခံများ၏ အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်းအခြေအနေမှာလည်း လူမဆန်သော နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းမှုများနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင် ကြုံတွေ့နေကြရသည်။ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ (၁၀) ရက်နေ့၊ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနေ့၌ မြန်မာ တနိုင်ငံလုံး အသံတိတ်သပိတ် (Silent Strike) ကို ဆင်နွှဲခဲ့ကြချိန် အင်းစိန်အကျဉ်းထောင်၌ ချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကလည်း သပိတ်တွင်ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ထို့အတွက်ကြောင့် ထောင်တွင်းဆန္ဒပြပွဲတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့သူ (၈၉) ဦးမှာ နံပါတ်တုတ်၊ ရာဘာကြိုးတို့ဖြင့် ပြင်းထန်စွာ ရိုက်နှက်ခံရပြီး တိုက်ပိတ်ခံခဲ့ရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ဒီဇင်ဘာ (၂၉) ရက်နေ့က ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသည့် ဗမာနိုင်ငံလုံးဆိုင်ရာ ကျောင်း သားသမဂ္ဂများ အဖွဲ့ချုပ် ဒုဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ ကိုဝေယံဖြိုးမိုးကို အင်းစိန်ထောင် အတွင်းမှာ ထောင် အာဏာပိုင် များနှင့် အကျဉ်းသားတချို့က အကြမ်းဖက်ရိုက်နှက်ခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် အသက်အန္တရာယ် စိုးရိမ်ရသည့် အခြေအနေမှာရှိနေပြီး လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုကိုလည်း မရရှိ ပေ။ အထက်ပါဖေါ်ပြချက်များသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်၏ ဒီဇင်ဘာလအတွင်း၌ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော တရားမဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများအား အကျဉ်းချုပ်ဖေါ်ပြချက်မျှသာဖြစ်ပြီး အခြားသော တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ်များတွင်လည်း ထိုကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများ များစွာရှိခဲ့သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2022-01-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-01-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 2.18 MB
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Description: "SC/14754 The following Security Council press statement was issued today by Council President Abdou Abarry (Niger): The members of the Security Council condemned the reported killing of at least 35 people, including four children and two staff of Save the Children, in Kayah State on 24 December. They stressed the need to ensure accountability for this act. The members of the Council called for the immediate cessation of all violence and emphasized the importance of respect for human rights and of ensuring safety of civilians. They stressed the need for safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to all people in need, and for the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel. The members of the Security Council reaffirmed their support for the people of Myanmar and the country’s democratic transition, and their strong commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and unity of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Myanmar
2021-12-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်က ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်အတွင်း ခရစ္စမတ်အကြိုနေ့ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၂၄ ရက် (ခရစ်စမတ်အကြိုနေ့) တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်ပြီး၊ လူမဆန်သည့် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကို ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်၊ ဖရူဆိုမြို့နယ်တွင် ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ခရစ်ယာန်ဘာသာဝင်များ အထွတ်အမြတ်ထားသည့် ခရစ္စမတ်ကာလအတွင်း ခရစ်ယာန် ဘာသာဝင်များ အများစုနေထိုင်သည့် ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်သည် ယခုကဲ့သို့ စက်ဆုပ်ဖွယ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုကို ကြုံတွေ့ခဲ့ရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးသူများနှင့် ထိခိုက်သူများ၏ မိသားစုဝင်များ၊ ပြည်နယ်သားများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့ခဲ့ကြရသော၊ ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေကြရသော ပြည်သူများနှင့် ထပ်တူကြေကွဲ ဝမ်းနည်းရပါကြောင်း ဖော်ပြလိုပါသည်။ ၂။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၂၄ ရက်နေ့ မနက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုတပ်ဖွဲ့များက ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်၊ ဖရူဆိုမြို့နယ်၊ မိုဆိုကျေးရွာအနီးသို့ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးပြုလုပ်လာခဲ့ပြီး လမ်းကိုပိတ်ကာ ဒေသခံရွာသူရွာသားများ၊ လမ်းသွားလမ်းလာများအပါအဝင် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးရိုက်နှက်ခြင်း၊ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကို ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းတို့ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ နယ်ခြားစောင့်တပ်ရင်း (၁၀၀၄) မှ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင် လေးဦးက အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးထားခြင်းအား ပြန်လည်လွှတ်ပေးရန် သွားရောက်ညှိနှိုင်းခဲ့ရာ ၎င်းတို့လေးဦးကို ဖမ်းဆီးကာ ကြိုးဖြင့်တုတ်၍ ဦးခေါင်းကို အနီးကပ်ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ကလေးသူငယ်၊ အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် သက်ကြီးရွယ်အိုများအပါအဝင် အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူ ၃၅-၄၀ ဦးခန့်ကိုလဲ ကြိုးဖြင့်တုတ်ကာ မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ ယာဉ်ကြီး၊ ယာဉ်ငယ် ၁၁ စီးကိုလည်း တစ်ပါတည်းမီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့သည်။ ၃။ ယခုဖြစ်စဉ် မတိုင်မီကလဲ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအား ဖမ်းဆီးသတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ အရှင်လတ်လတ်မီးရှို့သတ်ခြင်းစသည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်၊ သံဖိုကျေးရွာမှ ရွာသားတစ်ဦးကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီးနောက် ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်ခံထားရသည့် ၎င်း၏ ရုပ်အလောင်းကို ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ကြရသည်။ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၇ ရက်နေ့ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ဆားလင်းကြီးမြို့နယ်၊ ဒုံးတောရွာတွင် အသက် ၁၈ နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ်ငါးဦးအပါအဝင် ရွာသား ၁၁ ဦးကို မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၁၂ ရက်နေ့ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မြောင်မြို့နယ်၊ ခေါင်းကွဲကျေးရွာတွင် မသန်စွမ်းသူတစ်ဦးအပါအဝင် ရွာသား ငါးဦးကို မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ၄။ ယခုအချိန်တွင် ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်း ခရစ်စမတ်ပွဲတော်ကို ဆင်နွှဲနေကြပြီး ပွဲတော်၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးသတင်းစကားကို မျှဝေသယ်ဆောင်နေကြချိန်ဖြစ်သည့်အလျောက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ပိုမိုးတိုးမြှင့်ကျူးလွန်လာနေသော စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ချက်ချင်းရပ်တန့်စေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းက ထိထိရောက်ရောက် ဝိုင်းဝန်းဆောင်ရွက်ကြပါရန် ထပ်လောင်းတောင်းဆိုပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-12-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ဖေ​ဖော်ဝါရီ(၁)ရက်​နေ့ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန့်ကျင်ခဲ့​သော ပြည်သူများအား စစ်တပ်က အကြမ်းဖက် ဖမ်းဆီး ဖိနှိပ် သတ်ဖြတ်လျက်ရှိသည်မှာ မြန်မာသိ ကမ္ဘာသိ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခုဆိုလျှင် ဂန့်ဂေါ ယော ကလေး အရာတော် မုံရွာတစ်ဝိုက် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများရဲ့ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်များအရ ​အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက ဘုန်းကြီး အတုအယောင်များဖန်တီးကာ သင်္ကန်းဝတ်လျက် အဖိနှိပ်ခံပြည်သူများအား အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို ကြားသိရပါသည်။ အလားတူစွာပင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်ကလည်း ဒေသတွင်းအသီးသီးရှိ သာသနိက အဆောက်အဦးများတွင် တပ်စွဲနေထိုင်ကြလျက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကိုကျူးလွန်နေကြပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်​ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကို သံဃသမဂ္ဂအ​နေဖြင့် ရှုတ်ချခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည့်အပြင် ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ ယခုအချိန်ထိ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ယခုကာလသည် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း၌ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု မျိုးစုံကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် အချိန်ကာလလည်း ဖြစ်နေပါသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဘာသာရေး လှည့်ကွက်များ အတွင်း ကျရောက်ခြင်း မရှိစေရန် ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားတိုင်းရင်းသား ညီအစ်ကိုများအားလုံး ဘာသာလူမျိုးမခွဲခြားဘဲ ပြည်ထောင်စုစိတ်ဓာတ်ဖြင့် အထူးသတိထား၍ နေထိုင်ပေးကြပါရန်နှင့် ဘုန်းကြီး အတုယောင်များက သင်္ကန်းဝတ်လျက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ပြုလုပ်လာနိုင်သည့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ကိုလည်း ရှောင်ရှားနိုင်ကြရန် ​အသိပေးလိုပါသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီရဲ့ ဘာသာရေးကို အသုံးချကာ သင်္ကန်းဝတ်အတုအယောင်များ ဖန်းတီးလျက် အဖိနှိပ်ခံပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် အနိုင်ကျင့် နှိပ်စက် သတ်ဖြတ်နေမှုများကို ပြင်းပြင်း ထန်ထန် ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Sangha Union (Mandalay)
2021-12-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Revenues from the oil and gas industry are the largest source of vital foreign exchange available to the military; they were forecasted to be USD 1.5 billion in 2021-2022. Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise collects these payments. The military has taken possession over MOGE and its bank accounts, meaning that the military will take control over the USD 1.5 billion. This money will be used to purchase weapons that can be used to continue their brutal operations against the people of Myanmar. For this reason, civil society and the National Unity Government have called for sanctions on MOGE so that oil and gas companies put payments into a protected account. They have not asked for natural gas production to stop. However, companies such as Total have stated that if they stop paying MOGE, they will be forced to stop gas production, which will have humanitarian impacts..."
Source/publisher: Blood Money Campaign
2021-12-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.2 MB 1.12 MB 1.38 MB
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Sub-title: Sagaing Massacre Latest in Military’s Escalating Terror Campaign
Description: "In a year where atrocities by Myanmar’s military have been commonplace, credible reports of a massacre of 11 people, including 5 children, who were bound, shot, and then burned, have sparked revulsion and outrage. Photos and video circulated online show the remains of the victims in Don Taw village, Sagaing Region, in northwestern Myanmar. Villagers returning from hiding after fleeing a military raid used their mobile phones to record the charred remains on December 7, 2021. Local media reported that government security forces committed the killings in retaliation for an attack earlier that morning by anti-junta militia. The United Nations issued a statement that it was “appalled and alarmed at the escalation of grave human rights abuses in Myanmar.” But the killings – and the burnings of the bodies – bear all the hallmarks of the Myanmar military. Decades of impunity for the worst crimes have created a mindset that soldiers can brazenly commit such atrocities without fear of being held accountable. Human Rights Watch has previously documented the Myanmar military’s scorched earth campaigns in ethnic minority areas in Kachin and Karen States, and in Rakhine State against the ethnic Rohingya and Rakhine populations. The Myanmar military is now deploying those tactics in the Sagaing Region, committing atrocities against civilians in response to attacks by People’s Defense Forces on security forces. From May to August, massacres were reported in villages across Kani township, with dozens of civilians killed in a series of incidents. In September, the military also was implicated in massacres against the ethnic Yaw people in Gangaw township and elsewhere in Magwe Region. Concerned governments should impose asset freezes that impact the flow of revenues to Myanmar’s military. But they should also press for the United Nations Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. Prosecutors in many countries can also use the legal principle of universal jurisdiction to bring to justice to military commanders implicated in war crimes and other abuses. That’s happened recently in Argentina, where a national court will investigate the military’s crimes against the Rohingya, the first court to hear directly from the Rohingya victims themselves. The latest killings show Myanmar’s military is escalating its campaign of terror. Without urgent and coordinated international efforts to halt military abuses, more atrocities can be expected in the year ahead..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2021-12-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: COUNTRIES OF CONCERN: MYANMAR AND AFGHANISTAN
Description: "Myanmar saw a rapid decline in fundamental freedoms following the February 2021 coup, with the arrest, detention and criminalisation of hundreds of activists, including HRDs, trade unionists, journalists, political and student activists, doctors, poets, people from ethnic minorities, LGBTQI+ groups and artists. The junta used excessive force and firearms against protesters and disrupted the internet. Journalists were hunted down and dozens were arrested and charged. A number of political prisoners were allegedly tortured and ill-treated and there have been reports of sexual violence against women in detention centres. At the time of writing, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 1,244 people had been killed and 7,122 people are currently in detention. Another country of concern is Afghanistan, following the Taliban takeover in August 2021. There have been reports of activists facing systematic intimidation throughout the country. The Taliban are carrying out house-to-house searches for activists and journalists, particularly women, and interrogating them and their families. This has created a climate of significant fear and many have gone into hiding or have fled the country. The Taliban have also conducted raids on women-led CSOs across Afghanistan. Anti-Taliban protests, especially by women, in Kabul and other cities have been met with excessive force, gunfire and beatings to disperse crowds, leading to deaths and injuries of peaceful protesters. Journalists are at increased risk for covering the situation on the ground. Some covering the protests have been arbitrarily detained, tortured or ill-treated with impunity..."
Source/publisher: Civicus (Johannesburg)
2021-12-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Two journalists were injured at an anti-regime protest in Yangon when a military vehicle drove through the crowd on December 5. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) strongly condemns the brutal attack and demands that the junta immediately cease its increasingly extreme violence against journalists. Journalists with the independent Myanmar Pressphoto agency, Ma Hmu Yandanar Khet Moh Moh Tun and Ko Kaung Sett Lin, were on assignment when junta forces drove through a peaceful anti-regime protest in Yangon and opened fire on those attempting to flee. The attack killed five people and left dozens wounded, drawing international condemnation. Hmu Yandanar sustained serious injuries when the military vehicle rammed into the back of the protest. She remains in a critical condition at a military hospital in Yangon following surgery. Kaung Sett Lin was also injured and received medical treatment at the same hospital before being taken into custody. Coverage of the event by state-endorsed media made no mention of the military vehicle or the deaths, stating that its forces disbanded an “unlawful riot”. While the regime claimed that 11 demonstrators were arrested, witnesses suggest that over 15 people were taken into custody. Myanmar’s junta has antagonised journalists since it assumed control in the military coup on February 1, with over 100 journalists arrested during its administration and more than 20 remaining in custody. After its exclusion at a regional summit in October, the junta released dozens of journalists in an amnesty on humanitarian grounds, an action largely met with distrust. The IFJ said: “The IFJ condemns the junta’s ongoing violence towards journalists and demands that the journalists enduring detainment are released. This incident shows that, despite recent attempts to remedy its image, Myanmar’s junta continues to contravene international human rights standards and subjugate freedom of expression.”..."
Source/publisher: International Federation of Journalists
2021-12-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The victims, all of whom were unarmed, included a disabled civilian and 10 members of local anti-junta guerrilla forces
Description: "This report contains disturbing images Eleven unarmed people, including teenagers, were captured and massacred by junta soldiers in a village in Sagaing Region on Tuesday, shortly before locals found the smoldering remains of their burnt bodies. Some 100 soldiers raided Done Taw in Salingyi Township at around 11am after guerrilla fighters detonated explosives in an attack against a military convoy travelling nearby, local media reported. Villagers found the badly charred bodies of the 11 victims in a pile, some with their hands tied, leading many to assume they were burned alive. “The victims were taking shelter in a makeshift hut while running away from the military raiding their village,” said someone who is helping to organise their funerals. “The soldiers found them, beat them up and burned them.” Done Taw is near the Letpadaung copper mine, which is owned by the military conglomerate MEHL and a Chinese company named Wanbao. The Salingyi G-Z Local People’s Defence Force (PDF) also said the victims were burned alive after the soldiers beat them. The leader of the Done Taw PDF, a self-organising anti-junta guerrilla group, added that the 11 were unarmed when they were captured. “They beat them to the brink of death and burned them alive before they died. Some of them are not even 18,” he said. It is unclear if there were any eyewitnesses to the incident and Myanmar Now was unable to immediately confirm the exact circumstances of their deaths. The victims were all male and included a 40-year-old with paraplegia and five teenagers under the age of 18, while the rest were aged 30 or younger, according to a list compiled by the Done Taw PDF. The paraplegic man was the only victim who was not a member of the Done Taw PDF, the leader said. Most of the victims were unrecognisable from being so badly burned, he added, except for 17-year-old Than Myint Aung, who was identifiable from his ear piercing. All 10 PDF members worked as volunteers helping Covid-19 patients before joining the resistance against the junta, he added. A video filmed by locals showed a group of burnt bodies lying in various positions in a pile of ashes with smoke still rising from the remains of what appears to have been a hut. “Motherfucker,” says one of the people in the video, using a Burmese phrase that plays on the spelling of military chief Min Aung Hlaing’s name. “They’re not even recognisable anymore.” The soldiers found the 11 victims on a betel farm at around 11am, around which time villagers heard gunshots and saw smoke rising from near that area, the PDF leader said. “They didn’t know that the soldiers were coming there until it was too late,” he said. He added that he believed the victims were not shot dead. Villagers were still fleeing for their safety when they gave accounts to Myanmar Now in the chaotic aftermath of the killings. The 11 victims “were running through the farm and got shot and were taken to the hut where they were burned,” said a Done Taw villager. Another local said she saw a monk get shot in the arm when soldiers started firing from the North Yamar bridge at around 7am. “I saw the monk get shot with my own eyes,” she told Myanmar Now. “I heard that the bullet went neatly through his arm. I didn’t get to see his arm though.” The monk was not one of the 11 who were caught and he survived the gunshot, she added. Early on Tuesday morning the Done Taw PDF attacked a convoy of military vehicles using three homemade explosives near the North Yamar bridge, which is about 300 meters from the village. After the attack, soldiers began searching for the assailants in nearby woodlands, the PDF leader said. The soldiers were then seen entering the village from near the Pathein-Monywa road at 8am, according to other locals. Their arrival led to people fleeing from nine villages in Salingyi and neighbouring Yinmabin Township, including Done Taw, Kyay Sarkya, Kan Kone and Aung Moe. “They marched into the region on foot via the North Yamar bridge. They had a car with them as well. They also fired heavy and light weapons in the area,” said a villager from Kyay Sarkya village, which neighbours Done Taw. Done Taw has only one entrance and exit route, through the Shwe Myin Tin farm on the bank of the Chindwin river, locals said. The lack of escape routes was likely the reason the 11 victims were captured, they added. A local man living close to Done Taw said the soldiers who terrorised the area stationed themselves on Tuesday evening on Laynhyin hill, about a mile away from Done Taw. The Done Taw PDF gave Myanmar Now a list naming ten of the 11 victims. They are: Arkar Soe, 14; Hsan Min Oo, 17; Than Myint Aung, 17; Kyaw Thet, 17; Chit Nan Oo, 19; Win Kaw, 20; Htet Ko, 22; Zin Min Tun, 22; Tin Naing, 30, and U Soe, 40. The unnamed eleventh victim was 17 years old, the group said. Earlier this year junta soldiers massacred dozens in the Sagaing township of Kani..."
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Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-12-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Soldiers have been accused of killing 13 people from a village in central Myanmar, 11 of whose burned bodies were discovered on Tuesday. The incident occurred near the city of Monywa, after local militias opposing military rule carried out at least two bomb attacks on a military convoy. Locals say soldiers then swept through nearby villages, rounding up and killing six men and five teenagers. The military junta is yet to comment on the incident. Locals say that people's defence forces volunteers - armed groups formed to resist military rule in towns and villages - from the area planted two improvised explosives on a road used by the military in an attempted attack. One of these devices detonated early, killing the two men planting it. When the second device exploded, two more men were reportedly detained and shot dead. Residents allege the military then swept through nearby villages, rounding up and capturing six men and five teenage boys, who were in hiding. Their hands were tied, and they were shot before their bodies set alight. Armed volunteer people's defence forces in towns and villages in Myanmar have carried out hundreds of bombings and assassinations targeting officials working with the military government after the violent suppression of pro-democracy rallies made peaceful protest almost impossible. What is the background to the violence? Mass protests had broken out across Myanmar after the military seized control of the South East Asian country in February and declared a year-long state of emergency following a general election. The military claimed there had been widespread fraud during the election late last year, which had returned elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party to power. The election commission has dismissed these claims. Since then, the military has engaged in a brutal campaign of repression, killing at least 1,303 people in the demonstrations and arresting more than 10,600. Earlier this week, Ms Suu Kyi was sentenced to four years in prison for inciting dissent and breaking Covid-19 rules, in the first of a series of verdicts that could see her jailed for life. Monywa is also close to a controversial Chinese-owned copper mine, which has provoked protests from local villagers going back 10 years over grievances that the Chinese company operating it, Myanmar Wanbao, is in a joint venture with a conglomerate controlled by the Myanmar military..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2021-12-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Since June 2021, Burma Army troops have intensified shelling and persecution of civilians in Mutraw (Hpapun) District of northern Karen State, in retaliation for increased KNU guerrilla attacks, which are blocking the regime’s supply routes and eroding their pockets of control in this mountainous border area. Most of the shelling has taken place in southern Mutraw, along the main access road from Kamamaung on the Salween River to Hpapun town, where the regime’s bases are centred. Shelling was heaviest in September, with dozens of shells fired nearly every day. Shells were fired indiscriminately into villages and fields, causing civilian injuries and damage to property, but failing to hit any military targets. Unable to retaliate directly against their guerrilla assailants, regime troops have increasingly targeted villagers for collective punishment: looting and destroying property, arbitrarily arresting men and women, and using them as porters and human shields. The regime’s shelling and terror tactics have caused new displacement in southern Mutraw, bringing IDP totals to over 82,000 in the district – almost the entire rural population. Most of the IDPs remain sheltering in the jungle, not daring return home in case of renewed airstrikes after the rains. Unable to plant their rice-fields this year, they are in urgent need of food aid. Yet the regime’s areas of control are shrinking. KNU blockades and attacks have forced the Burma Army to abandon eleven of their camps in Mutraw since the coup. Morale is low and dozens of the regime’s troops have recently deserted. Deserters interviewed by KPSN say most troops want to leave the army, and are no longer obeying orders. At this critical time, with resistance mounting across the country, KPSN urges the international community to stand with the people of Burma, and cut off all diplomatic and economic support for the illegitimate coup regime. KPSN also urges foreign donors to immediately scale up cross-border humanitarian aid to IDPs in Karen State and other conflict-affected areas of Burma. Burma Army steps up shelling in response to increased KNU guerrilla attacks In KPSN’s May 2021 briefer “Terror from the Skies”, we provided a background of the Burma Army’s decades-long attempts to crush the KNU in Mutraw District. Even after the KNU’s 2012 ceasefire, the Burma Army set up new bases in Mutraw, and started building new access roads for quick deployment of troops and military supplies. In 2020, the Burma Army stepped up artillery attacks, causing the Karen National Liberation Army to issue an ultimatum on December 1, 2020, for the Burma Army to withdraw all its bases from KNU-controlled areas and dismantle all camps set up since the NCA by the end of 2020. When the ultimatum was ignored, the KNU tightened its blockade of access routes into Mutraw, and in March 2021, after the military coup, began attacking and capturing Burma Army camps. The Burma Army retaliated not only with renewed shelling, but with airstrikes – the first in the area for over 25 years. This caused mass displacement of over 70,000 villagers, mostly into the jungle. Thousands fled across the Salween River to Thailand, but were pushed back within days by the Thai authorities. The regime’s fierce air and ground assaults only galvanized the KNU to step up guerrilla attacks against Burma Army bases and supply lines in Mutraw. Since June, the KNU has mainly targeted the main access road leading from Kamamaung in the south to Hpapun town, where the regime’s bases are centred. In an attempt to deter the KNU attacks, the Burma Army has fired hundreds of artillery shells and sprayed gunfire from its bases into surrounding civilian areas. Shells landed in villages and surrounding farmlands, damaging houses, property and livestock, and injuring at least eight villagers, including a monk. Gunfire also killed one villager. However, the shelling failed to hit any KNU military targets. Increased Burma Army looting and vandalizing of villagers’ property Since June 2021, KPSN has documented numerous incidents of looting across Mutraw by Burma Army troops, mainly of villagers’ livestock and food supplies, but also clothes, tools, phones, solar panels and cash. One likely factor for the frequent looting is food shortages caused by the KNU blockade of supply lines. In a well-publicized incident on October 12, 2021, twelve Burma Army soldiers from LIB 404, based at Kyauk Nyat on the Salween river, looted food from a Thai boat transporting goods along the river. Kyauk Nyat is one of the last remaining military outposts on Mutraw’s northeast river border and the troops there had apparently run out of rice rations. The troops fired shots to force the boat to stop, and demanded rice. As the boat was not carrying rice, the troops instead looted chickens, vegetables and dried noodles. However, another factor is clearly retaliation for losses inflicted by the KNU, as Burma Army troops have not only looted, but also deliberately vandalized and destroyed villagers’ property. For example, after suffering heavy casualties in early September during clashes around Mae Wai, on the main supply route to Hpapun town, the regime troops looted and vandalized all the villagers’ property in Khaw Poe Khee, Mae Wai tract. A woman from Khaw Poe Khee interviewed by KPSN, who had fled during the fighting, described the damage she found when she returned home a month later. “Things were scattered all over the house. There were holes made in some pots and some were thrown to different places. They took all my rice and cooking oil. After cooking and eating in the house, they defecated in the pots and plates. They used our blankets, mosquito nets and clothes for cleaning, then threw them in the pond and mud.” Arbitrary arrest, torture, use of human shields Another form of collective punishment used by the Burma Army troops has been arbitrary arrest and torture of villagers, and use of men and women as human shields. On August 12, troops from LIB 407 based at Ma Htaw, on the main road south of Hpapun, arrested three male villagers from Ma Htaw, aged 25, 34 and 45, and beat them with guns. On August 19, troops from LIB 341 and LIB 401, entered Ter Kee Koh village, northeast of Hpapun, and arrested three elderly male villagers, aged 42, 56 and 65, who were on their way to their farms. They were kicked and hit in the head, and then forced to porter and serve as human shields for the troops..."
Source/publisher: Karen Peace Support Network
2021-12-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The bodies of a 23-year-old female medic and two male members of the Kale People’s Defense Force (PDF) were found at a camp which was raided by junta troops last Tuesday in Kale Township, Sagaing Region. The civilian resistance group said victims were Biak Rem Chin, Cher Thang Puia and Ram Mawia. Biak Rem Chin, also known as Chin Chin, was providing medical training at the camp. She had been shot in the forehead while Cher Thang Puia and Ram Mawia showed signs of torture on their faces. During the raid, the junta captured nine female medics at the base and their condition remains unknown. The three deaths mean the numbers killed by the military regime is at least 1,281, reported the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which records killings and arrests by the junta. The group estimated that the actual number of victims is much higher. According to the AAPP’s latest report, junta forces have killed around 50 civilians so far this month, including five teenagers, bystanders, villagers, a striking teacher and a hostage. High-school teacher U Zaw Min Aung, 40, who joined the civil disobedience movement by refusing to work under the regime, was tortured to death in interrogation hours after being detained in Myin Thar village, Thabeikkyin Township, Mandalay Region. He was seized with another civilian on the night of Nov. 17 and accused of having links to PDFs. Ko Ye Aung, who was seized as a hostage in Kyauktada village in Mandalay Region was tortured to death during interrogation, the AAPP said. On Nov. 12, Ko Myint Naing and Ko Ye Aung, the father and uncle of a young activist who faced an arrest warrant for incitement, were detained. The next day, Ko Ye Aung’s family was told to retrieve his body, which was apparently covered in torture injuries. Junta forces have detained more than 10,000 people, while nearly 2,000 people face arrest warrants. Numerous relatives of wanted activists have been taken hostage by the junta. The AAPP said the 13-year-old son of National League for Democracy member U Htay Aung was seized when junta forces could not find him. On Nov. 13 morning, the junta seized the wife of U Thein Naing Tun and a young philanthropist named Ko Thein Zaw as hostages in Taung Tha Township, Mandalay Region, when troops failed to find former village administrator U Thein Naing Tun and two other wanted people..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-11-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-22
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Description: "In the nine months since the coup, we have seen an intensification of inhumane acts committed by the terrorist-like junta. The military are violently raiding towns and villages, causing civilian casualties across all states and regions. Children have not been spared. After being arbitrarily arrested, civilians are often forced to pay a ransom for their release. Those in refugee camps face threats and harassment, and torture is systematically committed against innocents. These acts of terror are perpetrated by the junta, to instill fear in the population. On October 18, the terrorist group announced they would release (1316) people who had been sentenced and (4320) people who were facing trial, a total (5636) arbitrary detainees. The releases were achieved because of political pressure by ASEAN and the international community, but this was never an absolute amnesty, they were conditional releases. According to AAPP documentation, as of October 31, only (4072) were released, (122) of whom have been re-arrested. The number of re-arrests is likely to be higher, as some releases have not yet been identified by AAPP. In October, a church and at least 400 houses in Thantlang, Falam and Mindat Townships in Chin State were set on fire by the junta. The military denied responsibility for the arson that occured in Thantlang Township, on October 29. However, a spokesman for the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) threatened the public on social media, “to see the Thantlang incident as an example of what is to come”. In fact, the junta is also targeting National League for Democracy MP’s, officials, and supporters. The NLD Party which won the largest number of votes in the November 2020 election. In October, at least 10 NLD offices were attacked. The junta has also broken into NLD offices, looting items, committing arson and setting off bombs. At least 25 properties owned by Hluttaw representatives, NLD members, and ordinary civilians such as hotels, hospitals, houses and shops, were illegally seized by the junta in October. Arrests According to AAPP documentation, (319) civilians were detained by the terrorist junta between October 1 and 31. (80) women were detained, and (27) were taken as hostages, including (9) children, under the age of 18. In Mandalay, the Monk Union has been protesting daily against the military coup. On October 2, at around 1:30 pm, some 10 junta soldiers, armed and in plain clothes, arrived at Mya Taung Monastery in two cars. The military troops used a car to crack down on the protesting monks. During the crackdown, five monks were forced to change into normal clothes and were beaten, held at gunpoint and arrested. The same night, three other civilians were searched and arrested by the junta. Families continue to be held as hostages on a daily basis. At the beginning of this attempted coup, the wife and nine-year-old daughter of a Naypyidaw-based police superintendent, who was involved in CDM, were arrested. Still, no one knows where they are being detained. When a father was not found in Thayet Chaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, his wife and two children, aged two and six-years-old, were arrested and detained on October 9. Killings In October, at least (79) civilians were killed in the junta’s targeted attacks. This includes (6) women and (3) children, under the age of 18. Of those, (17) died as a result of torture. On the morning of October 1, around 100 terrorist junta soldiers raided Pyindaung village in Khin Oo Township, Sagaing Region, and chased the fleeing villagers. Five villagers, including a five-year-old boy, were shot dead in a field in the village. Houses were destroyed. Tractors, five cars, 40 motorbikes, rice and oil, were also stolen by the junta. Ko Kyaw Naing Tun a.k.a Ah Nge Lay, who was released from Magway Central Prison on October 19, was re-arrested at his home in Magway on October 27, on suspicion of killing the Aung Metta ward administrator. The family was notified to retrieve his dead body on October 28. Police say he died due to COVID, but his body and head (especially his back), were covered with injuries consistent with torture. This is but a summary of human rights violations committed by the terrorist junta group in October. In this climate of fear, similar atrocities have been widely perpetrated across the country, amounting to crimes against humanity..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-11-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူမဆန်စွာ ရက်စက်မှုများမှာ မတရားအာဏာလုယူမှု လပေါင်း (၉) လ ကြာလာသည့်အချိန်ထိ ဆထက်တိုး၍ ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားလာနေသည်။ မြို့ရွာများအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းမှုများ၊ လက်နက်ဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်မှုများကြောင့် ကလေးသူငယ် များအပါအဝင် အရပ်သားထိခိုက်နစ်နာခံစားရမှုများမှာ တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ်အနှံ့ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးပြီးနောက် အခကြေးငွေဖြင့် ပြန်လည်ရွေးခိုင်းမှုများ၊ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်များ၏ နေရာ များထိ လိုက်လံခြိမ်းခြောက်နှောင့်ယှက်မှုများ၊ ညှဉ်းပန်း နှိပ်စက်မှုများကိုလည်း စနစ်တကျကျူးလွန် လျက်ရှိရာ ပြည်သူများအား အကြောက်တရားလွှမ်းမိုးနေစေရန် အလို့ငှာ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် အကောင် အထည်ဖော်လျက်ရှိသည်။ အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁၈ ရက်နေ့မှစတင်၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့်ဆက်နွယ်သော ပြစ်ဒဏ် ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံရသူ (၁၃၁၆)ဦး၊ တရားရင်ဆိုင်နေရသူ (၄၃၂၀)ဦး၊ စုစုပေါင်း (၅၆၃၆) ကို လွှတ်ပေးမည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ မတရားဖမ်း ဆီးခံခဲ့ရသူများကို ယခုကဲ့သို့ ပြန်လည်လွှတ်ပေးမည်ဟု ကြေညာ ခြင်းမှာ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း၌ မျက်နှာပန်းလှစေရန် နိုင်ငံရေးရည်ရွယ်ချက်အရ လွှတ်ပေးခဲ့ခြင်းသာ ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ လွှတ်ပေးခဲ့သည်ဟု ကြေညာခဲ့သော်လည်း နိုင်ငံရေး အကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီ စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) မှ မှတ်တမ်းပြုချက်များအရ အောက်တိုဘာ ၃၁ အထိ အရေအတွက် အားဖြင့် (၄၀၇၂) ဦးမှာ လွတ်မြောက်လာခဲ့ပြီး ထိုအထဲမှ ပြန်လည်ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူ အရေအတွက်မှာ (၁၂၂) ဦး ရှိသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ပြန်လည်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများကြောင့် တိမ်းရှောင်နေရသူများလည်းရှိနေသလို ပြန်လည်အဖမ်းခံရ သော အရေအတွက်မှာ မြေပြင်တွင် ထိုထက်ပိုများမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အောက်တိုဘာလအတွင်း ချင်းပြည်နယ် ထန်တလန်မြို့၊ ဖလမ်းမြို့နယ်နှင့် မင်းတပ်မြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ကျေးရွာများမှ ဘုရားကျောင်းတစ်လုံးနှင့် အိမ်ခြေ (၄၀၀) လုံးထက်မနည်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရ သည်။ အောက်တိုဘာ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့က ထန်တလန်မြို့ မီးလောင်မှု ဖြစ်စဉ်ကို စစ်အုပ်စုဘက်က ငြင်းဆန်ထား သော်လည်း စစ်အုပ်စုအမာခံ ပြည်ထောင်စု ကြံ့ခိုင်ရေးနှင့်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးပါတီ၏ ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူက လူမှု ကွန်ရက်စာမျက်နှာထက်မှတစ်ဆင့် ထန်တလန်ဖြစ်စဉ်ကို နမူနာယူကြရန် ပြည်သူလူထုကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှု ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၀ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် ပြည်သူ့ထောက်ခံမဲအများဆုံးရရှိခဲ့သော အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ်ပါတီ၏ ပါတီရုံးများ၊ အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ ထောက်ခံသူများကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ပစ်မှတ်ထားတိုက်ခိုက်လျက်ရှိရာ အောက်တိုဘာ အတွင်း ပါတီရုံး အနည်းဆုံး (၁၀) ရုံးထက်မနည်း တိုက်ခိုက်ခံရမှုဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သည်။ ပါတီရုံး၏ ခြံစည်းရိုး၊ တံခါး၊ ဆိုင်းဘုတ်၊ ဗီနိုင်းနှင့် အလံများ ရိုက်ချိုးဖျက်ဆီးပစ်ခြင်းများအပြင် ရုံးခန်းအတွင်း ဝင်ရောက်ကာ ပစ္စည်းများ ဖျက်ဆီးယူငင်ခြင်း၊ မီးကွင်းပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဗုံးပစ်ထည့်ခြင်းနှင့် ဖောက်ခွဲဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း စသည့်ပုံစံများ ဖြင့် တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ NLD ပါတီအဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် အရပ်သားများ ပိုင်ဆိုင်သော ဟိုတယ်၊ ဆေးရုံ၊ နေအိမ်နှင့် ဆိုင်ခန်းများအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မတရားသိမ်းဆည်းချိတ်ပိတ်မှုများကို အောက်တိုဘာလအတွင်း အနည်းဆုံး (၂၅) ခုထက်မနည်း ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည်။ ဖမ်းဆီးမှု AAPP မှ လက်လှမ်းမီသမျှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အချက်အလက်များအရ အောက်တိုဘာ ၁ ကနေ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့အထိ စစ်အုပ်စု ၏ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုကြောင့် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံခဲ့ရသူပေါင်း (၃၁၉) ရှိခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသမီးဦးရေ (၈၀)ဦး၊ အသက် ၁၈ နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ်ဦးရေ (၉)ဦးနှင့် ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူ (၂၇) ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို နေ့စဉ်ဆန္ဒပြနေသည့် မန္တလေးမြို့မှ သံဃသမဂ္ဂစစ်ကြောင်းသည် အောက်တိုဘာလ ၂ ရက်နေ့၊ မွန်းလွဲ ၁ နာရီခွဲခန့်တွင် လမ်းပေါ်၌ ချီတက်ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်နေစဉ် အရပ်ဝတ်များ ဝတ်ဆင်ထားသော စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်နက်ကိုင် ၁၀ ဦးခန့်က အိမ်စီးကား နှစ်စီးဖြင့် ရောက်ရှိလာပြီး ကားဖြင့်တိုက်၍ ဖြိုခွင်းခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါဖြိုခွင်းမှုတွင် သံဃာ(၅)ပါးကို လူဝတ်လဲကာ သေနတ်ဖြင့်ချိန်၍ ရိုက်နှက် ဖမ်းဆီးသွားခဲ့သည့်အပြင် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (၃)ဦးကိုလည်း ဖမ်းဆီးသွားခဲ့ကြပြီး ယင်းနေ့ ညပိုင်းတွင် မြတောင်ကျောင်းတိုက်ကို ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်း၍ ရှာဖွေခဲ့ကြပြန်သည်။ အလိုရှိသူကို ဖမ်းမမိ၍ မိသားစုကို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများမှာ နေ့စဉ်ရက်ဆက် ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေဆဲဖြစ်ရာ စစ်တပ် အာဏာသိမ်းအပြီး ပြည်သူ့ဘက်ရပ်တည်၍ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့သူ နေပြည်တော်အခြေစိုက် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့မှ ရဲအုပ်၏ဇနီးနှင့် အသက် (၉) နှစ်အရွယ် သမီးတို့မှာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီးနောက် လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသလဲဆိုသည်ကို မသိရှိရသေးပေ။ ထို့အပြင် အောက်တိုဘာ ၉ ရက်နေ့တွင် တနင်္သာရီတိုင်း၊ သရက်ချောင်းမြို့နယ်၌လည်း ဖခင်ဖြစ်သူကို ဖမ်းမမိ၍ ဇနီးသည်နှင့်အတူ နှစ်နှစ်နှင့် ခြောက်နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးငယ်နှစ်ဦးကိုပါ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခဲ့မှု ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်မှု စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အညှိုးထားတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် အောက်တိုဘာလအတွင်း အရပ်သားပြည်သူ (၇၉) ဦး အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ထိုအထဲတွင် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ (၁၇) ဦး၊ အမျိုးသမီး (၆) ဦးနှင့် အသက် ၁၈ နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ် (၃) ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ ခင်ဦးမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ပျဉ်ထောင် ကျေးရွာကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏တပ်သား (၁၀၀) ခန့်မှ အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁ ရက်နေ့ နံနက်ပိုင်းတွင် ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းခဲ့ပြီး ထွက်ပြေးသော ဒေသခံရွာသားများကို လိုက်လံပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သောကြောင့် အသက် ၅ နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးတစ်ဦး အပါအဝင် ဒေသခံရွာသား (၅) ဦးမှာ လယ်တောအတွင်း ကျည်ထိမှန်၍ အသက်သေဆုံးခဲ့ကြ ရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် နေအိမ်များကို ဖျက်ဆီးသွားခဲ့ပြီး ဒေသခံများ၏ ကား ငါးစီး၊ ထော်လာဂျီနှင့် ဆိုင်ကယ် အစီး ၄၀ နှင့် ဆန်၊ဆီ စသည့် ရိက္ခာများကိုပါ ယူဆောင်သွားခဲ့သည်။ မကွေးဗဟိုအကျဉ်းထောင်မှ အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁၉ ရက်နေ့က ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူ ကိုကျော်နိုင်ထွန်း (ခ) အသေးလေးကို အောက်တိုဘာလ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့က မကွေးမြို့၊ အောင်မေတ္တာရပ်ကွက် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးမှူး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုနှင့် ပက်သတ်ပြီး မသင်္ကာမှုဖြင့် နေအိမ်တွင် စစ်တပ်က ထပ်မံလာရောက်ဖမ်းဆီးပြီးနောက် နောက်တစ်ရက်အကြာ အောက်တိုဘာ လ ၂၈ ရက်နေ့တွင် အလောင်း လာထုတ်ရန် မိသားစုကို အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။ ကိုဗစ်ရောဂါကြောင့် သေဆုံးသွားသည်ဟု ရဲက ပြောဆိုသော်လည်း သေဆုံးသူ၏ ခန္ဓာကိုယ်နှင့် ဦးခေါင်းတခုလုံး (အထူးသဖြင့် နောက်စေ့) ပျက်စီးကျေမွနေကြောင်း သိရှိ ရသည်။ အထက်ပါဖေါ်ပြချက်များသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်၏ အောက်တိုဘာလအတွင်း၌ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော တရားမဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု များအား အကျဉ်းချုပ်ဖေါ်ပြချက်မျှသာဖြစ်ပြီး အခြားသော တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ်များတွင်လည်း ထိုကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများ များစွာရှိခဲ့သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း.."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-11-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The former student union leaders and strike committee staff were taken into junta custody in a raid by 100 soldiers on a safe house in Chanayethazan Township
Description: "Around 100 Myanmar army soldiers raided a safehouse in Mandalay’s Chanayethazan Township on Saturday, arresting eight people, including two former student union leaders and two members of an education strike committee. Among those taken into junta custody were Yan Soe Paing, the former chair of the Mandalay University Student Union and Naung Htet Aung, the former chair of the Yangon Education University Student Union. Two members of the basic education staff’s general strike committee—Nine Thiha Kyaw and Thet Su Hlaing—were also arrested. Aung Pyae Sone Phyo, the chair of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, said the identities of the remaining two detainees had not been verified. “The house where they had recently been staying was raided. Six of our people were taken and we only managed to identify four of them. We still don’t know who the other two are, which group they are from or why they were arrested,” he told Myanmar Now on Sunday. The victims’ families were worried for their safety and had received no information on their whereabouts, Aung Pyae Sone Phyo said. “We heard that the military also kicked and beat a disabled woman at the house during the raid,” he added. Locals who spoke to Myanmar Now on the condition of anonymity claimed that the troops who carried out the raid on the safehouse also later searched other homes in the neighbourhood and interrogated pedestrians. The junta’s information team did not answer calls from Myanmar Now regarding the arrests. Daily protests against the dictatorship are ongoing in Mandalay and have been met with brutal crackdowns by the military, whose troops have been known to open fire on demonstrators and hit them with cars. According to documentation by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, more than 9,000 people have been detained by the junta in the nine months since the February 1 coup. More than 1,000 have been killed. The military council has declared the AAPP an unlawful organisation..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-11-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar junta forces used 19 detained civilians as human shields during a raid on a village in Pekon Township, Shan State on Wednesday, according to local civilian armed forces. After sustaining heavy casualties in ambushes and mine attacks by civilian resistance forces, the military regime’s forces are using arrested civilians as human shields in their operations in Magwe and Sagaing regions and Chin and Kayah states. Junta forces are also using civilian vehicles and ambulances while traveling and conducting operations against People’s Defense Forces to deter ambushes and landmine attacks. Previously, 30 people were used as human shields by junta troops while marching in Demoso, Hpruso and Bawlakeh in Kayah State and Pekon Township in southern Shan State in late August. On Friday, a leaked photo went viral online showing more than a dozen civilians, blindfolded and tied together with a rope, being forced to march in front of a military column in a village in Pekon Township, Shan State. The Karenni Nationalities Defense Force of Pekon confirmed that all the arrested people are from Shwe Pyi Aye Village, which was bombarded by military regime forces early on Wednesday morning. The KNDF-Pekon shared a list of the detainees’ names on Friday and said some of them had yet to be released. Junta forces shelled a civilian area in Shwe Pyi Aye Village at around 3 a.m. on Wednesday. The shelling occurred after the regime forces, who were deployed on a hill, engaged in an intense firefight with a joint force of Pekon People’s Defense Force fighters and other Karenni armed forces on Tuesday afternoon. After the clash, three civilians were also injured by random junta attacks on residential areas, according to the Pekon PDF. Due to the junta bombardment, more than 500 residents of Shwe Pyi Aye Village had to flee into the forests. An official of the Free Burma Rangers, an armed group assisting the fleeing villagers, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that the 19 villagers including some aged between 50 and 60, were arrested by junta soldiers while returning to their homes. KNDF-Pekon said that military regime forces destroyed property belonging to the fleeing villagers, as well as looting houses and stealing vehicles during the raid on the village on Wednesday. Currently, around 3,500 residents from several villages and wards of Mobye and Pekon, Shan State have fled their homes due to junta raids and artillery strikes on civilian areas following the clashes with civilian resistance forces. On Friday morning, two people including a woman were killed and three people including a 6-year-old-boy were injured when military regime forces attacked civilian areas of Mobye using artillery shells. On Sunday, one civilian was also killed and five others including a 3-year-old girl and a 9-year-old boy were injured when the junta shelled residential areas of Mobye. In early October, junta soldiers also used 15 detained villagers as human shields while marching through the north of Gangaw Township, Magwe Region, where many dozens of junta troops had been killed in landmine attacks by local PDFs. While marching to locations in Chin State recently, junta forces reportedly forced civilian vehicles including private buses and passenger buses to accompany their military convoy in order to deter ambushes by the Chinland Defense Force, according to the armed group. Junta forces also used local civilians in Mindat as human shields while raiding the mountainous town in Chin State in mid-May. Regime forces have continued to commit atrocities including raiding and burning down villages, bombarding residential areas of towns and arbitrarily killing civilians, especially in Magwe and Sagaing regions and Chin and Kayah states. With the exception of Rakhine State, military regime forces nationwide are facing a growing number of attacks from PDFs and ethnic armed forces..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-10-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-29
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Description: "SUMMARY: This briefing covers the situation of human rights, which were documented by the Chin Human Rights Organization in northwestern Burma/Myanmar, primarily in Chin State, Sagaing and Magwe Regions, between August and September 2021. Under the reign of terror imposed by the junta, hundreds have been arrested, dozens of people killed, injured and thousands exiled in a matter of months. Evidence contained in this briefing demonstrates that there is a clear pattern of serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian laws, which are being committed by the Burmese/Myanmar military junta State Administration Council (SAC) against civilian populations with complete impunity..... This document details human rights violations committed by SAC actors during August and September, 2021. Attacks on the civilian population and civilian infrastructure initiated by the State Administration Council (SAC) junta have become increasingly relentless in western Burma/Myanmar since August 2021. Junta soldiers operating in Chin State and parts of Sagaing and Magwe Regions, under the Northwestern Regional Military Command based in Monywa, have conducted a campaign of unlawful killings, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and deliberate targeting of civilian and religious infrastructure. During August and September, the numbers of attacks on civilian and religious infrastructure in western Myanmar where Tatmadaw forces have escalated military activities against civil militias from the Chinland Defense Force (CDF) in Chin State and the various Peoples Defense Force (PDFs) operating in Sagaing and Magwe Regions has increased. These conflicts have led to radical violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, resulting in the massacres of civilians and causing civilian casualties, damage and destruction to private and public property. These ongoing violations constitute part of what the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet described as the “human rights catastrophe” in her report to the UN Human Rights Council session in Geneva on Thursday, September 23.1 The violations documented by CHRO and other groups have clear patterns in which perpetrators’ actions are demonstratively deliberate and intended to cause harms to civilians. The destruction of lives, livelihood and properties are directly linked to the military scorched earth counter-insurgency policy. The notorious “four-cuts” doctrine, which has been employed in active war zones in ethnic areas for decades, is now being applied in the junta’s military campaigns in urban areas in the fight against local militia groups such as CDF and PDFs in western Myanmar/Burma. In implementing the four-cuts doctrine designed to cut off food, funding, intelligence and recruits to the resistance groups, civilians are deliberately exposed to extreme violence and livelihood destruction. The deliberate and indiscriminate nature in which the policy is being applied in the current conflict circumstance has led to unnecessary deaths, destruction of livelihoods and properties of civilians..."
Source/publisher: Chin Human Rights Organization
2021-10-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "A final-year engineering student who led anti-regime protests in Naypyitaw and Mandalay has died in military custody, his friends told The Irrawaddy. Ko Lin Paing Soe, a Buddhist Gurkha student from Kyaukse Technological University, was tortured because of his ethnicity and died on his first night in custody, said his friend, who is a member of Mandalay Yadanabon University student union. “We only just learned that he died. He died soon after he was detained on Sept. 30. He was beaten because he was non-Burmese and died in interrogation. The regime said he was sent to Obo Prison in Mandalay, which was a lie,” he told The Irrawaddy. Ko Lin Paing Soe led protests in Mandalay and Naypyitaw and was detained with two classmates and a striking nurse when junta forces in Mandalay raided the houses of protest leaders on Sept. 30. They were beaten by junta soldiers while being taken away, said another friend. He said a military source says they were taken to Mandalay Palace and interrogated the whole night. “I was told [soldiers] used racially and religiously offensive language against Ko Lin Paing Soe during interrogation and he was beaten inhumanely,” said his friend. His death was only revealed on Monday. “It is the inhumanity of the fascist military. Besides jailing civilians, they are killing people and covering up the deaths. Ko Lin Paing Soe’s family should have been told about his death,” said his friend. The military regime has used live ammunition on peaceful protesters and rammed them with vehicles. It has detained thousands of anti-regime activists and striking government employees. Non-Buddhists, LGBT people, student union members and National League for Democracy supporters were reportedly subjected to harsher torture during interrogation..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-10-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar’s1 political and legal institutions have been rapidly changing since the 2010 general elections—the first multi-party contest in fifty years. The elections were followed by the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the major- ity of other political prisoners in 2010 and 2011, the National League for Democracy’s victory in the 2012 by-elections, and the revival of diplomatic relations with the United States.2 Lessons from elsewhere suggest that times of political liberalization are opportune moments for domestic lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights movements to emerge, as activists enjoy greater civil-political freedoms to raise rights consciousness, speak out against oppression, and organize collectively.3 Therefore, while Myanmar’s military regime transitions into civilian rule and democratic institutions, this article examines the sociolegal conditions of its sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) minorities,4 highlights their collective efforts at— and prospects for—legal redress, and points to future research directions. Grounded in ongoing fieldwork in Myanmar and Burmese communities in Thailand since 2011,5 this article provides the first account of the legal and human rights status of SOGI minorities in Myanmar and the emergence of an indigenous LGBT rights movement. SOGI minorities in Myanmar routinely suffer human rights abuses: The British colonial legacy of Section 377 of the Penal Code still criminal- izes same-sex sexual relations; wide statutory powers enable a corrupt police force to persecute them in their everyday lives; and they lack legal redress for discrimination and abuse inflicted by family members, employ- ers, teachers, and others in their social circles. However, even before the political transition, Myanmar’s LGBT rights activists had begun to address these issues, building ties between migrant and grassroots communities in their home country to seed a movement that eventually coincided with the country’s democratization. Hence, since 2012, they have organized the first International Day Against Homophobia (IDAHO) and Transgender Day of Remembrance (TDoR) events in Yangon and other cities,6 conducted research to document human rights abuses, called for legal reform, and made political alliances. Exiled activists living in Thailand are also returning to Myanmar. As they take advantage of larger political and legal reforms, they are faced with the challenges of seeking decriminalization of same-sex relationships, as well as addressing the police persecution that is symptomatic of Myan- mar’s corrupt and arbitrary legal system. These future challenges and the ways in which LGBT rights activists have thus far overcome repressive laws to organize collectively shed light on the political mobilization of human rights in a changing Myanmar. After providing background on Myanmar’s political transition, this article sets out the legal context, emphasizing restrictions on civil-political liberties that suppress collective organizing. Next, it explains local understandings of SOGI minorities. Then, it analyzes their legal environment, detailing the laws, police abuse, and other forms of discrimination against them. After that, it examines how Burmese activists overcame legal obstacles to build a fledging LGBT rights movement with grassroots support. The conclusion discusses future challenges for the movement and distills broader lessons for Myanmar’s political transition. fifty years of military dictatorship. What is geographically today’s Myanmar fell to British rule following waves of colonization.7 To control widespread crime and disorder, which arose at least partly in response to their colonial invasion, British administrators introduced repressive laws, such as the Un- lawful Associations Act of 1908 and the Rangoon Police Act of 1899, that have had long-lasting impact on civil-political liberties.8 In 1948, when the Union of Burma gained independence from the British, it inherited these repressive laws but also envisioned liberal demo- cratic governance that provided for constitutional protection of fundamental liberties.9 However, ethnic-identity politics immediately troubled the former colony,10 which offered ethnic minorities little meaningful devolution of power within its “quasi [ethnic]-federal structure,”11 and armed groups overran a significant portion of its territory within the first decade of independence. The short period of liberal democracy ended when a caretaker military gov- ernment took power in 1958 and then cemented military rule with a coup in 1962. The military government later promulgated the 1974 constitution and declared Burma a one-party socialist state, solidifying its dictatorship under a centralized, totalitarian state structure.12 In 1988, after twenty-six years of military rule and severe economic mismanagement, a mass, student-led uprising erupted throughout urban areas. General Ne Win stepped down, but the military eventually reasserted control by killing an estimated 3,000 protestors.13 Amidst the crackdown on protestors, widespread arrests, and torture, the new regime—named the State Law and Order Restoration Council, and later the State Peace and Develop- ment Council—vowed to restore stability and claimed that it would hand over power after elections in 1990.14 However, when the National League for Democracy party won 82 percent of the seats, the junta suppressed the party and continued to hold Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest.15 Ruled by the military since 1962, Myanmar experienced drastic changes in its legal system that undermined judicial independence and hampered the development of common law, inherited from the British.16 The junta gained notoriety for human rights violations, some of which were carried out using such draconian legislation as the Emergency Provisions Act and the State Protection Law, under which Aung San Suu Kyi was detained.17 Meanwhile, urban activists from the 1988 uprising went underground or joined the in- surgency in rural areas. Others fled into political exile and founded human rights organizations overseas, focusing on issues such as ethnic minorities, gender, youth, and LGBT rights. After disregarding the results of the 1990 elections, the junta announced that it would draw up a new constitution. This constitution was finally passed in 2008 by a managed referendum that was widely perceived as il- legitimate.18 While the new constitution provided for a presidential system of governance19 with a bicameral legislature,20 it also reflected the military’s continuous influence over politics. Members of the armed forces are guaran- teed 25 percent of the seats in the Lower House of the Hluttaw (parliament)21 and six out of eleven members of the powerful National Security Council, which selects the Commander-in-Chief.22 Fundamental rights are limited by qualifications, such as “Union security,” “law and order,” and “public order and morality,”23 and come with a revocation clause that allows the military to curtail rights with impunity.24 The first nationwide elections under the 2008 Constitution took place in 2010. Contrary to gloomy predictions,25 President Thein Sein’s govern- ment rapidly implemented reforms, signaling the beginning of transition to civilian rule. Since then, the new government has released the majority of political prisoners, allowed Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy to enter parliament, brokered a near-nationwide ceasefire with insurgent groups (fighting continues in Northern Myanmar), permitted political exiles to return, established the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission, abolished pre-publication print censorship, removed restrictions on “politically sensitive” websites, and passed laws allowing independent trade unions and peaceful assembly.26..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Human Rights Quarterly
2015-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "This brief, the third in a series, reviews Myanmar’s conflict trends for the month of September 2021. It focuses on the significance of the National Unity Government’s (NUG) September 7 declaration of “resistance war” against the junta, e.g., the long-rumored ‘D-Day.’1 This brief builds upon analysis presented in Brief 2: Myanmar’s Shifting Military Balance, which described how armed resistance to military dictatorship continued to expand in scope during July and August 2021. Particularly significant, by the end of August a total of 250 out of the country’s 330 townships had experienced at least some conflict incidents since 1 February. Key to armed resistance has been the increasing assertion and steady expansion of self-defense groups. Since the coup, approximately 240 such groups have declared themselves in one way or another. It is likely that at least 180 of them have been active to some extent. The NUG’s September 7 declaration was a major milestone in the country’s history.2 Since then, there has been a notable increase in attacks across the country on Tatmadaw forces and other State Administration Council (SAC) apparatuses. Self-defense groups and key EAOs are active in resistance actions across the length and breadth of the country aside from Rakhine.3 A strong argument can be made that resistance to military rule is now self-sustaining in terms of resourcing, safe havens, and personnel, and cannot be easily extinguished by the Tatmadaw.4 The Tatmadaw has had no success forcing key EAOs to sign ceasefires or to break their burgeoning relationships with the NUG and peoples’ defense forces (PDFs). Resistance forces now have established safe havens with both the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Karen National Union (KNU) where they can safely train and equip fighters.5 Raids on villages are ineffective at killing PDF fighters. Tatmadaw ‘clearance operations’ in remote townships are costly and ineffective at controlling territory for the long-term. There are simply not enough security forces to move around. It is not assured that SAC will lose, but a month after D-Day, it certainly does not have the military initiative. The Tatmadaw is increasingly having to react to events driven by the resistance.6 As before, the analysis in this brief is underpinned by a ‘conflict incidents’ dataset compiled by the author. This dataset comprises approximately 3,400 incidents from 1 February to 30 September but focuses specifically on ‘conflict incidents’ from May onwards when the nature of resistance shifted towards nationwide armed revolt. This dataset draws on Exera daily briefs but is complemented by other sources, such as 74 Media, Khit Thit Media, and Mizzima’s daily updates. The author notes up front his own doubts about trying to quantify a highly fluid situation. Such datasets are useful for highlighting general trends and trajectories and the analysis below should be understood accordingly.7 Lastly, the brief intentionally provides a wide range of references to support policymakers interested in specific topics. Did D-Day have any effect? The September 7 announcement by NUG interim president Duwa Lashi La provoked a lot of interest around the world and a palpable sense of excitement within the country. After a month, it is possible to make some preliminary observations about whether it had any significance to the military situation on the ground. Over September there were approximately 779 conflict incidents, compared to 523 in August and 443 in July.8 This represents a 49 percent increase month-on-month.9 A review of the most conflict-affected townships, both overall and during September, highlights they are all over the country, including in major urban townships in Yangon and Mandalay. September saw new townships all over the country emerge as hotspots, such as: Ye Township, Mon State; Launglon Township, Tanintharyi Region; Thantlang Township, Chin State; and Ayadaw Township, Sagaing Region. Examined from another angle, daily national averages of conflict incidents increased from 16.9 in August to 26 in September.10 Mandalay saw the steepest change, nearly doubling its average with several townships in Mandalay city seeing sharp rises in conflict incidents (see Annex 1). Magway was also notable, increasing from 1.55 to 2.64 conflict incidents per day, driven by resistance attacks in Yesagyo, Gangaw, Pauk, Saw and Taungdwingyi Townships. Yangon and Sagaing Regions were already high in August but still increased over September; from 3.61 to 5.4 and 3.84 to 6.8 incidents per day respectively. Overall, Sagaing, Magway, Yangon, and Mandalay Magway Regions represented 68 percent of all conflict incidents in September. The widespread presence and quickening pace of armed resistance and conflict incidents in Bamar Regions is unprecedented. While the remaining three regions are not at the same levels, Bago, Ayeyarwady and Tanintharyi Regions also saw their daily averages of conflict incidents increase over September compared to August (see Annex 1). This was due to increased actions in townships with existing concentrations of conflict incidents – for instance Pathein, Bago, and Dawei – but more significantly by rapid increases in other townships that did not have extensive conflict histories. For instance, Thayetchaung Township in Tanintharyi Regions escalated markedly in September as did Kyaukkyi Township in Bago Region. Seven townships also became active for the first time in September in these three Regions, namely Einme and Ngaputaw Townships in Ayeyarwady Region; Daik-U, Gyobingauk, Kawa, and Monyo Towships in Bago Region; and Tanintharyi Township in Tanintharyi Region. The D-Day announcement did not significantly change the strategy and tactics used by self-defense groups. Rather, it signaled a distinct escalation in attacks utilizing available resources. Self-defense groups are utilizing the gamut of tactics applied to date, including IED and mine attacks, assassinations, arson attacks, attacks on police stations, and bombings of strategic routes, offices, and infrastructure. Several new tactics have also emerged, such as the routine sabotage of MyTel telecom towers. During September there was a clear escalation of bombings in both Yangon and Mandalay. By example, from September 1 to 22, there were at least 39 explosions in Yangon Region alone.11 Sabotage of MyTel telecom towers escalated significantly over September and by the end of the month over a hundred had been destroyed since the coup.12 As mentioned, conflict incidents have been consistently present in the States since the coup except for Rakhine. However, Shan State was relatively calm over September aside from consistently high levels of conflict incidents in Muse Township in the northeast and Phekon Township in the south, which has been the case for several months now. Overall, conflict incidents decreased across the State from 48 in August to 33 in September. That Shan State is relatively calm is a historic anomaly, but the ongoing fighting between the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) -- Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) coalition persists at comparatively low numbers of conflict incidents, albeit at high intensity as they are significant military forces engaging in battles. The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), an EAO from the Kokang community, has been active in Muse but was also increasingly active in Lashio Township during the last week of September. There were also notable attacks on Tatmadaw-allied forces in Kalaw Township.13 Although Chin State saw an overall increase in conflict incidents, both Kayah and Karen States saw slight decreases. Fighting over September was particularly pronounced in Chin State’s Thantlang, Hakha and Tedim Townships in the north and Kantpetlet Township in the south. September was also significant for the amount of coordination by Chin self-defense groups and those in nearby Sagaing and Magway 0 50 100 150 200 250 Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month May June JuneJune July JulyJuly AugustAugustAugustAugustAugustAugust SeptemberSeptemberSeptemberSeptember September SeptemberSeptember 4 Regions. Mon State also saw notable increases in conflict incidents over September, more than doubling compared to August. This was driven by marked increases in Ye, Bilin and Thaton Townships..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Matthew B. Arnold, Ph.D.
2021-10-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းယူသည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်ကန့်ကွက်ခဲ့ကြသည့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန်နှိပ်ကွပ်မှုများကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ပြုလုပ်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၇) ရက်နေ့တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို လက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်မှုများဖြင့် ပြန်လှန်ခုခံသွားရန် ကြေညာချက် ထွက်ပေါ်ခဲ့ပြီးနောက် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများမှာ ပိုမို ဆိုးရွားရက်စက်လာခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း၌ မကွေးတိုင်း၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်တို့တွင် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်ပါးစေ တပ်ရင်းတပ်ခွဲများက အကြမ်းဖက်ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းမှုများပြုလုပ်ကာ မီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများကို ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ ကြသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ရွာလုံးကျွတ် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင် ကြရသည့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများမှာ တစ်နေ့ထက်တစ်နေ့ ပိုမို များပြားလာလျက်ရှိနေသည်။ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများပြုလုပ်ရာတွင် လူကိုသာအကြမ်းဖက်ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းမျိုးမကဘဲ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကိုပါ သိမ်းဆည်း ခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ မီးရှို့ခြင်း ဖြစ်ရပ်များအပြင် ဖမ်းဆီးပြီးနောက် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်၍ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများကိုပါ စနစ်တကျ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိနေသည်။ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်များကို စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ၊ ဆေးဝါး၊ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုနှင့် လိုအပ်သော အခြေခံအထောက်အပံ့များ ကူညီ ပံ့ပိုးပေးနေသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုပေးနေသော စေတနာ့ဝန်ထမ်းများမှာလည်း စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းကို ခံနေရသည်။ လွတ်လပ်စွာထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများမှာ စစ်အုပ်စုလက်ထက်တွင် ဆိုးရွားစွာချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရသည့် အခြေအနေတွင်ရှိနေပြီး သတင်းအချက်အလက်ဆက်သွယ်မှုပြတ်တောက်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ မန္တလေးတိုင်း၊ မကွေးတိုင်း၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကချင်ပြည်နယ်နှင့် ချင်းပြည်နယ်ရှိ မြို့နယ်ပေါင်း (၂၀) ကျော်တွင် အင်တာနက်ဖြတ်တောက်မှုများကိုလည်း စနစ်တကျ ပြုလုပ်ထားသည်။ ယခင် အရပ်သားအစိုးရ လက်ထက်က ပယ်ဖျက်ခဲ့သည့် မည်သည့်အချိန်တွင်မဆို အကြောင်းပြချက်မရှိဘဲစိတ်ထင်တိုင်း နေအိမ်များသို့ အချိန်မရွေး ဝင်ရောက်စစ်ဆေးနိုင်သည့် ဧည့်စာရင်းဥပဒေကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ပြန်လည်အသက်သွင်းလာပြီး ပြည်သူတို့၏ လုံခြုံဘေးကင်းရေးနှင့် အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်များမှာ ပိုမို၍ ကြီးမားကျယ်ပြန့်စွာ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခံနေရလျက် ရှိနေသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဗဟိုအဖွဲ့က နေအိမ်၊ တိုက်ခန်းငှားရမ်းသူအိမ်ရှင်များကို နေအိမ်၊ တိုက်ခန်းများအား ငှားရမ်းမည်ဆိုပါက ငှားရမ်း နေထိုင်သည့် သူများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးမှူးရုံးများသို့ ငှားရမ်းနေထိုင်သူများ၏ ကိုယ်ရေးအချက်အလက်၊ အထောက်အထားပြည့်စုံစွာဖြင့် တင်းကြပ်သည့် သတ်မှတ်ချက်များနှင့်အတိုင်း ဧည့်စာရင်း တိုင်ကြားရန်နှင့် မိမိငှားရမ်းထားသောသူများသည် သံသယ ဖြစ်ဖွယ်ရှိကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရပါက သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို အချိန်မီသတင်းပို့ အကြောင်းကြားခြင်းရန် ကြေညာချက်ကို စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း ထုတ်ပြန်လာခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ငှားရမ်းထားသည့်နေအိမ်တိုက်ခန်းများတွင် နေထိုင်သူများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ကြောင်း ဖော်ထုတ် ရရှိပြီး ဧည့်စာရင်းတိုင်ကြားထားခြင်းမရှိကြောင်း စိစစ်တွေ့ရှိရပါက ငှားရမ်းသည့် ပိုင်ရှင်များတွင် တာဝန်ရှိသည့်အတွက် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တည်ဆဲဥပဒေအရ အရေးယူခံရမည့်အပြင် အဆိုပါငှားရမ်းထားသည့် နေအိမ်၊ တိုက်ခန်းများကို အကြမ်းဖက်မှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေအရ သက်သေခံအဖြစ် သိမ်းဆည်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်သလို တရားရုံးတွင် စစ်ဆေးပေါ်ပေါက်ချက်အရ နိုင်ငံတော် ဘဏ္ဍာအဖြစ် သိမ်းဆည်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းလည်း ထိုကြေညာချက်တွင် ပါဝင်သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း၌ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ကျူးလွန်မှုများ အကျဉ်းချုပ်ဖော်ပြချက် ဖမ်းဆီးမှု AAPP မှ လက်လှမ်းမီသမျှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အချက်အလက်များအရ စက်တင်ဘာ ၁ ကနေ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့အထိ စစ်အုပ်စု ၏ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုကြောင့် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံခဲ့ရသူပေါင်း (၅၅၅) ရှိခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသမီး ဦးရေ (၉၅)၊ အသက် (၁၈) နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ်ဦးရေ (၁၇) နှင့် ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူ (၂၅) ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်မှု စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အညှိုးထားတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူ (၉၆) ဦး အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ထိုအထဲတွင် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ (၈) ဦးနှင့် အသက် (၁၈) နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ် (၈) ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်ဖျက်ဆီးမှု စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန်ဆန့်ကျင်ကန့်ကွက်သော ဒေသတစ်ခုအဖြစ် ထင်ရှားသည့် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်းရှိ ပုလဲမြို့နယ်၊ တန့်ဆည်မြို့နယ်၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်၊ ကနီမြို့နယ် အစရှိသည့် မြို့နယ်များနှင့် ကျေးရွာများတွင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်က စီးနင်းဝင်ရောက်မှုများ၊ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးအကြောင်းပြုကာ ရှာဖွေဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများကို လုယက်ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းများ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ လက်နက်ကြီး၊ လက်နက်ငယ်များ အသုံးပြု၍ တရစပ်ထိုးစစ်ဆင်မှုများကြောင့် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်းရှိ ကျေးရွာများမှ ဒေသခံထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာတို့မှာ ဘေးလွတ်ရာသို့ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကနီမြို့နယ်၌ အသက် ၁၃ နှစ်အရွယ်သာရှိသေးသည့် အရွယ်မရောက်သေးသော မိန်းကလေးတစ်ဦးမှာ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၆) ရက်နေ့က စစ်အုပ်စုလက်ပါးစေ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၏ အဓမ္မပြုကျင့်မှုကို ခံခဲ့ရကြောင်း ဒေသခံများ၏ ပြောကြားချက်အရ သိရ သည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ မြောင်မြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ကျောက်ရစ်ကျေးရွာ၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ရေရှင်ကျေးရွာ၊ လယ်ခြားကျေးရွာ၊ ဒိုးနွယ်ကျေးရွာ၊ ကျောက်ပြုတ်ကျေးရွာ၊ တန်ဆည်မြို့နယ်ရှိ ကျီကုန်းကျေးရွာ၊ ယင်းမာပင်မြို့နယ်ရှိ ကံစုကျေးရွာများတွင်လည်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးမှုများ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ရန်ကုန်တိုင်း စက်တင်ဘာလ ၇ ရက်နေ့၌ မှော်ဘီမြို့နယ်၊ စမ်းကြီးကျေးရွာရှိ ပြည်သူ ၃၀ ဦးကို လုပ်အားပေးရန်ပေါ်တာအဖြစ် စစ်အုပ်စု ၏လက်ပါးစေ တပ်ဖွဲ့များက အတင်းအကျပ် ခေါ်ဆောင်သွားခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာ ၂၅ ရက်နေ့ နံနက် ၁နာရီခွဲ အချိန်ခန့်တွင် စမ်းချောင်းမြို့နယ်၊ မြေနီကုန်း တံတားအဆင်း၌ လူငယ် ၃ ဦးကိုဖမ်းဆီးပြီးနောက် သေနတ်ဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သလို သွေးအိုင်ထဲ လဲနေသည့် ထိုလူငယ် များကို ဝိုင်းဝန်းကန်ကျောက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ကြပြီး ရုပ်အလောင်းများကို တင်ဆောင်သွားခဲ့ကြသည်။ မကွေးတိုင်း ဆောမြို့နယ်၊ ရေစကြိုမြို့နယ်၊ ဂန့်ဂေါမြို့နယ်၊ မြိုင်မြို့နယ် အစရှိသည့် မကွေးတိုင်းအတွင်းရှိ မြို့နယ်များတွင် စစ်အုပ်စုက လက်နက်ကြီးများနှင့် အဆက်မပြတ်ပစ်ခတ်မှုများ၊ နေအိမ်အတွင်းဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းမှုများ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ရာ ဒေသခံများ ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်အုပ်စုက လူနာတင်ကား၊ ပရဟိတကားများကို အသုံးပြု၍ ရွာများကို စီးနင်းမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ဂန့်ဂေါမြို့နယ်၊ မွေ့လယ်ကျေးရွာအနီးတွင် မွေ့လယ်ကျေးရွာမှ ဒေသခံရွာသား သုံးဦး နှင့် လယ်ရှည် ကျေးရွာမှ ဒေသခံရွာသား နှစ်ဦးတို့၏ ရုပ်အလောင်းများကို စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့ နှင့် ၁၄ ရက်နေ့တို့တွင် တွေ့ရှိခဲ့ရပြီး သေဆုံးသူများတွင် နောက်စေ့ကို သေနတ်ဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်ခြင်းခံထားရပြီး ခန္ဓာကိုယ်နှင့် ဦးခေါင်း၊ မျက်နှာတို့တွင် ရိုက်နှက်ခြင်း ခံထားရသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများ၊ ခြေထောက်နှင့်လက်ကို ဓားဖြင့် မွှန်းထားသော ဒဏ်ရာများ၊ လိင်အင်္ဂါဖြတ်တောက်ခြင်းခံထား ရသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများကို မြင်တွေ့ခဲ့ကြရသည်။ အလားတူ မြိုင်မြို့နယ်တွင်လည်း မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ၊ လူမှုကူညီရေးကားအပါအဝင် ဆိုင်ကယ်အစီးရေ ၃၀၀ ကျော်ကို မီးတင်ရှို့မှုများကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ စက်တင်ဘာ ၉ ရက်နေ့ နံနက်ပိုင်းတွင် ဂန်ဂေါမြို့နယ် အတွင်းရှိ မြင်သားကျေးရွာကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ မီးတင်ရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ပြီး အနည်းဆုံး ဒေသခံရွာသား ၁၈ ဦးကို သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ဂန့်ဂေါမြို့နယ်၊ နှမ်းခါး၊ သာလင်းနှင့် ထယ်လှော်ရွာများကိုကို ဝင်ရောက် စီးနင်းခဲ့ပြီး မီးရှို့ခဲ့သည့်အတွက် အနည်းဆုံး လူနေအိမ် ၅၀ ခန့် ပြာကျခဲ့ရသည်။ ကချင်ပြည်နယ် မိုးညှင်းမြို့ပေါ်တွင် စစ်အုပ်စုမှ အိမ်ခွန်ဆောင်ရန်အတွက် အတင်းအဓမ္မလိုက်လံကောက်ခံလျက်ရှိရာ အိမ်အခြေအနေပေါ် မူတည်ပြီး သောင်းဂဏန်းမှ သိန်းဂဏန်းအထိ ငွေကြေး ပေးဆောင်နေရသည်။ တနိုင်းမြို့နယ်၊ တရုန်ကျေးရွာတွင် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့က အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်နှင့် ကချင်လွတ်လပ်ရေးတပ်မတော် (KIA) တို့ တိုက်ပွဲ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ရာ စစ်အုပ်စုဘက်က တရုန်ကျေးရွာအတွင်းကို လက်နက်ကြီးများ ပစ်ခတ်ခြင်း၊ သေနတ်များ ပစ်ခတ်နေခြင်းတို့ကြောင့် တရုန်ကျေးရွာရှိ အသက် ၄၀ ဝန်းကျင်အရွယ် အမျိုးသမီးဦးခေါင်းကို ကျည်ထိမှန်ခဲ့ပြီး ဒေသခံ ၂၀၀ ဝန်းကျင်ခန့်မှာ ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ရွှေကူမြို့နယ်တွင် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၁ ရက်နေ့က စစ်အုပ်စု တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ စီးလာသည့် သင်္ဘောပေါ်မှ လက်နက်ကြီး၊ လက်နက်ငယ်များဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သဖြင့် ရွှေဘုံသာကျေးရွာမှ အမျိုးသားနှစ်ဦးနှင့် အမျိုးသမီး တစ်ဦး လက်နက်စမှန်ကာ ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရရှိပြီး နှစ်ဦးမှာ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းကို ခံခဲ့ရသည်။ ကရင်ပြည်နယ် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဒူးပလာယာခရိုင်၊ ကော့ကရိတ်မြို့နယ်၊ ပိုင်ကလာဒုံကျေးရွာတွင်လည်း အမျိုးသမီးတစ်ဦးကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ဖမ်းဆီးခေါ်ဆောင်သွားပြီး စစ်ကြောင်းအရှေ့မှ လမ်းပြအဖြစ် လူသားဒိုင်းသဖွယ် အသုံးပြုကာ KNU ထိန်းချုပ်နယ်မြေအတွင်းကို ဝင်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကြာအင်းဆိပ်ကြီးမြို့နယ်၊ တောင်စွန်းကျေးရွာ ဘုန်းတော်ကြီးကျောင်း ပရဝဏ်မြေတွင် တပ်စွဲထားသည့် စစ်အုပ်စု၏တပ်ဖွဲ့မှ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၂၅ ရက်နေ့၊ ညနေ ၈ နာရီကျော်အချိန်တွင် ကျေးရွာများအနီး၌ လက်နက်ကြီး၊လက်နက်ငယ်များဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်သည့်အတွက် ရွာသားအများစုမှာ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသည်။ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ် ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ခေါင်းအိကျေးရွာသို့ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ စတင်ကာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်နေပြီး စက်တင်ဘာလ ၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကုန်းဆုံကျေးရွာ ထိုင်တော်မူဘုရားမှ ခေါင်းအိနှင့် စက်တော်ကျေးရွာများဘက်သို့ အင်အား ၅၀၀ ခန့်ဖြင့် ထိုးစစ်ဆင် ဝင်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ချင်းပြည်နယ် ဟားခါးမြို့ မြို့သစ်စီမံကိန်းဖော်ဆောင်သည့်နေရာတွင် မီးကြိုးသွယ်တန်းနေသည့် လူငယ် ၂၀ ခန့်ကို စက်တင်ဘာလ ၃ ရက်နေ့၊ နေ့လယ် ၁ နာရီခန့်က စစ်အုပ်စု၏ တပ်များမှ မြေပြင်နှင့် ရဟတ်ယာဉ်ပေါ်မှနေ၍ သေနတ်နှင့်ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သည်သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၇ ရက်နေ့၊ ည ၁၀ နာရီခန့်တွင် ဟားခါးမြို့တွင်း ပစ်ခတ်မှုများကြောင့် ပြည်သူအချို့ ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့ကာ နေအိမ်များမှာ လက်နက်ကြီးကြောင့် ပျက်စီး ခဲ့သည်။ ထန်တလန်မြို့တွင် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၉ ရက်နေ့၌ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က မြို့တွင်းသို့ လက်နက်ကြီး၊ လက်နက်ငယ်များဖြင့် ရမ်းသန်း ပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် မြို့တွင်းရှိ နေအိမ်တချို့မီးလောင်ပျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့၊ နေ့လယ်ပိုင်း၌လည်း ထန်တလန် မြို့နယ်ရှိ Lungler (လုံလဲရ်) ကျေးရွာကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဂျက်လေယာဉ် တစ်စီးမှ ဗုံးကျဲတိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၈ ရက်နေ့၊ နေ့လယ်ပိုင်းတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏တပ်မှ ထန်တလန်မြို့ပေါ်ကို လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သောကြောင့် နေအိမ် ၁၉ လုံးမီးလောင်ပြာကျခဲ့ပြီး မီးငြှိမ်းသတ်ရန်သွားသည့် ထန်တလန်ရာပြည့်နှစ်ခြင်းခရစ်ယာန် အသင်းတော် (TCBC) မှ သင်းအုပ်ဆရာ ကျုံးဗျက်ဟုမ်းသည် ပစ်သတ်ခြင်းခံခဲ့ရကာ ၎င်း၏ နာရီ၊ ဖုန်း နှင့် မင်္ဂလာ လက်စွပ်ကို လက်ချောင်းကိုပါဖြတ်ပြီး စစ်အုပ်စုတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များက ယူဆောင်သွားခဲ့ကြသည်။ ထန်တလန်မြို့ခံများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ရန်ကို ကြောက်သောကြောင့် တစ်မြို့လုံးနီးပါးထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရလျက်ရှိသည်။ ကယားပြည်နယ် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်အုပ်စုလက်ပါးစေတပ်နှင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသား ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (KNDF)တို့ တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွား ခဲ့ပြီးနောက် စစ်အုပ်စုဘက်မှ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် ခြောက်မိုင်ရှိနေအိမ် သုံးလုံးခန့် မီးလောင်သွားခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ပြင် စစ်အုပ်စု တပ်ဖွဲ့ ဝင်များသည် ဒေါပိုးစီ၊ စံပြ ၆ မိုင်နှင့် ဒီးမော့ဆိုရှိ ဒေါငံခါးရပ်ကွက်မှ နေအိမ်တချို့အား ဝင်ရောက်မီးရှို့ ခဲ့သည်။ အလားတူ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်က လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သည့်အတွက် ဒေါစဲကျေးရွာရှိ လူနေအိမ် လေးလုံးထိမှန် ပျက်စီးခဲ့ပြီး အသက် ၈ နှစ်ဝန်းကျင်ကလေးငယ်တစ်ဦး ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့သည်။ ဒီးမော့ဆိုမြို့နယ်တွင် တိုက်ပွဲပြင်းထန်ခဲ့ပြီး ကျေးရွာ (၁၀) ရွာမှ ဒေသခံ ၃ ထောင်ကျော်သည် တောတောင်များအတွင်း ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ ဘောလခဲမြို့မှ နေ၍ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းသမ်းပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် နန်းဖဲကျေးရွာရှိ တောင်ယာခုတ်တောင်သူ အမျိုးသမီးတစ်ဦး သေဆုံးသွားခဲ့ပြီး (၄) ဦး ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာ ၂၅ ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ ဒီးမော့ဆိုမြို့နယ်၊ သေးဆူလဲနှင့် ကုန်းသာကျေးရွာများအတွင်း တပ်စွဲပြီး အဆိုပါကျေးရွာများရှိ အများပြည်သူပိုင်နေအိမ်များအား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးသွားကြသည်။ အထက်ပါဖေါ်ပြချက်များသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်၏ စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း၌ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော တရားမဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက် မှုများအား အကျဉ်းချုပ် ဖေါ်ပြချက်မျှသာဖြစ်ပြီး အခြားသော တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ်များတွင်လည်း ထိုကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများ များစွာရှိခဲ့သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-04
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Description: "Since the attempted military coup, the terrorist junta has been violently cracking down on civilians who protest the military coup. Civilians faced intense and daily repression from the terrorist junta. On September 7, the National Unity Government declared the terrorist groups’ indiscriminate violence has been deteriorating. In response a defensive war against the junta was called, and peoples support for the NUG, and PDF requested. During the month of September, the junta’s battalion troops violently raided villages, burning houses, killing civilians, and looting and destroying properties in Magway Region, Sagaing Region and Chin State. Entire villages forced to flee, with the number of abandoned villages increasing day by day. This terrorist like junta are not only arbitrarily arresting people, but also looting their property, setting fire to, and destroying buildings. After arrest, detainees are being systematically tortured and killed by the junta. At the same time, voluntary humanitarian groups providing food, medicine and other basic needs for internally displaced persons have been targeted by the junta. A civilians’ right to freedom of expression is completely disregarded by the military junta. In 20 townships over Mandalay, Magway, and Sagaing Region, and Kachin and Chin State, the junta has cut internet connection to disrupting communication and the free flow of information. The repressive Ward or Village Tract Administration Law was rejected under the previous civilian government, but in the aftermath of the coup was reinstated by the junta group. Under this law the military can enter your home at any time, for any reason. This law threatens the safety and well-being of the entire population. In September, the juntas so-called Central Committee for Combating Terrorism, announced that a house or apartment owner who rents out the property, must now report the tenants’ personal information to the relevant administrative office. At the same time, if tenants are found to be acting suspicious, the landlord has to report it immediately, to the relevant officer. In addition, the statement said that if the house/apartment owner does not report a registration list, and the tenants are found to have committed “acts of violence”, that apartment will be taken as state ownership, under the anti-terrorism law, and the property owner charged under the existing law. Summary of Junta’s September Crimes Arrests According to data collected by AAPP documentation, 555 people were arbitrarily arrested and detained between September 1 and 30, by the junta. This included (95) women, (17) children under 18 and (25) hostages. Killings This month, at least 96 civilians were killed by the junta’s targeted attacks. Among them, eight victims were tortured to death and eight were children, under the age of 18. Acts of Terrorism in Sagaing Region Pearl Township, Tangse Township, Kalemyo Township, and Kany Township have been areas of strong opposition to the military since the illegitimate coup. In disproportionate response, junta troops have raided villages, looted property, and bringing destruction to entire areas of innocent civilian populations. Junta forces have used different kinds of heavy artillery to attack villages. Thousands have been forced fleeing to their homes. According to a report from a local villager, a 13-year-old girl was raped by a member of the junta, on September 16, in Kany Township. Kyauk Yit village in Myaung Township, Yeshin village in Kalemyo Township, Lal Chya village, Doe Nwe Village, Kyauk Pyut village, Kyigone village in Tanse Township, and Kansu village in Yinmarbin Township were also set on fire to by junta troops. Yangon Region On September 7, in Sangyi village, Hmawbi Township, the junta armed forces took 30 villagers, and forcibly used them as porters. On September 25, at around 1:30 AM, at the edge of Myay Ni Gone Bridge, Sanchaung Township, three youths were detained, shot, and killed. The junta were kicking the youths, as they lay in a pool of their own blood, the soldiers later took the dead bodies away. Magway Region In Saw Township, Yezakyo Township, and Gangaw Township in Magway Division, the terrorist junta group were using artillery to enter villages and raid houses. Most of the local villagers were forced to flee their homes, whilst the junta group uses ambulances and charity cars to raid towns. Nearby Mwe Le village in Gangaw Township, the dead bodies of three locals from Mwe Le village and two dead bodies from Le Shay village were found on September 13 and 14. Gunshot wounds were found on the back of the heads of the bodies, and all over, including heads and faces displaying injuries from severe beatings. They were also found to have knife wounds on their hand and legs, and their male organsq were cut. In Myaing Township, junta troops have committed arson killings, setting fire to charity vehicles and more than 300 motorcycles. In the early morning of September 9, the junta set fire to Myin Thar village in Gangaw Township and killed at least 18 local villagers. Hnan Khar, Thaliin and Htae Hlaw villages in Gangaw Township were also raided by the junta and at least 50 houses burned to the ground. Kachin State In Mohnyin, the junta is forcibly collecting tens of thousands of Kyats in “property taxes”, depending on the condition of the house. On 10 September, in Tarong village, Tanai Township, there was a clash between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and terrorist junta troops. Later on, the junta were shooting artillery shells and heavy gun fire into Tarong village. A 40-year-old woman was shot in the head and some 200 locals forced to flee. On September 11, a vehicle carrying junta troops used heavy artillery on Shwe Bon Thar village. Mortar shells were also fired, two men and one woman were injured, and two others were detained. Karen State On September 1, in Pailaladon Village, Kawkareik Township, Dooplaya District, the junta abducted a woman to use as a human shield. Junta troops entered KNU controlled areas with the woman as a guide on the frontline. They then set up camp in the Taungsoon village in Kayin Seik Gyi Township. The junta were shooting artillery shells and gunfire into the village on 25 September, at around 8pm, forcing many of the locals to flee. Shan State Since September 1, the terrorist group has been firing heavy artillery shells at Khaung Ei village in Phekone Township. On September 2, approximately 500 troops entered Kone Ei and Sattaw village. Chin State Around 20 youths were detained on September 3 at the Myothit project construction site in Hakha City. At around 1pm, junta troops were shooting from both a helicopter and the ground. On September 7, by around 10pm, junta troops were firing artillery shells and gunfire in Hakha city. Some civilians were injured and many houses damage from the heavy artillery shells. On September 9, in Thantlang Township, the military fired heavy artillery, mortar shells and gunfire into the city. Some houses within the city were burnt down. At around midday, on September 10, the terrorist group were using fighter jets to bombard Lungler village in Thantlang Township. In the afternoon of September 18, the military fired into Thantlang Township. Nineteen homes were set on fire by heavy artillery shelling. A pastor from Thantlang Centenary Church (TCBC), Cung Biek Hong, was shot to death. The terrorist junta cut off his finger to take his wedding ring. His phone and watch were also stolen by the junta. Residents of Thantlang fled, from fear of the terrorist group. Kayah State On September 7, heavy fighting broke out between junta troops and the Karenni National Defense Force (KNDF). The junta used heavy artillery and three houses were burnt down within a six-mile area. In addition, the junta group set fire to buildings in Daw Poe Si village, Sanpya village and Daw Nga Kha Ward in Dimawso. Four houses in Daw Se village were destroyed by heavy artillery and an eight-year-old child was injured. There was intensive fighting in Demawso Township, and more than 3000 locals from 10 different villages fled into the mountains. On September 9, a female farmer was killed, and four others injured when artillery shells were fired from a military junta camp in Bawla Khe Township. On September 25, junta troops attacked Demawso Township, they initially entered and set up camp in Sule village and Kone Thar village, before setting fire to local homes. This is but just a summary of the human rights violations committed by the terrorist junta group in September. There have been similar atrocities across other states and divisions, in September and the months before, amounting the serious crimes against humanity..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Win Ko Oo gave up his career—and lost his life—because he couldn’t bear to see his country fall under military rule again
Description: "On an August morning at a wet market in Mandalay’s industrial suburbs, a 50-year-old man was selling noodles and cheerfully greeting fellow vendors and customers alike. Win Ko Oo was well-known for his friendliness. But not everyone who had grown familiar with his smiling face knew that he had once had a very different life. When the year began, Win Ko Oo was a train driver with 25 years’ experience. But then the army seized power, and everything changed. As someone who had lived through the aftermath of a similar coup in 1988, he knew he had to resist the return of military rule. A month after Myanmar’s elected civilian government was overthrown, Win Ko Oo made up his mind to join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) that was sweeping the country. “I hesitated at first because I had to think about my family. We had nowhere else to go. But in the end, my hatred for the regime outweighed my concerns about the hardships we would have to face, so I quit,” he told Myanmar Now that August morning. Mandalay’s railway workers were among the first to join the movement in large numbers. In the department that Win Ko Oo belonged to, 285 of 319 staff members walked off the job in an effort to deny the regime control over state mechanisms. This resulted in hundreds of railway employees and their families being forced to leave the housing compound where most of the striking workers lived. But as one of the leaders of the protesting workers, Win Ko Oo also had another reason to worry: a warrant for his arrest on charges of incitement. Lying low Feeling that he couldn’t afford to take any more chances, Win Ko Oo decided it was time to slip under the junta’s radar for a while. A relative gave him a place to stay, but he still had to make a living, so he started selling noodles in the market. With a son in university and a daughter already married, this was not an easy move for him to make. He was used to being the family’s provider, but now that their only income was from his wife’s work as a seamstress, he had to swallow his pride. “I was so ashamed at first that I wanted to cry. I was new to this business, so it was also pretty challenging for me to get the hang of it. But once I started earning money again, I came to like it,” he said. Although Win Ko Oo spoke freely about his experiences since the coup, Myanmar Now decided not to publish his story after learning about it last month to avoid putting him at risk. Since then, however, there has been another development that has made it more important to reveal the enormous price he has paid for following his convictions. At around 5am on September 9, as he was making an early-morning delivery, Win Ko Oo was savagely beaten by a group of eight men who also stole his motorcycle. Ten days later, he died of a cerebral hemorrhage. No investigation During the remaining days of his life, an unconscious Win Ko Oo was treated at a private hospital for a broken skull and multiple injuries to his arms, legs and ribs. Finally, however, it became clear that he would never recover. “We decided to bring him home on September 18 as he wasn’t getting any better. He died at home the next day,” said a family member. There was never any investigation into the attack, in part due to the fact that his family didn’t report it because they didn’t trust the police. The indifference of the police to this case even after it became public would seem to justify the family’s suspicions, according to a friend who dismissed any suggestion that Win Ko Oo was simply the victim of a robbery that went horribly wrong. “It couldn’t have been because they wanted his motorcycle. There was no need to beat him like that just to take his motorcycle. It’s more likely that he died because he was a leader of the railway workers who joined the CDM,” the friend said. Win Ko Oo’s family declined to comment on his death, but said that he never stopped believing in the struggle to create a better future for the people of Myanmar. “He always said that he wanted this revolution to succeed, that he wanted to operate trains again, and that he wanted to send his grandchildren to school,” said a family member..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-09-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-03
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Description: "At least 99 more people, including a toddler and four senior citizens in their seventies, were killed by Myanmar junta forces in September. Their deaths push the number of people who have died at the hands of the military regime to 1,146 over the past eight months, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) Myanmar has been in political and social turmoil since the junta’s February 1 coup, as the merciless military regime continues with brutal and lethal crackdowns in its efforts to suppress the nationwide rebellion against the junta. In September, the Myanmar military massacred civilians, including children, torched entire villages, fired randomly into homes and shelled residential areas in Kayah and Chin states and Magwe, Sagaing and Mandalay regions. The junta claims those areas were harboring People’s Defense Forces: bands of civilian resistance fighters opposing the regime. Among those killed in September were nine children, the youngest of whom was one and half-years-old, detainees who were tortured to death, members and supporters of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and three medics, according to the latest report from the AAPP, an activist group which monitors killings and arrests by the junta. On September 20, regime troops raided Shaw Phyu Village in Natogyi Township, Mandalay Region. During the raid, junta forces shot at the home of NLD supporters, killing five family members. Four of five were shot dead on the spot. A one and half-year-old child survived initially but died from injuries after arriving at Mandalay General Hospital, AAPP stated in their report. In northern Shan State’s Monekoe Township, nine-year-old Mah Bon suffered serious head injuries after a junta artillery shell hit his home on September 27. The boy died the following day. His mother was also injured in the artillery strike. Around a dozen detainees were tortured to death in September. Among them was Mandalay-based political activist and philanthropist Ko Than Htun Oo, aka Ko Min Ko Thein, a member of the NLD’s Mandalay branch. He died in police custody just a few hours after being arrested on September 25. The 48-year-old, affectionately known as ‘Ko Fatty’ among his friends, was arrested at his home in Aungmyaythazan Township, Mandalay Region for alleged possession of weapons. During the raid on his house, junta forces told him to get on his knees. When he said that he couldn’t kneel due to his weight, he was reportedly shot in the knee. He was arrested despite no weapons being found during the search. In the evening of the following day, his family was notified of his death. Ko Than Htun Oo’s body was not returned to the family, with regime officials claiming that they had organized funeral rites for him. Ko Zaw Linn Htet, 30, from Pyay, Bago Region also died during an interrogation after just a few hours in junta custody. He was detained with his younger brother on the afternoon of September 6, allegedly in connection with the arrest of student union members a week before. His family was also informed of his death at night. September also saw a surge in killings of youth activists and villagers from anti-regime strongholds where civilian resistance groups have inflicted heavy casualties on junta forces. In Yangon, four young people were shot dead at midnight on September 25 after regime forces raided their hideout in Sanchaung Township. Two of the four activists were identified as Dr. Zin Lynn and nurse Ma Khin Khin Kywel. The following day, the wife of Dr. Zin Lynn, who is also a medical doctor, was arrested at her home. The couple have a seven-month-old baby. On Thursday, junta spokesperson Major General Zaw Min Tun said at a press conference that the youths had opened fire on junta soldiers when they surrounded the hideout, killing and injuring a few of them. He claimed that the four activists were killed in a subsequent shootout with regime forces. However, local residents and video footage uploaded by Khit Thit Media revealed that the young people were dragged from the apartment and beaten and kicked several times, before the junta forces fired shots. Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun made no mention of this at the press conference. Teenagers were also rounded up and massacred in Myin Thar Village in Yaw in Magwe Region on September 9. In all, 18 people died in the village, including elderly citizens, and some 20 houses were burned down by junta forces. The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar – an independent group of prominent former United Nations human rights experts – urged the United Nations Security Council in its latest statement to declare the junta a “terrorist organization” for its atrocities against its own people including public torture, executions and the taking of hostages, including children..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-10-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: A relative of the 26-year-old victim says he was unarmed and struggling with an undiagnosed mental illness at the time of his murder in Ye Township
Description: "Junta troops shot and killed a 26-year-old man in southeastern Myanmar’s Mon State this week, according to his relatives, who said that they were allowed only limited viewing of his body. The victim was Ye Naing Oo, resident of Khawzar town in Ye Township who, according to his family, had recently been struggling with an undiagnosed mental illness. He left home on Wednesday morning and the family was notified at 7pm by police officials that he was dead, his sister Mi Cho Thet Oo told Myanmar Now. She said that officers from the Khawzar police station told her that Ye Naing Oo was shot and killed after he tried to run from the military’s Chaung Taung checkpoint on the Ye River bridge, some 18 miles from his home. “We are still not sure about what actually happened. We only know what we were told. My brother was not in his right mind, so it’s understandable that he tried to run. However, I told them that it was not necessary to kill him,” his sister said. Mi Cho Thet Oo said that her brother’s mental state had deteriorated some six months earlier while he was in Thailand, where he had been working as a migrant labourer. He had only just returned to his hometown two days earlier. On the day he was killed, he had ventured out saying that he wanted to buy betel nut, despite his family’s pleas to stay home. “He was not in his right mind but we didn’t think he’d have walked all the way to the bridge. It was really far from home. Not even a healthy person would be able to walk that far,” she said. Mi Cho Thet Oo said that eyewitnesses near the bridge told her that they saw Ye Naing Oo being beaten by soldiers at around 6pm and that they heard five gunshots soon after. “The saddest part of this is that he was mentally ill and he was unarmed. He didn’t even have a motorcycle. He only had his phone and ID card on him. My brother’s death was not natural at all,” she said. The family tried to collect Ye Naing Oo’s body from the Ye Township hospital on Thursday, but they were only permitted to see his face, not the rest of his body. His face was bruised and cut, Mi Cho Thet Oo said. The family was forced to hold his funeral that same evening, under the watch of two police officers. At the time of reporting, the junta authorities had not returned Ye Naing Oo’s phone or ID card to his family, his sister added. The military council has not released a statement concerning Ye Naing Oo’s death, and Myanmar Now’s calls to the junta’s information officers went unanswered. Ye Naing Oo is the second person reported to have been murdered by troops near the bridge checkpoint in recent days. Another man was shot and killed near the same location on September 20, according to both a report by the Mon News Agency and an anti-junta local resistance force. The Mon News Agency cited “police sources” who alleged that the man had thrown a grenade towards a security checkpoint at around 9pm near the bridge and was subsequently shot. A spokesperson from the Ye People’s Defence Force (PDF) told Myanmar Now that the man was a civilian with no connection to the group. The spokesperson said that the Ye PDF had in fact attacked that checkpoint on the day in question, but at around 3pm. He believed that the man killed by police hours later was a fishery worker at a nearby market, noting that workers there often travel across the bridge to reach the market site. Myanmar Now was unable to independently verify the identity of the man shot dead by junta troops on September 20..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-10-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Responding to the killing of leading Rohingya activist Mohib Ullah, who was shot dead this evening in the refugee camp in Cox’s Bazaar, Saad Hammadi, Amnesty International’s South Asia Campaigner, said: “Mohib Ullah was a leading representative of the Rohingya community, who spoke out against violence in the camps and in support of the human rights and protection of refugees. His killing sends a chilling effect across the entire community. The onus is now on the Bangladeshi authorities to expedite an investigation into his murder and bring all those suspected of criminal responsibility to justice in fair trials. “We call on the Bangladeshi authorities and the UN Refugee Agency to work together to ensure the protection of people in the camps, including refugees, civil society activists and humanitarian workers from both the Rohingya and host community, many of whom have shared concerns about their safety. “Violence in the refugee camps in Cox’s Bazaar has been a growing problem. Armed groups operating drug cartels have killed people and held hostages. The authorities must take immediate action to prevent further bloodshed.” Background Mohib Ullah, 48, who led the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, was shot dead at around 8:30PM at his office in the Kutupalong camp in Cox’s Bazar. Mohib Ullah had represented the Rohingya community at the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2019. At least two thousand Rohingya refugees have been forced to flee their shelters to other camps since violence broke out last year between two rival factions seeking to control the illicit trade of contraband drugs inside the camps. On 7 October 2020, around a dozen shelters in Kutupalong refugee camp were burned to the ground. Rohingya refugees told Amnesty International that the clash broke out between a group that has been operating a drug cartel within the refugee camp and another armed group called the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) as they vie for control of the camps..."
Source/publisher: "Amnesty International" (UK)
2021-09-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "30 September 2021: The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) mourns the death of Mohib Ullah, one of the Myanmar Rohingya people’s leading human rights advocates and defenders. Mohib Ullah was murdered on 29 September 2021 in the Rohingya refugee camp of Lambashia, Kutupalong in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. He was chairman of the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights. SAC-M co-founder and member Yanghee Lee said, “I knew Mohib Ullah well from my work over many years as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar. He was passionately committed to the human rights of the Rohingya people. He was a man of courage and determination, an irreplaceable leader of the Rohingya people’s struggle for peace and justice.” Marzuki Darusman, co-founder and member of SAC-M, was chairperson of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (FFM). He said, “Mohib Ullah provided invaluable assistance to the FFM’s investigations. He and his colleagues in the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights chronicled the events during and after August 2017 when the Myanmar military conducted one of the most brutal operations in recent times. His efforts led directly to international support for the Rohingya people and efforts to bring the military leadership to justice.” In 2017, Myanmar’s military unleashed a genocidal campaign of violence on Rohingya villages in northern Rakhine state, forcing three quarters of a million people to flee to Bangladesh. Those who fled joined a quarter of a million earlier Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh where they are now confined to sprawling camps and continue to endure dire conditions. “Mohib Ullah’s death must lead to stronger and more determined international support for the struggle for human rights in Myanmar, for the Rohingya and for all the other peoples of Myanmar,” said Chris Sidoti, the third member of SAC-M and also a member of the UN FFM. “The most important tribute we can pay him is more effective action for peace and justice for all Myanmar’s peoples.” SAC-M calls on Bangladeshi authorities to investigate Mohib Ullah’s murder thoroughly and to charge, prosecute and punish the perpetrators according to law. It urges UN human rights mechanisms to monitor and report on the adequacy and effectiveness of the Bangladeshi investigations. Bangladeshi authorities have a duty to protect the lives of the one million Rohingya refugees confined to camps in Bangladesh whilst ensuring this tragedy is not exploited to impose further restrictions on the lives of those who have already lost so much..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
2021-09-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Myanmar’s Coup Built on Years of Failed Accountability
Description: "On August 1, Myanmar’s commander-in-chief, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, dressed in civilian clothes, made a televised speech six months to the day after leading a coup that thrust the country back under brutal military rule. Amid claims of establishing a multiparty democracy, the junta leader announced that his manufactured state of emergency, which has given rise to massive human rights abuses, would be extended until August 2023. Later that day, Min Aung Hlaing appointed himself prime minister of the State Administration Council (SAC) junta’s “caretaker government.” “We have to try to bring them back to a stable condition,” he said of the junta’s use of force against the millions of peaceful protesters who have taken to the streets since February 1. “We must apply our collective strengths.” The past eight months have offered a stark demonstration of the military’s application of its “collective strengths.” Since the coup, security forces have carried out a bloody crackdown on nationwide protests with the same callous disregard for life that has driven their scorched-earth strategy in ethnic regions for decades. Police and soldiers have killed over 1,000 people, including about 75 children, arrested more than 6,000 protesters, journalists, and others, and tortured and raped detainees. Human Rights Watch determined that the military’s post-coup abuses—vast, methodical, and systematic—amount to crimes against humanity. The broad-based and consistent nature of the crackdown reflects not the individual actions of security officers, but a countrywide policy of the junta. Crimes against humanity committed since February 1 include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts causing great suffering. Across the country, security forces have repeatedly used lethal force, including live ammunition, mortar shells, and grenades, while using so-called less-lethal weapons indiscriminately and excessively. Video footage has captured soldiers shooting down children on motorbikes, brutally beating medical aid workers, and firing shotguns into crowds of peacefully protesting doctors. These displays are tragic but not surprising for anyone who has been paying attention to the human rights situation in the country. In 2017, Min Aung Hlaing orchestrated crimes against humanity in which the military committed genocidal acts and other horrific abuses against ethnic Rohingya in northern Rakhine State, killing thousands and forcing over 730,000 to flee to Bangladesh. The same notorious military units implicated in the 2017 atrocities—since sanctioned by the US and UK—have been deployed in the streets of Yangon, Mandalay, and other cities and towns since the coup, terrorizing protesters calling for civilian democratic rule. The throughline of these two grave crises—the 2021 coup and the 2017 atrocities against the Rohingya—lies in the decades-long impunity enjoyed by Myanmar’s military, or Tatmadaw. The Tatmadaw is an institution driven by brutality. It sows disunity and fear with the sole aim of propping up the supremacy of its leadership. It seeks to create an oppressive atmosphere of terror, in ways both overt and subtle. It knows no other way of exercising power. And has done so unchecked for decades. The coup has made clear that the bloodshed happening today on the streets is a direct corollary of a military that for years has faced few to no consequences for its crimes. In the four years since the military’s atrocities in northern Rakhine State, the situation for Rohingya in Myanmar and abroad offers a dismal reflection of justice delayed. In Rakhine State, 600,000 Rohingya remain trapped under a system of discriminatory laws and policies that amount to apartheid under international law. In Bangladesh, nearly a million Rohingya refugees live in sprawling, overcrowded camps, their prospects of voluntarily returning to a Myanmar where they could live safely and securely more distant than ever. The commander-in-chief who orchestrated the ethnic cleansing campaign that led to the massacres of their families and neighbors has now not only evaded justice, but installed himself as leader of the country. There have been some flashes of progress toward accountability. Gambia, one of the smallest countries in Africa, has brought Myanmar before the International Court of Justice for violating the 1948 Genocide Convention in its atrocities against the Rohingya. The International Criminal Court is conducting a limited investigation into alleged crimes against humanity which were completed in Bangladesh that will identify individuals for prosecution. But as a whole, the international response to the Tatmadaw’s cycles of ethnic cleansing and forced deportation of the Rohingya has been fragmented and halting. The UN Security Council, the body with the authority to respond with binding resolutions on states, has remained paralyzed. At the time of coup, the Council had not produced a formal document on Myanmar in over three years. Diplomats meanwhile have favored the closed-room tactics of quiet diplomacy and “dialogue” over strong measures for accountability—a futile approach compounded by an enduring and misguided faith in the former de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s imagined democratic credibility. A clear and consistent multilateral strategy for accountability and justice never emerged in the wake of the 2017 violence. Instead, the military maintained its grasp on Myanmar’s levers of political and economic power, with Min Aung Hlaing remaining untouched at the helm. When armored vehicles rolled through the streets of the capital, Naypyidaw, before dawn on February 1, with the military detaining Aung San Suu Kyi and other elected leaders, foreign governments were quick to voice concern. Their condemnation grew louder as the death toll of protesters rose in March and April. Some consequences followed. The US, UK, EU, and Canada sanctioned junta leaders and major military enterprises, including its two main conglomerates, the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). But the sanctions’ toll on the military’s cash flow has not been enough. France and other governments have skirted the global call for sanctions on the massive foreign oil and gas revenues that bankroll the junta and its weapon purchases. Japan and Australia have done even less, issuing no sanctions on military leaders or entities since February, despite condemning the coup. Meanwhile, the Security Council’s historical inaction on Myanmar endures, with permanent members Russia and China—long serving as Myanmar’s protectors at the Council—resisting substantive action, and Western members too timid to push the limits. As a result, the Council has done little beyond issuing statements calling for the release of political prisoners and an end to the violence. “What are we waiting for?” a US diplomat asked in a speech at a July council meeting. “The longer we delay, the more people die. This Council is failing in our collective responsibility to safeguard international peace and security. And it is failing the people of Burma.” The UK, the Security Council’s designated penholder for resolutions on Myanmar, has for years taken a hyper-cautious approach to the country. Since the coup, it has bound its own hands under the banner of maintaining consensus among council members, focusing on anodyne statements over substantive action. This strategy already failed to achieve an ounce of justice for the Rohingya, only emboldening the military with a sense of reprieve. The unwillingness of the UK, US, and France to press for a resolution in fear of vetoes by China and Russia has ultimately betrayed the Council’s mandate to ensure international peace and security as well as the millions of people risking their lives in Myanmar by opposing the coup. “We will do everything we can to mobilize all the key actors and international community to put enough pressure on Myanmar to make sure that this coup fails,” UN Secretary-General António Guterres said days after the coup. Eight months on, that momentum has waned. The Security Council failed to capitalize on the international outcry triggered by the coup and the window it offered for real, swift impact. The people of Myanmar continue protesting, but they do so with a sense of having been abandoned. “There is nobody coming to help them to stop this violence,” said activist Khin Ohmar. The dangerous narrative persists that there is a way forward with the Tatmadaw seated at the table. Calls for “all parties to engage in dialogue,” as the UK ambassador to Myanmar recently tweeted, ring hollow in the face of the military’s depravity and stark repression of any opposition. The UK and other governments’ delayed action under the pretense of waiting for effective leadership from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is similarly empty. The regional bloc has a track record of neglecting its responsibility to act to protect the people of Southeast Asia. Since releasing its five-point consensus in April, ASEAN has taken no meaningful steps to press the junta to end its abuses. Min Aung Hlaing, meanwhile, has been unwilling to meet even ASEAN’s low bar. In June, faced with Security Council inertia, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution calling on member states to prevent the flow of weapons into Myanmar. Lamentably, the Security Council has yet to follow the General Assembly’s lead with a binding global arms embargo. The Human Rights Council held a Special Session following the coup but adopted a watered-down resolution in the interest of consensus. Subsequent resolutions have been stronger, but the crisis has received reduced attention from the Council in recent months. Over the next months, UN member states will be drafting a Myanmar resolution for the Third Committee of the 76th General Assembly session now underway. Drafters should ensure the resolution expressly condemns Min Aung Hlaing and the Tatmadaw as orchestrators of the crisis, identifies the abuses committed since February 1 as crimes against humanity, and calls for the Security Council to advance international accountability. The resolution should recognize the coup and the atrocities against the Rohingya as intersecting crises with shared perpetrators that demand a cohesive response. This could reinvigorate pressure on the Security Council to pass a resolution instituting a global arms embargo and referring the Tatmadaw’s grave crimes across Myanmar since at least 2011 to the International Criminal Court. The Council should also impose targeted sanctions including global travel bans and asset freezes on the leadership of the junta and military-owned conglomerates. To cut off the military from the revenue funding its ongoing crimes against humanity, the US, UK, EU, and other governments should work together to strengthen international sanctions. Governments should target the junta’s gas revenues, its largest source of foreign income, totaling about US$1 billion annually in duties, taxes, royalties, fees, and other profits. Broad coordination and enforcement are crucial for these to have an effective influence on the military’s calculations. Myanmar’s crisis may have faded from the front pages of world news, but its urgency still pulses across the country, a hum both daily and catastrophic. “They are attempting for the disintegration of the Tatmadaw,” said Min Aung Hlaing, denouncing the opposition Civil Disobedience Movement in his August 1 speech. In fact, what the protesters are risking their lives for is nothing more than respect for their rights and freedoms, and justice for their suffering. But concerned governments supporting the fight for civilian democratic rule in Myanmar also need to recognize that achieving such aims will require excising the Tatmadaw from the vast control it wields in every layer of Myanmar life..."
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Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Family members say they were denied permission to see the body of Than Tun Oo, who was arrested on Saturday
Description: "A National League for Democracy (NLD) member who was arrested in Mandalay’s Aung Myay Tharzan Township on Saturday has died in custody, according to a source close to his family. Than Tun Oo, who was also known as Min Ko Thein, died within 24 hours of his arrest, the source told Myanmar Now. “His whole family, including his two children and his mother, who is in her seventies, was at home when they took him away,” the source said. The soldiers who carried out the raid shouted at his family to remain inside the house as Than Tun Oo was taken outside and forced to kneel in the yard. When he had difficulty getting down to the ground due to his weight, the soldiers fired a shot and said they would “help him get on his knees,” the source said. “He agreed to go with them and took his medication for hypertension and cramps with him when he left,” she added. A lieutenant colonel involved in making the arrest accused Than Tun Oo, who was also a well-known community volunteer, of helping to transport weapons for anti-regime forces. However, a thorough search of his home failed to yield any weapons or incriminating evidence. A day later, the family was informed that Than Tun Oo had died of a heart attack and that he had been cremated because he had also contracted Covid-19. “When his mother, two aunts and sister started crying at the news of his death, they were warned to stop or they would face arrest themselves,” said the family friend. Another woman who was a close friend of the victim condemned the military’s callous treatment of the family. “It’s really cruel that they managed to kill a person within 24 hours and then they break the news to his family with a cold heart,” she said. Apart from being overweight, Than Tun Oo did not have any underlying medical conditions, she added. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, since the February 1 coup at least 66 people have died in the regime’s custody within 24 hours of their arrest..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "1. We have observed increased torture, raids, killings and extrajudicial arrests of innocence people in Myanmar including lawless confiscation private lands and houses. 2. On 23rd September 2021, Myanmar Military had illegally raided and detained a group of activists including U Ragu Nay Myint, who is a former political prisoner and Hindu leader actively working on interreligious peace building. 3. We have learnt that people detained form the case are accused with act of terrorism based with baseless accusations and their family are pushed towards difficult situation as their private home are confiscated. 4. We have also observed that on 25th September 2021, Myanmar Military publicly killed and tortured 3 young people on the street in MyaeNegon, Yangon. 5. Myanmar Military has been also committing atrocity crimes and war crimes in Sagaing, Magway regions and other ethnic regions admit shutting down of the internet to cover up their crimes. 6. We strongly condemn all awful acts of Myanmar Military and we affirm our commitment to do anything we can to contribute to the success of the revolution and stand in solidarity with our fellow people of Myanmar.....ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်တပ် ရဲ့ ဆိုးယုတ်နိမ့်ကျသော နည်းလမ်း နှင့် လူမဆန်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် အပြင်းအထန်ရှုတ်ချပြီး ပြည်သူနှင့် အတူ တစ်သားတည်း ရပ်တည်ကာ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင်သည်အထိ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက်မှ သဘောထားကြေညာချက်ထုတ်ပြန် #faiths4springrevolution..."
Source/publisher: The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network
2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A woman detained by Myanmar’s military regime has been hospitalized in Dawei after she was beaten during her interrogation, according to sources close to her. Ma Soe Mie Mie Kyaw, a former English student at Dawei University, was detained on Monday night, along with three other people including a 13-year-old girl, in Dawei, the capital of Tanintharyi Region in southern Myanmar. “Ma Soe Mie Mie Kyaw has the records of donations made to People’s Defense Forces. She was beaten during her interrogation when she was asked about it. We are sure she is now in hospital,” said a member of the Dawei University Students Union who wished to remain anonymous. Initially, Dawei University Students Union said that Ma Soe Mie Mie Kyaw had attempted to commit suicide by drinking methylated spirts after being tortured, and was then taken to hospital. But the secretary of the Dawei University Students Union said he could not confirm those reports. “I am sure she is in the hospital. But I can’t confirm if she took methylated spirits,” said the secretary. Ma Soe Mie Mie Kyaw is now at Dawei Military Hospital. The man and woman detained alongside her – Ko Soe Pyae Aung and Ma Shar Pyae Khin – are being held at Dawei’s main police station. The 13-year-old girl was released by the regime. Last week, junta troops detained five people in Dawei, including three university students and a striking employee of the military-owned Myawaddy Bank and her husband. At least 1,120 people have been killed by the military regime since the February 1 coup and a further 6,698 detained, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Another 1,984 people are the subject of arrest warrants..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Madam President, Special Rapporteur, The people of Myanmar have been pushed beyond the breaking point by the military junta’s continuous atrocities. Since the attempted coup, the junta has killed at least 1,114 and arrested 8,289 people. At least 6,637, including children, are still in detention, with many subjected to torture. The junta continues to respond to the nationwide resistance with unimaginable cruelty and violence, inflicting countless human suffering on the people of Myanmar. It continues to escalate and expand military offensives in Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni and Mon States and in Magway and Sagaing Regions, deliberately and indiscriminately targeting civilians. It is blocking and destroying aid, attacking aid workers, setting villages on fire, looting, destroying properties, conducting mass killings and using people as human shields and forced labourers. In July, the junta killed at least 43 villagers in four mass killings in Sagaing Region. In Mon State, on 3 September, the junta soldiers shot and killed Ei Thwe Moe and her unborn child, and severely injured her husband Puu Day. In Kachin State, the ruthless Infantry Battalian 58 stationed near Waingmaw Township, continues to kill civilians indiscriminately. In Central Myanmar, the junta burned and destroyed essential supplies donated to villagers in Kin Ma village in Magway Region. As recent as on September 18, in Chin state, the junta shot dead a Christian pastor, cut off finger and looted his wedding ring as it burned at least 19 houses in Thantlang Township and shot indiscriminately at civilians, forcing most residents to flee. For nearly eight months the people of Myanmar have bravely resisted the military’s merciless violence while the international community has stood by and watched with no concrete action. These atrocities, that amount to crimes against humanity, are enabled by many states, especially those in the UN Security Council, that continue to prevent action to hold the military to account. Coordinated actions, including global arms embargo, targeted sanctions, and the referral of Myanmar to the ICC, are essential to stop further bloodshed and prevent a nationwide civil war in Myanmar. Thank you..."
Source/publisher: Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
2021-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ https://nugmyanmar.org အပတ်စဉ် သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၆/၂၀၂၁) ၂၄ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၉ ရက်နေ့တွင်အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီးများတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေအနေများကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂလူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီသို့ တင်သွင်းခဲ့သည်။ ထိုအစီရင်ခံစာတွင် တိုင်းဒေသကြီး နှစ်ခု၌ စစ်ကောင်စီက အရပ်သားများအပေါ် စတင်ထိုးစစ်ဆင်၍ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သည့် ဇူလိုင်၊ ဩဂုတ် နှင့်စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ၊ အသက်သေဆုံးသည်အထိ ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများ၊ တရားဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများကို ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်အား လက်နက်များတင်ပို့ရောင်းချခြင်းနှင့် စစ်ရေးအကူအညီပေးအပ်ခြင်းများ ရပ်တန့်ရန်၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ပြီး တရားမျှတမှုအတွက် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုတရားရုံးအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာလုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများ မှတဆင့် ထိထိရောက်ရောက်ဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန်နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်ခံနေရသော စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီးများမှ ပြည်သူများအပါအဝင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ထောက်ပံ့ပေးရန် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနက တောင်းဆိုထားပါသည်။ ၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှု ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက အောက်ပါရည်ရွယ်ချက်များဖြင့် ပေးပို့လာသည့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အခွန်အကောက် ဥပဒေအား ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က အတည်ပြုပြဌာန်းလိုက်သည်။ “၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏အခွန်အကောက်ဥပဒေ ပြဌာန်းရခြင်း ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များ” ၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလ (၁) ရက်နေ့မတိုင်မီ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အခွန်အကောက်ဥပဒေကို မဖြစ်မနေ ပြဌာန်းနိုင်ရေး။ ၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ စစ်အာဏာရှင် ပြုတ်ကျရေးအတွက် အဓိက လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသည့် ဘဏ္ဍာရန်ပုံငွေများကို အခွန်ထမ်းပြည်သူများ ကိုယ်တိုင် လိုလားစွာ ပေးဆောင်နိုင်သည့် အခွန်နှုန်းထားများနှင့် အညီ ကောက်ခံရရှိနိုင်ရေး။ ၃။ ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် အဓိက ဝန်ထုတ်ဝန်ပိုးမဖြစ်စေမည့် အခွန်နှုန်းထားများကို ခေတ်ကာလ အခြေအနေ နှင့်လျော်ညီစွာ ပြဌာန်းပြီး ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အမြန်ဆုံးအောင်မြင်နိုင်စေရေးအတွက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး။ ၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ဘတ်ဂျက်အသုံးစရိတ်လိုအပ်ချက်ကို ပြည်သူများလိုလားစွာ ထမ်းဆောင်သည့် အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာရန်ပုံငွေများဖြင့် စနစ်တကျ သုံးစွဲနိုင်ရေး။ ၃။ ကာကွယ်မှုပေးရန် တာဝန်ရှိမှု (Responsibility to Protect) ဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးအဆင့် နှစ်စဉ်အစည်းအဝေးကို “ကာကွယ်မှုပေးရန် တာဝန်ရှိမှုနှင့် ဆိုးဝါးပြင်းထန်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များ ကာကွယ်တားဆီးမှု တွင် အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးများ၏ အခန်းကဏ္ဍ” ခေါင်းစဉ်ဖြင့် စက်တင်ဘာ ၂၀ ရက်တွင် ကျင်းပခဲ့ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာ သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်း တက်ရောက် စကားပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။ ပြောကြားမှုတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု အပါအဝင် အခြားဆိုးဝါးသော ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်မှုများကို ကာကွယ်တားဆီးရေးနှင့် ပြစ်မှု ကျူးလွန်သူများကို တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိရေး တို့အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်း၏ ထောက်ခံ အားပေးမှုဟာ အထူးအရေးကြီးကြောင်း၊ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ ပြစ်ဒဏ် ခတ်ခြင်းမှကင်းလွတ်နေသော ဆိုးဝါးသည့် အစဉ်အလာကို ရပ်တန့်ရာမှာ နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေး ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ကူညီဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန် တိုက်တွန်းကြောင်း၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ စိစစ်မှတ်တမ်းတွေအရ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနှင့် ကျား/မ အခြေခံသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုသည် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်စစ်ဆင်ရေး၏ ဝိသေသ လက္ခဏာ ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် ပဋိပက္ခ ဖြစ်ပွားမှုနှင့်ဆက်စပ်ပြီး လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုဟာ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ စစ်ဗျူဟာ တစ်ရပ် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့၊ ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည့် ပြစ်မှုများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ အရေးယူနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်တရားရုံး၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လွတ်လပ်သော စုံစမ်း စစ်ဆေးရေးယန္တရား အပါအဝင် အခြားအပြည်ပြည် ဆိုင်ရာ တရားဥပဒေ၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု ဆိုင်ရာ ယန္တရားများနှင့် ဆက်လက်ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းတို့ ပါဝင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: A 20-year-old protest leader dies in Demoso Township after arriving in Kayah State in early September to join the armed resistance against the coup regime
Description: "A member of the Karenni National Defence Force (KNDF) was killed in a clash with the Myanmar army in Kayah (Karenni) State’s Demoso Township this week, according to a statement released by the group on Wednesday. The soldier was 20-year-old Sai Bhone Min Thant, one of his close friends told Myanmar Now. “I heard that they were shelled. We can’t even get his body back yet, let alone bury him,” the friend said. Before joining the KNDF, Sai Bhone Min Thant had led anti-coup protests in his native Mandalay, and before the February 1 military coup he had been a student at the Mandalay Government Technical Institute. “He always protected us during the protests. He was a good leader. It’s such a great loss,” his friend said, adding that Sai Bhone Min Thant had travelled to Kayah State in early September to join the armed resistance against the junta. During a Wednesday protest in Mandalay against the military council, demonstrators held photos of the late Sai Bhone Min Thant to honour his contribution to the movement. The battle in which he died broke out on Monday in Daw Poe Si village, when a joint force made up of the KNDF, the Karenni Army and the Demoso People’s Defence Force attacked around 300 junta troops, but were later forced to withdraw by the military’s heavy artillery fire. The military council has not released any information regarding casualties on their side during the clash..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-09-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ထန်ထလန်မြို့နယ်အတွင်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် သဘောထား ထုတ်ပြန်ချက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၂၂) ရက် ချင်းရေးရာအဖွဲ့ချုပ်သည် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်ပစ်ခတ်မှုများကြောင့် စစ်ဘေး ဒဏ်နှင့် ကြီးမားသော ဆုံးရှုံးမှု ခံစားနေရသည့် ထန်တလန်ပြည်သူများနှင့်အတူ ထပ်တူထပ်မျှ ဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲရပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်သည် ထန်ထလန်မြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ လူနေအိမ်များနှင့် ပြည်သူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ကျူးလွန်နေကြောင်း ထင်ရှားနေပါသည်။ ဩဂုတ်လ (၂၅) ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ ထန်တလန်မြို့တွင်းသို့ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းကားပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် နေအိမ်ထဲတွင် ပုန်းခိုနေသည့် (၁၀) နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေး ကျည်ထိမှန် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရပြီး ပြည်သူ (၉) ဦး ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့သည်။ နေအိမ်အများအပြား ကျည်ထိမှန် ပျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ ဩဂုတ်လ (၂၇) ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ ပစ်ခတ်သည့် မပေါက်ကွဲဘဲ ကျန်နေသည့် လက်နက်ကြီးကျည်ဆံအား နေအိမ်မှ ဖယ်ရှားရန် ကြိုးစားရာမှ ပေါက်ကွဲမှု ဖြစ်ခဲ့ကာ အိမ်ရှင် ဖြစ်သူနှင့် (၁၄) နှစ်အရွယ် သားဖြစ်သူ သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး ပြည်သူ (၁၁) ဦး ပြင်းထန်စွာ ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၉) ရက်နေ့ မွန်းလွဲပိုင်းတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ မြို့တွင်းစစ်ဆေးမှုများကြောင့် ပစ်ခတ်မှုဖြစ်ပွားရာ ထန်တလန်မြို့ အမှတ် (၂) ရပ်ကွက်မှ နေအိမ် (၁) လုံး မီးလောင်ပြီး၊ Thantlang Baptist Church (TBC) ဘုရားကျောင်း အဆောက်အအုံခေါင်မိုးများ ကျည်ထိခဲ့ ရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် (၉) လအရွယ်ကလေးငယ်၊ ၁၅ နှစ်အရွယ် မိန်းကလေးတစ်ဦး၊ (၂၃) နှစ်နှင့် (၅၅) နှစ်အရွယ် အမျိုးသမီးနှစ်ဦး စုစုပေါင်း ပြည်သူ (၄) ဦးလည်း ကျည်ထိဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာ (၁၀) ရက်နေ့တွင် လုံလဲရ်ကျေးရွာရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီစခန်းအနီးတိုက်ပွဲတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ တိုက်လေယာဉ်အသုံးပြုကာ လုံလဲရ်ကျေးရွာအပေါ် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ရာ နေအိမ် (၃၄) အိမ်ခန့် ဗုံးဒဏ်သင့်ခဲ့ရပြီး Methodist Church၊COTR (Church on The Rock) နှင့် Baptist Library အဆောက်အအုံများ ပျက်စီးခဲ့ရသည်။ စက်တင်ဘာ (၁၄) ရက်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ လက်နက်ကြီး ပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် ထန်တလန်မြို့ ရှိ Johnson Memorial Baptist Church (JMBC) ဘုရားကျောင်းအမိုးများနှင့် ပြတင်း ပေါက်များ ပျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာ (၁၈) ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ မြို့တွင်းသို့ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် အစိုးရအဆောက်အအုံအပါအဝင် လူနေ အိမ် (၁၉) ခန့် မီးလောင်ကျွမ်း ခဲ့ရသည်။ မီးလောင်ဆုံးရှုံးမှုတန်ဖိုးမှာ ကျပ်သိန်း နှစ်ထောင်မှ သုံးထောင်ဝန်းကျင်ခန့်ရှိကြောင်း သိရှိရပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် မီးငြိမ်းသတ်ရန် ရောက်လာသည့် ခရစ်ယာန် ဓမ္မဆရာ Pastor Cung Biak Hum အား စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ ပစ်ခတ်ကာ လက်သူကြွယ်ဖြတ်ပြီး လက်ထပ်လက်စွပ်၊ ဖုန်းနှင့် နာရီတို့ကိုပါ ခိုးယူခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ ကျေးရွာလူနေအိမ်များအပေါ် တိုက်လေယာဉ်အသုံးပြု၍ ဗုံးကြဲ တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ ဘာသာရေးအဆောက်အအုံများအား ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ မြို့ပေါ်လူနေ အိမ်များအတွင်း လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းကားပစ်ခတ်ခြင်းတို့သည် စစ်ပွဲဆိုင်ရာကျင့်ဝတ် များကိုဖောက်ဖျက်ပြီး လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ပြစ်မှုမြောက်ပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင် စီတပ်သည် မိမိတို့ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် တာဝန်အပြည့်ယူရမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သိစေအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Institute of Chin Affairs
2021-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ဟားခါးမြို့နှင့် ထန်တလန်မြို့အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၂၂ ရက် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၈)ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များမှ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ဟားခါးမြို့နှင့် ထန်တလန်မြို့များတွင် လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းသမ်းပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့ရာ ဘာသာရေး အဆောက်အဦအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူ့အိုးအိမ်ပေါင်းများစွာ မီးလောင် ပျက်ဆီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၎င်းအပြင် မီးလောင်ကျွမ်းမှုကို ငြိမ်းသတ်ရန် သွားရောက်သည့် ထန်တလန်မြို့မှ ခရစ်ယာန်ဘာသာရေးသင်းအုပ်ဆရာတစ်ပါးအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များမှ ပစ်သတ်၍ ဆရာတော်၏ လက်သူကြွယ်ဖြတ်ပြီး ဝတ်ဆင်ထားသော လက်ထပ်လက်စွပ်နှင့် လက်ပတ်နာရီအား ယူသွားကြပါသည်။ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ဟားခါးမြို့နှင့် ထန်တလန်မြို့၏ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာမှုများနှင့် ဆုံးရှုံးမှုများအတွက် CNO/CNDF မှ ထပ်တူဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲမိပါသည်။ မိမိတို့ ချင်းဌာနေတွင် လူမဆန်စွာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုအပေါ် ပြင်းထန်စွာ ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချကြောင်းနှင့် ချင်းတမျိူးသားလုံးနှင့်အတူ CNO/CNDF မှ သွေးကြွေးဆပ် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Chin National Organization
2021-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Yaw Region, once a haven of peace and tranquility, is now a war zone with civilian resistance fighters battling Myanmar’s military regime. Local people in Yaw – which comprises Gangaw, Hteelin, Saw and Kyukhtu townships in Magwe Region and which is located between the Pongtaung-Ponnya mountain range on the western banks of the Chindwin River and the Chin Hills – are rebelling against military rule with whatever weapons they have. Most of the villages in Yaw support the National League for Democracy Party, whose government was ousted by the Myanmar military in a February 1 coup. But the area is also home to military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party strongholds, where Pyu Saw Htee groups – militia trained and armed by the junta – are active. Civilian resistance fighters in Yaw have only traditional hunting rifles to battle junta forces, who significantly outnumber them. As a result, the number of civilian deaths, displaced people and homes destroyed in junta raids is increasing. The memory of what happened on September 9 in Myin Thar, a large village in Yaw with a population of 3,800 people, will haunt the villagers for the rest of their life. It was a tragic and painful sight for people resisting the military regime. On the morning of September 9, Myin Thar was thrown into chaos after locals heard that junta troops were torching nearby Thar Lin Village, located to the west of Myin Thar on the opposite bank of the Myitthar River. Then, junta troops and armed men in sports shorts came across the bridge that links Thar Lin and Myin Thar villages. A firefight erupted at 10am between civilian resistance fighters and the regime forces. The resistance fighters were forced to withdraw after the junta troops used heavy weapons. A total of 18 people, including teenage boys and senior citizens, died in Myin Thar on September 9, and some 20 houses were burned down by the junta forces. “We formed a defense group out of fear that our village might be raided and torched. We defended for around 45 minutes with traditional hunting rifles after they opened fire on us. We are upset,” said one villager. Regime spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun said junta troops went to Myin Thar in response to a tip that a local People’s Defense Force (PDF) was active there. The junta spokesperson claimed that the regime forces were attacked by some 50 men near the village. One soldier died and the military seized 23 rifles and eight homemade grenade launchers, added Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun. But he did not mention the deaths of the 18 villagers. Locals said that the armed men in civilian clothes who fought alongside the junta troops are Pyu Saw Htee members. Some villagers were killed after the junta forces entered the village. And since September 9, the village is enveloped in silence and grief and the residents live in fear of another attack. Piles of corpses were found. Almost all of them had been shot in the head, suggesting that the victims, many already wounded, were executed. “Most of them were shot in the head. Their heads were broken and their brains spilled out like a ripe papaya that has fallen from a tree,” said one resident. U Tun Ngwe, 86, was found dead with signs that he had been tied up and beaten to death. A 50-year-old paralyzed man barely able to walk had been shot dead in a chair in his house. It appears that every male that the junta forces encountered was shot dead. Some villagers fled to the forest or the village monastery. Around 20 junta soldiers and armed men came to the monastery and threatened to shoot those in hiding if they did not come out. Residents including elderly persons, women, mothers and children were forced to kneel down for more than an hour and interrogated. “Your children and brothers must have been among those killed in the fighting. Go and collect their bodies at the bridge. There are at least ten of them. Go and collect their bodies after we leave,” the junta soldiers reportedly told the villagers. Junta troops burned and looted houses, said witnesses. The following morning, they torched more houses before they left. Then, the residents returned to their homes and collected bodies. The youngest victim was barely 16. “Some of the victims were the only sons in their families and their parents broke down. Since that day, everyone in the village, whether young or old, is in tears,” said a resident. Junta forces have also raided some 15 villages in Gangaw Township, killing more than 20 locals and displacing thousands of villagers. They have raided Hnan Kha Village in Gangaw four times, destroying some 50 houses. In response to junta attacks, the combined forces of the Gangaw PDF and the Chin Defense Force-Hakha have ambushed military convoys on the Gangaw-Kale Road with mines. People everywhere in Yaw were very upset when they saw the pictures of the young victims from Myin Thar Village, alongside the rudimentary rifles they had used to defend themselves from the regime troops. “They [junta forces] are too inhumane. I can’t bear hearing their voices,” said one female Yaw resident. “I don’t want to experience this anymore. I wish other people also did not have to face this. I believe we will win the fight. We are not afraid of the junta forces, but we feel disgusted by them,” she added. Many Myin Thar villagers are too upset to return to their village and are staying elsewhere. The victims who died on September 9 were cremated near the bridge at the entrance of the village. Residents plan to plant a garden in their memory in the future..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-09-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A Chin Christian pastor was shot dead and his wedding ring was looted by Myanmar junta soldiers who cut off the pastor’s finger during an urban clash with civilian resistance forces in Thantlang Township, Chin State on Saturday. On the day, a six-hour prolonged firefight between junta forces and a combined force of the Chinland Defense Force-Thantlang (CDF-T) and the Chin National Army (CNA) occurred in Thantlang. The CDF-T claimed that more than 30 junta troops were killed during the firefight with no casualties on the civilian forces’ side. In the afternoon, 19 houses were set ablaze when junta soldiers opened fire randomly into the town with heavy weapons and explosives. Christian pastor Cung Biak Hum was shot dead by the junta forces when he went outside to help put out the fires caused by the military’s artillery fire. Following the killing and burning down of the houses in the town, the Chin Baptist Convention (CBC) on Sunday issued a statement condemning the atrocities of junta forces against civilians in Chin State. “We are deeply hurt and frightened by the killing of the pastor and stripping of a golden ring by cutting off his finger, as well as the looting of other belongings; [a] watch and mobile phone,” the CBC said in a statement. Most of the residents of Thantlang have reportedly fled the town after seeing the intense violence committed by the junta forces. Myanmar has seen armed resistance by civilians against the junta in Chin State since late April, after junta forces failed to release detained anti-regime protesters in the mountaintop town of Mindat. Last week, a combined force of the CDF-T and CNA seized and burned down a military outpost in Lungler Village near the Indian border west of Thantlang. On Saturday night, at least five people including a child were injured and two houses were burnt to ashes when junta forces randomly opened fire with heavy artillery in residential areas in Hakha, the capital of Chin State..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-09-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-20
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Description: "1. CBC (Chin Baptist Convention), one of the 18 Language & Region Conventions of MBC (Myanmar Baptist Convention) released a statement on the 19th of September 2021. Reading upon the shocking news, KBC (Kachin Baptist Convention) members are saddened by the news, and KBC would like to convey that we are in this together. 2. As stated in CBC’s statement, KBC, too, strongly condemns the inhumane murder of Pastor Cung Biak Hum, the torching of churches, buildings, and houses, and the barbaric acts of threatening the security and life of the pastors, the members of churches and the civilians in Chin state. 3. Since 1st of February 2021, the citizens of Myanmar face with immense worries and feeling of hopelessness for the future. Hence, KBC’s stand is: the wills and voices of the citizens must be implemented by standing on the side of the truth..."
Source/publisher: Kachin Baptist Convention
2021-09-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In the seven months which have now passed since the junta’s attempted coup, the people of Burma/Myanmar have been forced to endure multiple grievances, all of which have taken a toll on the state’s economy and socio-political affairs. The whole country has been pushed back to living under constant threads and insecurity. The military has used all forms of violence including arrest, killing, torture and sexual assault to suppress any actions taken against the coup. The junta also employs state-controlled media to defame women who have joined resistance forces. The junta’s spokesperson in particular has used sexist and patriarchal language against these brave women in an attempt to discredit them. After the arrest, the people continue to suffer from the violence during the interrogation process and in detention. Three dozen civilians have already been tortured to death following interrogations by the military. Many died within 24 hours of being tortured. Eighty- two percent of those in detention are in locations that the junta has not disclosed. At this moment, it is impossible to know how many more women and children are being abused under the scrutiny and increased surveillance of the junta. Women face various challenges as they face the onslaught of the pandemic in the midst of the coup and crippling internal conflict. Female health workers are under attack as they join the hundreds forced to go underground as the junta seeks out medical professionals with any connection to the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2021-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "AN INTRODUCTION TO MYANMAR’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT: On 8 November 2020, Myanmar held a third round of national elections since the start of an extended reform process instigated by the 2008 Constitution and national elections in 2010 and 2015. This reform process was premised on the country transitioning away from military dictatorship and civil war and towards peace and federalism. During the November 2020 elections, the military-backed political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), lost decisively to the National League for Democracy (NLD), which is led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Subsequently, the USDP and the military started to make false claims of widespread electoral fraud. Both domestic and international election monitors had deemed the poll fair and credible. Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, launched a coup d’état on 1 February 2021, removing the elected NLD government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint. The Tatmadaw’s commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing took power, forming a dictatorial body of the “State Administration Council” (SAC), composed largely of generals. The Tatmadaw also announced a “one-year-long state of emergency” and that multi-party elections would be held at the end of this year. This period was subsequently extended by SAC in July. The generals announced, unsurprisingly, that elections would not be held within one year of the coup but instead would not be held until at least August 2023. Despite their own unconstitutional actions in the form of a coup, the Tatmadaw cynically contends that the 2008 Constitution is still sacrosanct. Opposition to the Tatmadaw’s unconstitutional and coercive action was quick and nation-wide. Peaceful protests spread across the entire country demanding the release of all political prisoners and the return of the elected government. The Tatmadaw’s claims of electoral fraud were met with widespread contempt from the Myanmar people because of the military’s distinctly toxic history of launching coups and denying or corrupting elections. As peaceful protests were expanding across the country in early February, a novel movement also began to emerge. This movement intended to demonstrate both moral and ethical repulsion at the actions of the coup leaders but also to begin applying peaceful pressure on the military regime to relinquish power. The first incident of what would quickly grow into a national movement occurred on 2nd February. Medical doctors and other healthcare workers at the Mandalay General Hospital, all civil servants, posted social media statements that they would not work for an illegal military regime. As Naypyidaw surgeon Zwe Min Aung recounted to the Voice of America, “At the time, we really disagreed [with] this [the military coup], and we created [a] small group in Mandalay hospital and other hospitals, too. We distributed the statement on February 2 from Facebook and the nationwide CDM began.”2 Though CDM began as an online campaign but has expanded into a wider prodemocracy movement as civil servants from across the ministries started to boycott the military regime. As the movement gained momentum, ever wider parts of Myanmar society joined to make their opposition to the junta known.....MYANMAR’S PEOPLE REJECT MILITARY DICTATORSHIP: Myanmar is not a failed state. Its condition is not that of chronic state weakness caused by civil war, corruption, or entrenched dictatorship. Rather, it is a country where the public, as well as both the private and public sectors, reject the military coup staged on 1 February 2021. In this sense, Myanmar is a country where the near entirety of the population - including civil servants and the private sector – is staging a general strike to peacefully protest the illegal seizure of power by the Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw. This effort is the CDM, a non-violent endeavour of an entire population to resist brutal dictatorship. By early-2021, the public had experienced nearly a decade of civilian leadership, economic growth and more generally reform and positive change. This was particularly so after the fully free elections in 2015 that brought the NLD political party, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to power. The prospects of returning to decades of impoverishment and dictatorial violence through Tatmadaw rule was revolting to the tens of millions of Myanmar citizens who sought to show their unwillingness to accept the coup through peaceful demonstrations in countless villages, towns, and cities across the country. CDM is composed of three major groups from the Myanmar people: the general public, private sector businesses and associations, and civil service personnel. CDM by Myanmar’s Public Since the 1 February coup, countless protests have taken place daily across the entire country to show solidarity for CDM and to demonstrate an absolute rejection of the junta. Over February and March, hundreds-of-thousands of normal Myanmar citizens gathered across the country’s cities, towns, and villages to demonstrate their anger and demand a future of federal democracy. These early mass demonstrations served to unite the various societies within Myanmar. The revulsion of the junta is near universal. For instance, Myanmar’s national football team refused to play under military dictatorship, while hundreds of monks led a prayer session supporting CDM and protestors. Numerous professional associations have regularly demonstrated on the streets wearing their respective attires (doctors, nurses, engineers, teachers, and lawyers). Women have been prominent in the protests and LGBTs groups have also joined protests. The mass protests were not limited to one ethnic group or a particular area of the country. They were across the entire country, spanning religious, ethnic, and socio-economic lines. What united all the millions of people peacefully protesting was a shared desire for a better future defined by a path of democratization, peace, and economic development. The traumas of decades of brutal dictatorship, civil war and crushing impoverishment under the military are too painful to accept returning to. As such, some of the most common placards held high delivered the key messages - “Respect Our Votes” and “Say No to Coup.” Some young women joined early protests playfully wearing wedding gowns and holding placards with messages such as “we don’t accept military coup.” Myanmar’s people just want a normal life for themselves and their families. They know the military will never provide that. Given its toxic history, Myanmar’s military predictably resorted to mass violence against peaceful protesters as they have done so many times over the decades since independence in 1948. Large protests were no longer possible by the end of March after the military started regularly using war weaponry automatic rifles, rocket propelled grenades, and machine guns to disperse peaceful protest rallies. Despite this violence by an organization claiming to protect the people, viz. a national army, Myanmar’s people have continued to protest across the country using novel methods - such as so-called ‘flash mobs’ - to avoid opportunities by the junta to kill. Such is their determination and despite the risk of death, Myanmar’s people can still be seen from the smallest villages to the largest cities demonstrating their desire for a return to democracy and a better future..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: At least 25 civilians are believed to have been killed by the junta in the Magway Region township less than one week after troops began terrorising villages in the area
Description: "Locals found the bodies of five more villagers killed in Magway Region’s Gangaw Township this week, presumably by junta troops who have been occupying this area of northwestern Myanmar since September 9. At least three of the bodies showed signs of torture, according to eyewitnesses. Oo Thu, age 30, and Maung Shwe, 50, were found on Monday just south of their home village of Hmwae Lal, 50km from Gangaw town. Their bodies were bruised and they had been shot in the stomach. Another body of a 30-year-old man with an intellectual disability was found on Tuesday and had been visibly mutilated, according to a local. He was also from Hmwae Lal. “There was a knife wound on his neck. It appears that they slit his throat. We are assuming that they stabbed him first, cut off his private parts and ultimately slit his throat,” the local said. The three villagers went missing on September 11 when the junta soldiers who occupied Hmwae Lal that day arrested them, the local said. The troops moved on to station themselves in other villages the following day. The bodies of two men in their 20s from Yae Shin—15km from Hmwae Lal—were also found on Tuesday afternoon in the forest outside their village. They were identified as Naing Lin Tun and Phoe Phyu, who had gone missing while returning to Yae Shin from Gangaw on September 12. “They were working in Gangaw. One of them worked as a helper on buses. The other was a construction worker. They were coming back home from work when they ran into the soldiers,” a Yae Shin local told Myanmar Now. Citing eyewitnesses, he added that 400,000 kyat (US$218) in cash and the two men’s mobile phones were missing and the motorcycle they had been riding had been burned and destroyed. The men were cremated on the same day they were found. None of the five victims were involved in the anti-dictatorship movement, according to the local sources, who also said they believed the military council’s troops were responsible for the killings. All Myanmar Now’s calls to the junta’s spokesperson regarding the murders went unanswered. On Wednesday morning, resistance forces from the Yaw region of Magway—an area comprised of Gangaw, Htilin and Saw townships—calling themselves the Yaw Defence Force (YDF) ambushed the junta’s troops stationed in the village of Kyauk Pyoke, according to a spokesperson from the group. Kyauk Pyoke is located some 30km from Hmwae Lal in neighbouring Sagaing Region’s Kalay Township on the east side of Myittha River. The YDF collaborated with a Kalay-based guerrilla force to carry out the attack and reportedly killed six soldiers and injured one. “All of our troops came away unscathed. The military units have been patrolling the area around the village. We caught them by surprise,” he told Myanmar Now. Since Monday, the troops had been occupying Kyauk Pyoke and Kyaukse—also in Sagaing—after the Kalay-based guerrilla force ambushed their convoy and killed two soldiers near the villages. Following the National Unity Government’s September 7 declaration of war on the coup regime, the military intensified their attacks on villages in the Yaw region in an effort to crush the armed resistance and local support for it. From September 9 until 14—the first six days of the junta’s terrorisation of Gangaw—locals have said at least 25 civilians were killed and almost 100 houses were burned down. Military units raided the village of Thar Lin on the morning of September 9, then clashed with local resistance forces as they attempted to occupy Myin Thar village, resulting in the deaths of 18 locals, including multiple teenaged minors. Once the troops took Myin Thar, they reportedly burned down some 20 homes in the village. On both September 11 and 13, the junta raided Hnan Khar village on the Kalay-Gangaw road, and burned down nearly 50 homes. On the day between the two raids on Hnan Khar, September 12, soldiers ransacked Htei Hlaw village, killing a member of the People’s Defence Force (PDF) and a 55-year-old man. They also reportedly set fire to 27 homes. In Kyaukse, a village on the border between Gangaw and Kalay Township in Sagaing Region, junta troops burned down two homes and killed two elderly people who had been seeking refuge from the violence in a monastery. Local PDFs have said that the military council has suffered dozens of casualties in attacks by resistance forces. The junta has not made a statement on the matter. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of September 14, there have been at least 1,089 civilians killed at the hands of the military council since the February 1 coup..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-09-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "HURFOM: A new briefing paper by the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM), “We have lost our private sphere:” the infringement of privacy rights under the military junta in Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region, finds civilian rights to privacy have been eroded by the power-seeking junta. Since the attempted coup on 1 February, the regime has taken steps to extend their authority into civilian homes and their personal devices. Through premeditated amendments to Burma’s legal framework, the junta has endeavored to justify their assault on fundamental privacy rights. Homes of prominent activists and democratically elected officials have been raided by military forces. Innocent civilians have been forced to hand over their mobile devices as soldiers try to extract evidence of pro-democracy activities. Their actions are all in violation of basic privacy laws which grant citizens protection from excessive state-oversight into their personal belongings and housing. In pursuit of evidence to criminalize civilians who have overwhelmingly opposed the coup, the junta has made amendments to several laws. Based on cases HURFOM collected between March and August 2021, the following laws were violated by the junta in Mon State, Karen State and Dawei: Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens: 89 cases Ward or Village Tract Administration Law: 62 cases Penal Code: 35 cases Electronic Transactions Law: 14 cases In the strongest possible terms, HURFOM condemns the attacks on civilian livelihoods, which have created a climate of fear and intimidation. The junta is deliberately violating democratic norms and principles by extorting local people for information and financial gain. Changing the laws to accommodate their ruthlessness is cowardly and shows signs of weakness, not strength. We call for an immediate end to the junta’s illegitimate oversight and access into civilian lives and property. Laws must be reformed to protect the people – not advance the interests of the regime. HURFOM’s extensive documentation of crimes against civilians since the coup is evident that no matter how brutal or harsh their policies are, the military cannot break the spirit of the people..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
2021-09-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Almost 30 civilians in Kayah State have been detained recently by the Myanmar military on suspicion of anti-regime activities, the Karenni Human Rights Group (KHRG) told The Irrawaddy. 26 people were arrested between August 27 and September 12 in Demoso and Loikaw townships. Military tensions are running high between junta troops and Karenni resistance forces in those areas, according to the KHRG, an independent civil society organization that monitors the human rights situation in Kayah State for the United Nations and international human rights agencies. On September 9, four timber truck drivers were detained in Demoso. Prior to that, 12 farmers were arrested in Tee Lon village in Loikaw, according to Ko Banyar of the KHRG. Another five men were detained in Loikaw after junta forces found anti-regime photos on their phones. A photo widely circulated on social media recently shows two teenage boys making a three-finger salute – a sign of opposition to military rule – with their hands tied and the rope being held by a man in Myanmar military uniform who was sitting beside them. Reports said that the photo was taken before the teenagers were shot dead by junta troops. However, the two were later identified as 14 and 15 year-olds from Demoso who were subsequently sent to a junta interrogation center, said Demoso residents. In August, regime troops detained seven men, including a 15-year-old, in Demoso, and eight villagers including a woman in Hpruso. Four men, including the 15-year-old, were released in the first week of September. The others are believed to still be under detention. The KHRG reported that junta troops had tortured detained civilians and also used them as human shields when travelling in conflict zones. Military regime spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun denied arresting civilians in Kayah State. “We haven’t arrested anyone who is not a member of a People’s Defense Force (PDF). We have only arrested those who were involved in clashes. We don’t arrest people if we have no evidence. All those who were detained were caught along with weapons and ammunition. There might have been interrogations [of civilians]. But it is done for security,” said the regime spokesman. Kayah State is largely stable except in certain villages that are rebelling, added Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun. Karenni resistance forces from the Karenni Army, the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force and local PDF’s have been fighting regime troops in Demoso and Loikaw since late May. Clashes intensified after the parallel National Unity Government declared a nationwide war against the junta on September 7. Fighting broke out on the evening of September 7 between local resistance forces and junta soldiers stationed in Daw Poe Si village at the border of Demoso and Loikaw townships. Six houses in 5th Mile and 6th Mile villages burned down after junta forces fired artillery following the clash, forcing residents to flee their homes. Clashes have ceased since September 12, but locals are not yet returning to their homes as military tensions remain high in the area. Junta troops have been making surprise checks on travellers in Loikaw and Demoso, as well as detaining and beating suspects, said a displaced woman from Ngwe Taung Village. “Men are checked more especially. Previously, they only asked you where you are going and what you are going to do. But now they are asking your name, your ID number, phone number, and they note down your motorbike or car number plate. They even check the gallery and contacts on your phone. You can get arrested if they find a photo that they think is suspicious. So many people are not returning to their villages. The checks and inspections are quite tight,” she said. Kayah State has a population of over 280,000 people, according to 2019 statistics, and half of them have been displaced by the recent fighting in the state, the Karenni State Consultative Council told The Irrawaddy..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-09-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-14
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Description: "At least a dozen civilians were killed by junta forces in Magwe, Sagaing and Yangon regions during the weekend. On Sunday, junta forces killed two brothers in Taungdwingyi Township, Magwe Region, after a telecom mast belonging to the military-owned Mytel, one of four telecom operators in Myanmar, was destroyed. Resistance fighters said in a statement that the troops tortured villagers as they interrogated them over the incident and two were killed. Four other villagers were detained, it added. Telecom towers owned by Myanmar’s military are being targeted by resistance fighters following the shadow National Unity Government’s declaration of war against the junta on September 7. The junta troops also burned several houses during raids on Hnan Khar and Htet Hlaw villages on Gangaw Township in the region, a resistance stronghold, over the weekend. According to residents, a villager and resistance fighter were shot dead by junta troops in Htet Hlaw on Sunday morning during a raid. Around 30 houses were also burned down during the raid, forcing villagers to flee. Villagers said they found the two bodies when they returned to put out the fires. On Monday morning, junta troops torched Hnan Khar, burning at least 10 houses. Nearly 40 houses have been partially or completely destroyed in the village since Friday. In Myaung Township, Sagaing Region, seven villagers, who were trapped in their village during clashes between junta forces and resistance fighters, were reportedly shot dead by regime soldiers. In Yangon Region, 36-year-old Ko Aung Ko was shot dead after he reportedly failed to stop his car at a checkpoint on Saturday night. His wife, who was a passenger, was shot and is in a critical condition. Since the February coup, junta forces have killed at least 1,080 people, including teenagers, children, student activists, protesters, politicians, bystanders and pedestrians. More than 8,000 people have been detained of whom 6,398 remain in custody, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-09-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Republic of the Union of Myanmar National Unity Government https://nugmyanmar.org Press Release (14/2021) 13 September 2021 MYANMAR, September 13, 2021. The Myanmar National Unity Government (NUG) announced the people's defensive revolution against the military junta on September 7, 2021. It issued an order declaring a State of Emergency in the country, closing all government offices for an indefinite period, and a directive outlining the Code of Conduct for People’s Defense Forces. The announcement was met with overwhelming support from the people. Min Aung Hlaing’s military junta continues to commit atrocities against the people of Myanmar and has dragged the country into instability and severe economic, humanitarian, and health crises in the last seven months. Immediately after the attempted coup, millions in Myanmar joined non-violent resistance movements and peaceful protests. The military responded with violence, killing more than 1,000 unarmed protesters, arbitrarily detaining more than 7,000 people, looting and destruction of civilian properties, and violating International Human Rights and Humanitarian Laws in its offensive operation against ethnic areas. With the illegal and failed coup having entered its eighth month, it is clear that the military junta is not interested in a peaceful political settlement but will continue to use violence in an attempt to gain power. The NUG, as the legitimate government of Myanmar, has the solemn responsibility to protect the interests and security of our people and bring stability back to the country. With the failure of various political and diplomatic efforts to stop the military’s brutality in the past eight months, local communities are forced to form defense forces and to defend themselves from continuous military atrocities. The NUG restates its commitment to ensuring that needs to create a unified chain of command amongst People’s Defense Forces, respect the NUG’s Code of Conduct which are in line with International Human Rights and Humanitarian Laws, and the Geneva Conventions. The NUG has also accepted the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, meaning that all actors in Myanmar can now be held accountable for their actions under the Rome Statute. The NUG is striving to save Myanmar from the root cause of Myanmar’s civil wars and crises—the military. The People’s Defense Forces will play a very important role in reforming Myanmar’s security sector in the future and ensuring the establishment of a Federal Army that respects and follows international law, protects the people, and serves the Federal Democratic Union under civilian rule. At the same time, the NUG is giving a clear message to the forces of the military that they have a choice – they are ordered to depart immediately from their posts and seek the protection of the People’s Defense Forces and EAOs (Ethnic Armed Organizations). The NUG has invited and continues to invite members of the military and police forces to join with the people and the NUG. The NUG will ensure the security and safety of those who join and of their families, and make arrangements for those who wish to continue their duties as soldiers. The NUG, as the legitimate government of Myanmar, appreciates and recognizes various international efforts in support of Myanmar, and will continue its own efforts to engage the international community and respect international laws in implementing our goals and objectives. We note however, that, by default, the military has been invited to officially participate in some international meetings by some States, and is forging military and economic deals with some other countries thereby illegally encroaching on the legitimacy of the NUG as the sole representative of the people of Myanmar. In addition, the military has rejected the efforts of many international organizations and agencies to deliver health aid to the people, causing countless needless deaths from COVID-19, while generating instability and health crises across the region. The international community obviously cannot be relied upon to intercede on behalf of the democracy movement and secure the safety and well-being of the people of Myanmar from the frontal and brutal assault of the military junta. For that reason, the last seven months have clearly shown that national solidarity and collective action will be the most effective way to end the coup, chaos, and instability caused by the military. As the people continue to resist military rule, escalation of violence from the military is inevitable. The excessive and deadly force already used against peaceful protesters by the military has driven young people to take up a force-ready self-defensive revolution. The people across Myanmar have already formed the defense groups and initiated the defense activities, and the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) are preparing to defend themselves from military forces entering into their areas to attack villages. PDF have joined hands with the EAOs in their various states and regions to develop more coordinated defense plans. The NUG calls for the unity of all the people of Myanmar to uproot the military oppressors – the perpetrators of violence against the people – for good and to establish a peaceful federal democratic union that fully safeguards equality, freedom, inclusion and democracy for all. It further calls on the international community to recognize the NUG as the legitimate government of the people. As such, the NUG will listen to the demands of the people of Myanmar and respond to their need for protection from the military’s brutality. We acknowledge and accept our right and our duty to defend the people..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-09-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ https://nugmyanmar.org သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၄/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၃) ရက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက စစ်ကောင်စီအား ခုခံတွန်းလှန်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး စတင်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၇) ရက်နေ့စွဲဖြင့် ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ တိုင်းပြည်အား အရေးပေါ် အခြေအနေ ကြေညာ၍ အစိုးရရုံးများအား ရက်အကန့်အသတ်မရှိ ပိတ်ထားကြောင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များ လိုက်နာရမည့် ကျင့်ဝတ်စည်းကမ်းများ ကိုလည်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်ကို ပြည်သူများက တခဲနက် ကြိုဆိုထောက်ခံခဲ့ကြသည်။ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ခုနှစ်လအတွင်း ပြည်သူလူထုအား ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်မှုများစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့်အပြင် မတည်ငြိမ်မှုများနှင့်အတူ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကြပ်အတည်း ပေါင်းများစွာ ကြုံတွေ့စေခဲ့သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းရန်ကြိုးပမ်းမှု ပေါ်ပေါက်ပြီး မကြာခင်မှာပင် သန်းပေါင်းများစွာသော ပြည်သူလူထုသည် အကြမ်းမဖက် ခုခံလှုပ်ရှားမှုများနှင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖေါ်ပွဲများတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များက လက်နက်မဲ့ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖေါ်နေသည့် လူပေါင်း ထောင်ကျော်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ လူပေါင်း (၇၀၀၀) ကျော် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူများ၏ အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကို ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း အစရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများတွင် စစ်ဆင်ရေးများ ပြုလုပ်ကာ နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ တရားမဝင်၊ မအောင်မြင်သည့် အာဏာသိမ်းရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုက ရှစ်လအတွင်းသို့ ဝင်ရောက်လာပြီဖြစ်သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဖြေရှင်းမှုကို လုံးဝ စိတ်မဝင်စားပဲ အာဏာဆက်လက်တည်မြဲရေးအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ဆက်လက် ကျူးလွန်သွားမည်မှာ သေချာလျက်ရှိသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်အနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်နှင့် လုံခြုံမှုတို့ကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် တိုင်းပြည်အား တည်ငြိမ်မှုကို ဆောင်ကျဉ်းပေးရန် အလေးအနက် တာဝန်ရှိသည်။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ခုနှစ်လအတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် သံတမန်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်းမှုသက်သက်ဖြင့် ပြဿနာများကို မဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ကြောင်း သေချာခဲ့သည့်နောက်တွင် မိမိတို့ဒေသ ရပ်ရွာများကို စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ ဖိနှိပ် ရက်စက်မှုများမှ ကာကွယ်ရန် အဆိုပါ ရပ်ရွာဒေသမှ ပြည်သူများက ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့များကို မလွှဲမရှောင်သာ ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ရသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများ၊ ဂျီနီဗာသဘောတူညီချက်တို့နှင့် လိုက်လျောညီထွေဖြစ်သော ကျင့်ဝတ် စည်းကမ်းများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်း အတည်ပြုပါသည်။ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်တရားရုံး၏ တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့် အာဏာကို လက်ခံထားပြီး မြန်မာပြည်တွင်းရှိ သက်ဆိုင်သူအားလုံး မိမိတို့လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် ရောမသဘောတူညီချက် နှင့်အညီ တာဝန်ခံရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်နှင့် လက်ရှိအကြပ်အတည်းများ၏ အခြေခံ အကြောင်းတရားဖြစ်သော စစ်ကောင်စီကို ဖယ်ရှားရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် အနာဂတ်တွင်အကောင်အထည်ဖေါ်မည့် လုံခြုံရေးကဏ္ဍ ပြုပြင် ပြောင်းလဲရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ဥပဒေကို လေးစားလိုက်နာသော၊ ပြည်သူလူထုကို ကာကွယ်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်တပ်မတော်ဖွဲ့စည်းရေးတွင် အရေးကြီးသည့် အခန်း ကဏ္ဍမှ ပါဝင်မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အရပ်သားအုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် အမှုထမ်းမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ တချိန်တည်းမှာပင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့တာဝန်များကို စွန့်ခွာ၍ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းရန် အခွင့်အရေး ရှိကြောင်း အသိပေးလိုသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရက တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင် များအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပြည်သူ များအား ပူးပေါင်းရန် ဖိတ်ခေါ်ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ ပူးပေါင်းလာသူများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့ မိသားစုများ၏ လုံခြုံရေးကို အာမခံပြီး တာဝန်ဆက်လက် ထမ်းဆောင်လို ပါကလည်း စီမံဆောင်ရွက်ပေးမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု များစွာကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုပြီး ဆက်လက်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားကာ မိမိတို့ ရည်မှန်းချက်အောင်မြင်ရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို ဆက်လက်လေးစားလိုက်နာသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ သို့သော်လည်း တဖက်တွင် နိုင်ငံအချို့၏ တရားဝင် ဖိတ်ကြားမှုဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီက အချို့သော နိုင်ငံတကာ အစည်းအဝေး များတွင် တက်ရောက်ခွင့်ရနေရပြီး အချို့နိုင်ငံများနှင့် စစ်ရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး သဘောတူညီချက်များပင် ရရှိနေကြောင်း တွေ့ရသောကြောင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ၏ ပြည်သူများ ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် တစ်ခုတည်းသော တရားဝင်အစိုးရဖြစ်မှုကို ထိခိုက်မှုများရှိလာကြောင်း တွေ့ရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အေဂျင်စီ များ၏ ပြည်သူ လူထုအတွက် ကျန်းမာရေး အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းချက်များကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ငြင်းပယ်ခဲ့ သောကြောင့် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါဖြင့် မသေသင့်ပဲ လူပေါင်းများစွာ သေကြေပျက်စီးခဲ့ရပြီး ဒေသတွင်း၌လည်း မတည်ငြိမ်မှုနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကြပ်အတည်းများ ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့ရသည်။ ဒီမိုကရေစီ လှုပ်ရှားမှုကိုယ်စား ကြားဝင် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်လှသော စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများမှ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအား ကူညီကာကွယ်ပေးရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကို အားကိုး၍မရတော့ပါ။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ခုနှစ်လတာ ကာလကို ပြန်လည်ဆန်းစစ်ကြည့်ပါက တမျိုးသားလုံး စုစည်းညီညွတ်မှု၊ စုပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု တို့ဖြင့်သာလျှင် စစ်ကောင်စီကြောင့် ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သော အာဏာသိမ်းရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုနှင့် မတည်ငြိမ်မှုများကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင် လိမ့်မည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သိသာထင်ရှား နေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုက စစ်ကောင်စီအား ဆက်လက်ခုခံတွန်းလှန်နေချိန်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ပိုမို မြင့်တက်လာနိုင်ခြင်းကို ရှောင်လွှဲ၍ရမည် မဟုတ်ပါ။ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြမှုများကို သေစေနိုင်သော လက်နက်များဖြင့် အလွန်အမင်း အင်အားသုံးဖြိုခွဲခဲ့မှုများက လူငယ်များကို ရရာအင်အားသုံး၍ မိမိကိုယ်ကိုခုခံရန် တွန်းပို့ခဲ့သည်။ ပြည်သူများ က နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းလုံးတွင် ခုခံရေးအဖွဲ့များ ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး ခုခံ တွန်းလှန်မှုများကို စတင်နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ တချိန်တည်းမှာပင် တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများက မိမိတို့နယ်မြေအတွင်း ကျုးကျော် ထိုးဖောက်ဝင်ရောက်ပြီး ရပ်ရွာများကို တိုက်ခိုက်လာ တော့မည့် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့များအား ခုခံကာကွယ်ရန် ပြင်ဆင် နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့်လည်း တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဒေသများ အတွင်း အတူပူးပေါင်းလက်တွဲ၍ ခုခံတွန်းလှန်သွားရန် ပြင်ဆင်နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၏ တရားခံဖြစ်သော အာဏာရှင် စစ်ကောင်စီအား အမြစ်ပြတ် ခုခံတွန်းလှန် သွားရန်နှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအားလုံး၏ ညီမျှမှု၊ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ အားလုံးပါဝင်မှုနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ အခွင့်အရေးများအား အပြည့်အဝ ကာကွယ် စောင့်ရှောက်မည့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းသော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရန် အတွက် ပြည်သူ တရပ်လုံးက စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက် ကြပါရန် တိုက်တွန်း အပ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ပြည်သူလူထုက ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ခဲ့သော တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ် အနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုပေးရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကိုလည်း ထပ်မံတိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။ သို့မှသာ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ တောင်းဆိုမှုကို လေးစားလိုက်နာပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများမှ အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည့် လိုအပ်ချက်ကို တုန့်ပြန် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်မည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရသည် ပြည်သူများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည့် တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားနှင့် အခွင့်အရေးအား ကောင်းစွာ အသိအမှတ်ပြု လက်ခံထားပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-09-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-13
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Sub-title: A growing number of children are leaving school and picking up arms out of desperation.
Description: "Security forces in Myanmar are targeting anti-junta youth activists throughout the country, forcing many to drop out of school and take up arms with militia groups seeking to unseat the military regime despite international laws prohibiting children from becoming soldiers, family members said Thursday. Youth activists, many of whom say they felt hopeless about their future under military rule, began to join the widespread resistance movement against the junta after it seized power from Myanmar’s democratically elected government in a Feb. 1 coup. Many have been arrested or even killed in clashes with the military, prompting concern from observers who lament what they say is an increasingly lost generation of children forced to sacrifice their dreams in the hopes of reclaiming their country from an oppressive regime. In the seven months since the coup, security forces have killed 1,058 civilians and arrested at least 6,343—mostly during crackdowns on anti-junta protesters—according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The junta says it had to unseat Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD government, claiming the party engineered a landslide victory in Myanmar’s November 2020 election through widespread voter fraud. It has yet to present evidence of its claims, though, and public unrest is at an all-time high. Among the youth activists who have joined the fight against the military is 16-year-old Zaw Myo Mai Laban from the Kachin state capital Myitkyina, who went underground in June after around 50 soldiers and police officers tried to arrest him at his home for taking part in anti-junta protests. “We know young students like us are not physically fit for fighting yet—we’ve only just passed childhood,” the member of the Basic Education Students' Union Network (BESUN) of hundreds of students from more than 50 townships told RFA’s Myanmar Service. “However, we are doing this with the sole intention of fighting injustice and oppression. We give encouragement to one another when we find ourselves weak and try harder to be competent for the revolution.” Zaw Myo Mai Laban said that ethnic armed groups in the liberated areas of the country’s remote border regions had initially refused to allow those under the age of 18 to attend military training, in accordance with international laws prohibiting the use of child soldiers, but eventually relented due to “the strong enthusiasm of the young students.” “It is true that I am underage according to international law and laws against child soldiers, but [the military is] killing people whether they are underage or not,” he said. “International law doesn’t mean anything to the military.” Despite the military’s heavy-handed response to anti-junta protests, many high school students continue to take part in the gatherings, particularly in Myanmar’s largest cities Yangon and Mandalay. A student with BESUN in Mandalay, who spoke to RFA on condition of anonymity, said he participates in protests daily “for the future of the country’s youth.” “We are more afraid of losing our future than we are of the military,” he said. “Education in Myanmar at present is completely in shambles. Conditions were just about to see some improvement when they staged this coup. All our hopes were dashed … We had a spirit of revolution long before the coup, and their atrocities made us want to fight back even more.” ”When your friends are killed, there is little you can do but grieve for them. I would rather fight for them instead,” he said. Most of the high school students now involved in the anti-junta movement are minors under parental guardianship. Many parents told RFA they are worried about their sons and daughters being arrested, maimed, or killed, although some have allowed their children to join the protests. The mother of two high school students aged 15 and 17 in Yangon’s South Okkalapa township said she accompanies her children to protests but has asked them not to join the armed uprising. “I went along with them so they would not get into trouble or be harmed, because you can’t stop them from joining the protests,” she said. “However, I asked them not to do anything like take up arms because they are not old enough. If they get arrested and sent to prison for taking part in the protests, at least I could go and see them. I may be selfish, but I cannot allow my young kids to join a revolution.” A student with the Launglon township branch of BESUN in Myanmar’s Tanintharyi division, who also declined to be named, said he regularly speaks with parents as part of an effort to bring more youths into the anti-junta movement. “If students don’t get involved in politics, politics will work against them,” he said. “We enlightened [parents] by explaining that students have been detained and tortured too. This helped them understand why we have taken to the streets, and they allowed their sons and daughters to join us.” Investigating youth activists Meanwhile, authorities have spared no effort in investigating high school students involved in anti-junta activities. In Myanmar’s Bago region, five high school students were arrested in the first week of September, including one who died in detention while being interrogated. According to AAPP, at least 23 school age children were among those killed in the past seven months since the coup, while at least 20 high school students have been arrested. An AAPP spokesman told RFA that school age children are still very much at risk from the military. “If things continue like this, the children in our country will no longer have a future, including those who would one day be the nation’s leaders,” he said. “Children must have the right to freedom of movement and to follow their dreams. They shouldn’t be living in fear. However, at present, they must be careful even of what they wear because of current restrictions. The loss of their future is a loss for the country.” Calls by RFA to military spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun seeking comment went unanswered Thursday..."
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Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2021-09-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: 2021-08-31
Topic: 2021-08-31
Description: "Myanmar’s military leaders used its armed forces to launch its coup and take control of the country from its elected government on 1 February 2021. In protest, millions of people took to the streets. The military responded to these protests by sending armed soldiers and police into residential areas to arrest defiant civilians, workers, students, doctors and nurses. In March, martial law was enforced in Yangon, snipers were used, and protesters were shot on sight. To restrict news coverage of their crimes and to impede the organisatiojn of protests, the military ordered telecommunication companies to restrict internet and mobile phone coverage. Independent media outlets had their licences withdrawn, offices were raided and trashed. Journalists were targeted and hunted by soldiers and police. Obscure laws were added to the penal code and used to restrict freedom of speech and expression. State-controlled media published pages of arrest warrants and photographs of the wanted, including journalists. To avoid arrest, independent journalists went underground or sought refuge with border based ethnic armed organisations. Myanmar journalists are well aware that being “arrested” and held in detention by the military doesn’t come with respect for their legal or human rights. The military uses a wide range of obscure laws, some dating back to colonial times, to detain, intimidate and silence its critics — academics, medics, journalists, students and workers. 95 journalists arrested Independent website, Reporting ASEAN, recorded that, as of August 18, 95 journalists had been arrested and 42 were being held in detention. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) estimated by August 29 that the military has now killed at least 1026 people, arrested 7627, issued warrants for 1984 and are still holding 6025 in detention. They want names Those arrested are taken to interrogation centres and held indefinitely without contact with family or legal representation. Torture is used to extort names and contacts from the detained to be added to the military’s long list of those to be hunted down and suppressed into silence. One of those names on the military’s wanted list is that of journalist Nyan Linn Htet, now in hiding, after a warrant under Section 505 (a) was issued for his arrest. Nyan Linn Htet, managing editor of Mekong News, in an interview with the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) explains the impact of being hunted has had on both him and his family. “If I’m arrested it means I lose everything. When we had to run and go into hiding, we lost our home and our possessions. You lose your income. Your equipment. You never feel safe when hiding. Living like this affects all of us. If the military does not find me, they will pressure and threaten my family with arrest.” Nyan Linn Htet said he is still working despite the risk of arrest. “Losing a journalist is a big loss for our struggle for democracy. We’re only doing our job as reporters, but our news coverage exposes the military and its abuses – this is why we’re the enemy.” Despite the danger to him and his family, Nyan Linn Htet worries about the safety of those who helped him avoid arrest. ‘Caught in hiding’ “If I’m caught in hiding, the SAC (military-appointed State Administration Council) will persecute the people who gave me a place to live. I’m afraid they [the military] will arrest those who helped me.” His fears are well founded. Journalist and political analyst Sithu Aung Myint was high on the military’s wanted list for his political commentary and published opposition to the coup. On Sunday, August 15, the military raided the home of his colleague, BBC freelance producer, Htet Htet Khine, and arrested both of them. A week later, in its Sunday, August 21, edition, the military-run newspaper, Global New Light of Myanmar, said Sithu Aung Myint had been charged with sedition, spreading “fake news” and being critical of the military coup leaders and its State Administration Council under Sections 505 (a) and 124 (a) of the Penal Code. He could be sentenced to life in jail under Section 124 (a) of the penal code. Htet Htet Khine was arrested for giving shelter to Sithu Aung Myint, and charged under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for working with the recently formed National Union Government’s radio station, Federal FM. Held in interrogation centre Friends and colleagues of Sithu Aung Myint and Htet Htet Khine told IFJ they are concerned both journalists were held at an interrogation centre for more than a week before having access to either legal help or contact with colleagues or family. Nyan Linn Htet told IFJ he is aware his legal and human rights will not be respected if he is arrested. “They will not let us get legal help until they’ve got what they want from us. The military amended 505 (a) of the Penal Code to prevent giving us bail. We know they will jail us even if we have legal representation. “We know SAC is torturing journalists because of the work we do.” Reports by local and international humanitarian groups have detailed the severe beatings — hours of maintaining stressed positions, use of sexual violence — and killing of people while held in detention. Nyan Linn Htet said if arrested, he knows it will come with beatings. He admits that the thought of being tortured keeps him awake at night. “They will jail me, but only after they torture me. I will not be released until I sign a statement that I will never criticise them. I’m not afraid of being arrested, but torture scares me. There are nights when I’m too afraid to sleep.” International media drop Myanmar He and other local journalists told the IFJ it was disappointing that international media has dropped Myanmar from its news agenda and moved on to cover other stories. Nyan Linn Htets said despite access difficulties, the international media can use local reporters who are willing to help. “We know the difficulties media has getting ground access to Myanmar. Covid-19 restrictions also make it impossible to legally cross borders from neighboring countries, but we are already here in the country and are capable of doing the job.” Despite the fear of arrest and torture, he is still reporting and urged local journalists to keep doing the same. “It’s important we use what we can to still work and report news events of interest to people. People are accessing news and information in many different ways now.” The military, while trashing local and international laws and ignoring its constitution, is quick to use and amend laws to jail its opponents for being critical of the coup and for reporting military violence, abuse and corruption. We have no rights Nan Paw Gay, editor-in-chief at the Karen Information Center, says the military council has no respect for journalists or their right to publish information in the public interest. “There is no freedom of the press. If journalists try to report news or seek information from the military’s opponents — CRPH, NUG, CDM, G-Z and PDF — the State Administration Council prosecutes them under Section 17/1 of the Illegal Association Act. “Since the military launched its coup, sources we use have had their freedom of speech and expression made illegal and they now risk arrest for talking to us and… we can be arrested for speaking with them. “Independent media groups have been outlawed and totally lost their right to speak freely or write about news events.” Nan Paw Gay points out if journalists are “critical of the military, its appointed State Administration Council or its lack of a public health plan to tackle the covid-19 pandemic now ravaging the country, section 505 (a) is used to arrest journalists for spreading false news.” Essentially torture is used to terrorise journalists, he says. “When the military council arrests and detains journalists, the torture is both physical and psychological. Even before being detained threats are issued and then during the arrest the violence becomes real – shootings, people being kicked and dragged from homes by their hair and beaten.” Women journalists tortured Nan Paw Gay says women journalists are more likely to be “tortured using psychological abuse – kept in a dark room and constantly told that they will be killed tomorrow – to mess and generate fear with their thoughts. You can see the effects of the tortured on some journalists when they appear in court – shaking hands and body spasms.” Military brutality is a daily reality for Myanmar’s people. At the time of writing, the army is preparing to deploy and reinforce its bases with hundreds of extra troops into areas of the Karen National Union-controlled territory and where anti-coup protesters, striking doctors and politicians have been offered refuge and safety. A senior ethnic Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldier told the IFJ that army drones and helicopters have been surveying the area in recent months. “We know they’ve sent munitions and large troop numbers to our area… last time we had drones flying over our area, they later attacked villages and our positions with airstrikes. They’re already fighting in our Brigade 5 and 1 and have started in 6 and 2.” Since the military launched its coup on February 1, there has been at least 500 armed battles between the KNU and the military regime and 70,000 Karen civilians have been displaced and are hiding in makeshift camps as a direct result of these attacks. Fighter jets have flown into Karen National Union-controlled areas 27 times and dropped at least 47 bombs, killing 14 civilians and wounding 28. Naw K’nyaw Paw, general secretary of the Karen Women Organisation, in an interview with Karen News, said villagers displaced by the Myanmar Army attacks are now in desperate need of humanitarian aid. ‘Shoot at villagers’ “They shoot at villagers if they see them on their farms, burning down their rice barns and killing the livestock left behind. The Burma Army also arrests people when they see them and use them as human shields to protect them when attacked by Karen soldiers.” Naw K’nyaw Paw said accessing the displaced villagers is difficult, especially during the wet season. “The only accessible way in is on foot, supplies have to be carried through jungle. Given the restrictions due to covid-19 as well as the increasing Burma Army military operations, villagers are unable to return to their homes and they will need food, clothing and medicine, especially the young and old.” Nan Paw Gay says the military’s strategy to muzzle the media is a familiar tactic that has been used before. “Stop international media getting access to conflict areas, shut down independent media, hunt local journalists and when there’s no one to left to report, launch attacks in ethnic regions, displacing thousands of villagers.” Phil Thornton is a journalist and senior adviser to the International Federation of Journalists in South East Asia. This article was first published by the IFJ Asia-Pacific blog and is republished with the author’s permission. Thornton is also a contributor to Asia Pacific Report..."
Source/publisher: Asia Pacific Report
2021
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On this International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, AAPP calls on international actors to recognize the enforced disappearances perpetrated by the military in its terror campaign against the entire population in Burma since the military coup. As of AAPP’s most recent database, the current condition of 82% of people on the under-detention lists are detained in an unknown location. The international community must demand the junta reveals the location to civil society of all of those arbitrarily detained. In the junta’s efforts to shield itself from accountability, the location of these detainees is withheld from civil society and independent media. In fact, intelligence on the fate or whereabouts of any of the total 7627 people detained since the coup has not been disclosed by the junta. AAPP Secretary U Tate Naing said “in Burma’s previous dictatorship, families of the detained were never notified of their loves ones transfer to prisons or the event that led to arrest. Families must spend time going to police stations or prisons to inquire about their relatives as well as asking other inmates’ families, often using bribes. Sometimes, information is revealed through media outlets instead. Even the whereabouts of the democratically elected leaders, President U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, have not been disclosed and access to lawyers restricted. Such intentional disappearances pose a serious threat to public security and basic international law”. According to the 2002 Rome Statute, enforced disappearances occur when a detention of an individual is “followed by a refusal to acknowledge that deprivation of freedom or to give information on the fate or whereabouts of those persons, with the intention of removing them from the protection of the law for a prolonged period of time”. Even children are being enforced disappeared as hostage by the junta. In night-time raids or at peaceful protests everyone is at risk of being detained in secret locations by the junta. If one is taken to an interrogation center or military barracks, they could be tortured to death in Burma without anyone knowing where one was. AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said, “enforced disappearances are an attempt to create a climate of fear across Burma, to stop anti-coup protests, and begin dictatorial rule. The result of enforced disappearances is not only to bully the detainees, but forces families and friends to suffer. Not knowing the fate or whereabouts of a loved one, this is a kind of physiological torture as well as physical abuse of one’s human rights. For this reason, it is one of the worse kinds of crimes against humanity”. Article 7 (i) of the Rome Statute declares that enforced disappearances constitute crimes against humanity, when it is committed as part of a widespread and/or systematic attack, which it most certainly is in Burma. On 20 August, the National Unity Government released a statement accepting jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court with respect to crimes committed in Burma since July 1, 2002. Enforced disappearance falls within the jurisdiction created by the Rome Statute, accountability for these crimes against humanity must be ensured. Recognizing the political legitimacy of the National Unity Government at the United Nations General Assembly will strengthen these international accountability mechanisms, including to end the Burma junta’s use of enforced disappearances with impunity. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Download link for English Forced Disappearances by the Military Junta **On 28 May AAPP released a report and database[1] on missing persons since the military coup, these were split into different categories including missing in detention and disappeared on the streets. AAPP released this report to report on the repression and chaos created by the military coup, but firmly stipulated the fate of all those missing as of 28 May has not been verified to junta involvement, but rather strong suspicion..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ယနေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အတင်းအဓမ္မအစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုဒဏ် ခံရသူများနေ့၌ စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်ကတည်းက မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိနေသည့် ၎င်းတို့ ၏ လူမဆန်သော ကျူးလွန်မှုများထဲတွင် ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိသော ပြည်သူများအား အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအန ပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုများကို နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် သတိမူ၍ အရေးယူမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ရန် မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းမှ တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းမှု စတင်သည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလကတည်းက အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုများမှာ ယခု အချိန်ထိ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး AAPP ၏ အချက်အလက်များအရ စစ်တပ်၏ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း ခံထားရသူများထဲမှ (၈၂) ရာခိုင်နှုန်းမှာ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရသလဲဆိုသည်ကို မသိရှိရပေ။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသူများအား မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်း ထားကြောင်းကို စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် တောင်းဆိုရန် လိုအပ်သည်။ စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်မှ စတင်၍ ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ ဖမ်းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၇၆၂၇) ဦးရှိခဲ့ရာ စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးခံများကို မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ချုပ်နှောင်ထိန်းသိမ်းထားကြောင်းကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုမှု လုံးဝမပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပေ။ မိသားစုကိုယ်တိုင်နှင့် အရပ်ဖက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ရှေ့နေများ၊ မီဒီယာများ စသည်တို့၏ ကြိုးစားအားထုတ်မှုကြောင့်သာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူအချို့မှာ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ရှိနေသည်ကို သိရှိရခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ AAPP ၏ အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးတိတ်နိုင်မှ “ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်မှာ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းတာ၊ ထောင်ပြောင်းတာတွေကို ကာယကံရှင်များရဲ့ မိသားစုများကို ဘယ်သောအခါမှ အသိပေးတာမရှိခဲ့ဘူး။ မိသားစုများက ထောင်တွေ၊ ရဲစခန်းတွေကို သွားရောက်စုံစမ်း မေးမြန်းတာ၊ အကျဉ်းကျနေသူတွေရဲ့ မိသားစုတွေကတဆင့် စုံစမ်းမေးမြန်းတာတွေကို အချိန်ကုန်၊ ငွေကုန်၊ လူပန်းခံပြီး ခက်ခက်ခဲခဲ စုံစမ်းကြရတယ်။ တစ်ခါတရံ မီဒီယာတွေကမှ တဆင့်သိကြရတယ်။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်နဲ့ လူထုခေါင်းဆောင် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်ကိုတောင် ဒီကနေ့အထိ ဘယ်နေရာမှာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားတယ် ဆိုတာကို မထုတ်ပြန်တဲ့အပြင် ရှေ့နေတွေနဲ့တွေ့ခွင့်ကိုပါ ပိတ်ပင်တာတွေလုပ်လာခဲ့တယ်။ ဒီလို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းဟာ ပြည်သူတွေရဲ့ လုံခြုံရေးကို ကြီးမားစွာ ခြိမ်းခြောက်တာ ဖြစ်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေတွေကိုလည်း စိန်ခေါ်ရာ ရောက်ပါတယ်” ဟု မှတ်ချက်ပြုသည်။ ရောမစာချုပ် (၂၀၀၂) ၌ အာဏာပိုင်များအနေဖြင့် ထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ထားသည့် တစ်စုံတစ်ဦးကို အချိန် ကာလကြာမြှင့်စွာ ဥပဒေ၏ အကာအကွယ်ပေးမှုမှ ကင်းလွတ်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ရှိနေသည်ကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခြင်း၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုဆုံးရှုံးနေခြင်းတို့ကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုရန် ငြင်းဆန်ခြင်းသည် အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုမြောက်သည်ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် အလိုရှိသူကို ဖမ်းမမိသည့်အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင် မိသားစုဝင်များကို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းများလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိနေသလို ထိုဓားစာခံများကို မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းထား ကြောင်းလည်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခြင်းမရှိပေ။ ထိုအထဲတွင် အရွယ်မရောက်သေးသည့် လူမမယ်ကလေး သူငယ်များပင် ပါဝင်သည်။ ညအချိန်ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်း၍ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း သို့မဟုတ် ဆန္ဒပြပွဲအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း ခံရသူများသည် လျို့ဝှက်သောနေရာများတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ခံနေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး နောက် စစ်ကြောရေးစခန်းများတွင် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရ၍ မည်သူမှ မသိလိုက်ရဘဲ အသက်သေဆုံးသွား ရမှုပင် ကြုံတွေ့ရနိုင်သည့် အန္တရာယ်ကို မြန်မာပြည်သူများမှာ နေစဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရသည်။ AAPP ၏ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးဘိုကြည်က “အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုတွေဟာ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အသက်သွင်းပြီး သူတို့ကိုဆန့်ကျင်နေမှုတွေ ရပ်တန့်စေဖို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မြန်မာတနိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ ကြောက်ရွံ့မှုတွေကို တိုးလာအောင် ဖန်တီးဖို့ ကြိုးစားနေတာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒီလိုလုပ်ရပ် ဟာ အထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူတွေကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေတာတင်မကဘဲ မိသားစုဝင်တွေနဲ့ မိတ်ဆွေသူငယ်ချင်းတွေ ကိုပါ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာခံစားရအောင် လုပ်ဆောင်နေတာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ချစ်ခင်ရသူတစ်ဦးဦးကို ဘယ်နေရာမှာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားတယ်ဆိုတာ တရားဝင်အသိမပေးဘဲ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ထိန်ချန်ထားခြင်းဟာ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှု အသွင်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သလို ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာအရပါ ဖိစီးနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း မြောက်ပါတယ်။ ဒါကြောင့် ဒီနည်းလမ်းတွေကို ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်နဲ့ စနစ်တကျ အသုံးပြုကျူးလွန်နေတာဟာ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်တဲ့ အဆိုးရွားဆုံး ရာဇဝတ်မှုတွေထဲက တစ်ခုဖြစ်ပါတယ်” ဟု ဆိုသည်။ ရောမစာချုပ်၏ အပိုဒ် ၇ (ဈ) တွင် အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းကို စနစ်တကျနှင့် ကျယ်ကျယ် ပြန်ပြန့် ကျူးလွန်လာပါက လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၏ အင်္ဂါရပ်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် ထည့်သွင်းပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ဇူလိုင်လ (၁) ရက်၊ ၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ်မှ စတင်၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း ကျူးလွန် ခဲ့သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို အရေးယူနိုင်ရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်တရားရုံး၏ တရားစီရင်မှုများကို လက်ခံမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၀ ရက်နေ့က ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းသည် ရောမစာချုပ်အရ အပ်နှင်းထားသော တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အတွင်း၌ တည်ရှိ ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သောရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ် အဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်းသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် အရေးယူခံရခြင်းမှ ကင်းလွတ်နေမှုကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရန် အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာတာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု ယန္တရားများကို ခိုင်မာအားကောင်းစေခြင်း ပင် ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း စတိတ်မန့်အပြည့်အစုံ ဒေါင်းလော့ရယူရန် Burmese Forced Disappearances by the Military Junta..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Sub-title: စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် ဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးအပြင် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု လုံလောက်စွာ မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ရှိနေသည်ဟု AAPP က ဆိုသည်
Description: "စစ်ကောင်စီလက်ထဲတွင် သေဆုံးရသူ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၁၀ ရှိကာ ဖမ်းဆီးစဉ် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသဖြင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများနှင့်အတူ ဆေးကုသခွင့် ကောင်းစွာမရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) က ဆိုသည်။ ထိုနိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၀၀ ကျော်မှာ အကျဉ်းသားအခွင့်အရေးမရရှိဘဲ နှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး သေဆုံးရသူများဖြစ်ကာ အများစုမှာ အရပ်သားများဖြစ်ကြပြီး အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) ပါတီဝင် ၇ ဦး၊ ဆရာဝန်နှစ်ဦးနှင့် ကျောင်းဆရာသုံးဦးလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း AAPP စာရင်းများအရ သိရသည်။ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရမှုကြောင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူများ ရန်ကုန်၊ ပန်းဘဲတန်းမြို့နယ် NLD ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ အသက် ၅၈ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်မှာ မတ် ၆ တွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး နောက်တစ်နေ့ နံနက်တွင် မိသားစုကို အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။ ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်ကဲ့သို့ ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်းသေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးထိရှိကြောင်း AAPP က ပြုစုထားသည့် စာရင်းအရ သိရသည်။ တချို့ကို ကိုဗစ်နိုင်တင်းရောဂါ ကူးစက်ခံရ၍ သေဆုံးသည်ဟုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းပြခဲ့သည်။ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများတွင် ဦးဇော်မြတ်လင်း၊ ကိုအေးကို၊ ကိုအောင်မြင့်လှိုင်(ခ) ကိုကျေး၊ ကဗျာဆရာ ခက်သီ ခေါ် ကိုဇော်ထွန်း၊ စိုးစံ၊ ကိုမင်းမင်း၊ ကိုမျိုးဇော်ဇော်၊ ဇေယျာလင်း၊ မိုင်နွမ်ဇာထျန်၊ ကိုဇော်ထက် (ခေါ်) ဆလိုင်းဗန်ထာကျုံ၊ ကိုဇင်ကိုထွန်း၊ သက်နိုင်ဦး၊ မျိုးမြင့်သန်း၊ ခင်မောင်ကြည်၊ ကိုထက်ဇော်လင်း(ခေါ်)) ဉာဏ်စူးတို့ သေဆုံးမှုကို Myanmar Now က အတည်ပြုကာ သတင်းရေးသားဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်တွင် ရွာသူရွာသား ၂၆ ဦးမှာလည်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း အစုအလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ကာ အသတ်ခံရခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်တွင်လည်း ကျောင်းဖောက်ခွဲမှုသံသယဖြင့် အဖမ်းခံရသူတစ်ဦးဖြစ် သော ကိုမင်းမင်းဆိုသူမှာလည်း ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သူဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကျဆုံး၍ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင်ချိန်တွင် အမှန်တရားပေါ်ပေါက်၍ ကျူးလွန်သူများ အပြစ်ခံရစေလိုကြောင်း၊ နစ်နာသူမိသားစုဝင်များကိုလည်း ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးစေလိုကြောင်း ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးတစ်ဦးက ပြောသည်။ “နိုင်ငံတကာက ဟိုပိတ်ပင် ဒီကန့်ကွက် အဲဒီလိုပြောတာ မဟုတ်ဘူး။ ကြိုးမိန့်ပေး၊ တန်းစင်တက်၊ ဒါပဲ လိုချင်တာ။ သူတို့အသက်တွေ ပေးဆပ်ရကျိုးနပ်ချင်တယ်” ဟု ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးဖြစ်သူက ဆိုသည်။ မကွေးတိုင်း၊ ပခုက္ကူမြို့တွင်လည်း မတ်လအတွင်းက အသက် ၃၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးသုံးဦးမိခင် ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နောက်တစ်ရက်တွင် အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် မိသားစုကို အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။ ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းက ဒူးထောက်တောင်းပန်ခဲ့သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များက ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ပြင် အလောင်းတွင် ဒဏ်ရာဒဏ်ချက်များ တွေ့ရှိရသည်ဟုလည်း ဒေသခံတစ်ဦးကို ကိုးကား၍ AAPP ၏ စာရင်းပြုစုချက်၌ ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ ရန်ကုန်၊ ရွှေပေါက္ကံမြို့သစ်နေ အသက် ၃၃ နှစ်အရွယ် အောင်ခန့် (ခေါ်) ပါခန့် ဆိုသူမှာလည်း အဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သည့်အပြင် အလောင်းကို ကျပ်သုံးသိန်းဖြင့် ရွေးယူခဲ့ရကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။ လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီလက်ချက်ဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသည့်ဖြစ်စဉ်များလည်း ရှိသည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မင်းကင်းမြို့နယ် စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီဥက္ကဋ္ဌဟောင်း အသက် ၅၀ အရွယ် ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီ (ခေါ်) ဖွားချိုမှာ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင် ထဲထဲဝင်ဝင်ပါဝင်သည်ဟု စွပ်စွဲခံရကာ ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅ (ခ) ဖြင့် တရားစွဲဆိုကာ မတ်လအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု ကောင်းစွာ မရသဖြင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၁ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီမှာ ဆီးချိုရောဂါနှင့် နှလုံးအားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် မင်းကင်းမြို့အချုပ်ခန်းတွင် ကွယ်လွန်သည်ဟု AAPP စာရင်းက ဆိုသည်။ NLD ဗဟိုအလုပ်အမှုဆောင်ကော်မတီဝင်နှင့် အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖွဲ့ဝင် အသက် ၇၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးဉာဏ်ဝင်းမှာလည်း အင်းစိန်ထောင်တွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် ကိုရိုနာဗိုင်းရပ်စ်ကူးစက်ခံခဲ့ရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု အားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၀ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကြောင့် ဩဂုတ် ၂၆ ထိ သေဆုံးသူ ၁၀၁၉ ဦးရှိ ကာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသူ ၅၉၆၉ ဦး ရှိ​ကြောင်းလည်း AAPP က ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်။ AAPP တာဝန်ရှိသူတစ်ဦးကမူ ၎င်းတို့၏ စာရင်းမှာ လက်လှမ်းမီသလောက်သာ ပြုစုထားခြင်းဖြစ်ကာ တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးကို မလွှမ်းခြုံနိုင်သဖြင့် အမှန်တကယ်သေဆုံးရသူမှာ စာရင်းထက်ပိုများရန်သာရှိပြီး မလျော့နိုင်ကြောင်း ပြောသည်။ “တစ်ချိန်မှာ တရားမျှတမှုရရှိဖို့ဆိုရင် ဒီလိုအထောက်အထားတွေ မရှိဘဲနဲ့ ဘာမှလုပ်လို့ မရဘူး။ ဒီလို အထောက်အထားတွေ ရှိတော့မှ ဘယ်တုန်းက ဘယ်သူက ဘယ်လိုဖြစ်သွားတယ်။ ဘယ်သူက ကျူးလွန်လိုက်တယ်ဆိုတဲ့ဟာတွေ တကယ့် သက်သေသက္ကာယ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာနဲ့ လုပ်နိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်တယ်” ဟု ၎င်းက Myanmar Now ကို ပြောသည်။ ယခင်က ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သည့် ၁၉၈၈ လူထုအရေးတော်ပုံနှင့် ၂၀၀၇ ရွှေဝါရောင်တော်လှန်ရေး ဖြစ်စဉ်များတွင် ယခုကာလကဲ့သို့ သတင်းစီးဆင်းမှု မမြန်ဆန်ခြင်း၊ ဆက်သွယ်ရခက်ခဲခြင်းများကြောင့် နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးမှုများကို သေချာ မှတ်တမ်းမတင်နိုင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ၂၀၂၁ တွင်မူ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်နှင့် လက်ချက်များကို သက်သေ၊ အချက်အလက် အတိအကျဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိတင်ပြနိုင်ရန် ဆက်လက်စုဆောင်းမည်ဟုလည်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီး ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းကလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ပြည်သူအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်မှုများသည် လူမျိုးသုဉ်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု မြောက်သဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိအောင် ကြိုးပမ်းသွားမည်ဟု ဆိုသည်။ "အနာဂတ်မှာ နောက်တစ်ခါ ဒါမျိုး ဘယ်တော့မှမဖြစ်အောင် ပြင်ဆင်လျက်ရှိပါတယ်” ဟု ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းက ပြောသည်။..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-08-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "At least 12 civilians, including a 72-year-old man and 10-year-old boy, have been killed by junta forces in Myanmar in a week. On Thursday night, junta soldiers opened fire indiscriminately in 122nd Street near a market in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township in Yangon Region, killing U Thein Min Tun, 42, a vendor, who was shot in the neck. His body was found in an alley and taken away by soldiers and returned to the family on Friday for a funeral. Pedestrians and vendors fled and residents said the unprovoked shooting was in response to taunts from drunken men. Soldiers also destroyed parked vehicles, residents said. At least three deaths were reported on Wednesday. Salai Van Bawi Thang, 10, was shot dead during gunfire by junta forces in Thantlang Township, Chin State. The incident happened amid a shootout with civilian defense forces on Wednesday evening. Van Bawi Thang was hit in the neck and other civilians were injured, news outlets reported. Ko Thet Naing Soe, a 29-year-old philanthropist living in Monywa, Sagaing Region, died in detention, less than 24 hours after being apprehended. He was detained on Tuesday and on Wednesday his mother was informed of his death, a resident told The Irrawaddy. Junta forces blamed COVID-19 for his death but his mother told the media that she found torture marks on his body, including cigarettes burns on his cheeks, blood in his ears and fatal head injuries. In Yangon, philanthropist Ko San Win Aung, 19, from the Kaung Hmu Saung Charity, was killed during military interrogation on Wednesday. He was detained under suspicion of involvement in a bomb blast at the General Administration Department in South Okkalapa Township on August 22. A source close to his family told The Irrawaddy that troops asked the family to pay to retrieve his body. As the family could not pay, the body has not been returned. Ko San Win Aung volunteered with his group to help the sick and needy during the COVID-19 surge. He was taken from the charity’s office. Ko Soe Paing, also known as Ko Kyaw Khaing Win, a private teacher from Thaketa Township, Yangon Region, was detained by junta forces on August 22 and the next day his family was informed of his death. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which monitors fatalities and detention since the February coup, reported that Ko Min Aung of Kayan Township, Yangon Region, was tortured to death in detention on the day of his arrest. He was detained by junta troops on Tuesday while passing Kayan police station on a motorbike while returning from his mother’s house. Kan Htauk, 72, was kicked and punched to death on August 18 during a raid on Hnan Khar village in Gangaw Township, Magwe Region. He died on Saturday. Since the coup, at least 1,019 civilians have been killed by junta forces, according to the AAPP. The dead have included pedestrians, children, protesters, medics who helped the injured during crackdowns on protests and members of the National League for Democracy..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-08-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Nearly seven months on following the coup, Myanmar remains on the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist due to the ongoing repression of civic freedoms on the country by the military junta. On 27th July 2021, the military junta revoked the results of the 2020 general election, in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory, claiming the poll was “not free and fair” and “not in compliance with” the constitution and the law. On 1st August, junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing named himself prime minister and said emergency rule may now extend to August 2023. He also pledged to hold a "free and fair multi-party election" but also described the ousted NLD as "terrorists". On 4th August 2021, ASEAN finally appointed Erywan Yusof, the second foreign minister of Brunei Darussalam as its special envoy to Myanmar more than 100 days after the Southeast Asian bloc’s members agreed to send an emissary to help resolve the post-coup crisis there. Observers have greeted the appointment with scepticism. Myanmar civil society groups rejected the appointment and expressed “deep disappointment with ASEAN and their lack of inclusive decision-making process”, said a statement from 413 groups. More than a thousand civilians have been killed in Myanmar since the 1st February coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a human rights group that records killings by the junta. As of 18th August 2021, the NGO said 1,006 people had been killed since the junta seized power, triggering nationwide protests and a mass civil disobedience movement. Among those killed are more than 100 teenagers. Some were killed while troops suppressed protests, but others fell in random and unprovoked shootings. As of 23rd August, at least 5,821 political prisoners remain in detention according to the AAPP. On 31st July 2021, Human Rights Watch reported that Myanmar’s military junta had committed numerous abuses against the population that amount to crimes against humanity in the six months since the coup. Apparent crimes against humanity include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts. Activists have mobilised ahead of the United Nations General Assembly in September 2021 when UN member states will select the country’s ambassador. The General Strike Coordination Body (GSCB) launched the “Accept NUG, Reject Military” campaign in August 2021, which called on social media users to support the National Unity Government (NUG) and its UN Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun. The United Nations Secretary-General’s special envoy for Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, said the junta had not responded to her request for talks as it tries to consolidate its rule. Over the last month, concerns have been raised by the UN around the situation of human rights defenders as arrests and attacks on activists continue. A new report shows the systematic targeting of healthcare workers. The crackdown on the media has continued with arrests and sentencing of journalists. Civil society groups criticise the exit of Norwegian telco, Telenor. Protests continued across the country, including in prisons by political prisoners. There were reports of attacks on protests by the junta. Association Terror campaign against human rights defenders On 19th July 2021, UN human rights experts expressed their concern for the situation of human rights defenders in Myanmar and called for a stronger international response to the military coup, including coordinated sanctions and an arms embargo against the junta by an “emergency coalition of nations”. The experts highlighted credible information they had received concerning human rights defenders being forced into hiding after having arrest warrants issued against them under section 505(a) of the Penal Code. Their homes were raided, their possessions seized, and family members threatened and harassed. Many others, unable to flee, have been arbitrarily arrested, including labour rights defenders and student activists. Lawyers representing people detained following the coup have themselves been detained, as have journalists covering the protests. Women have played a leading role in the protest and civil disobedience movement that has emerged in the country in response to the military's seizure of the State apparatus in February, and the experts expressed particular concern for the situation of women human rights defenders in the country. “The brute force terror campaign we are witnessing in Myanmar continues to be directed towards human rights defenders,” said Mary Lawlor, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, and Tom Andrews, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. “For years, human rights defenders have been doing essential work promoting human rights in the country,” Lawlor said. “Since the coup, and despite enforced internet blackouts along with difficulties accessing basic resources, especially for defenders forced into hiding or living in rural areas, they have been documenting the mass violations being perpetrated by the military. As a result, they have been targeted,” the expert said. Two pro-democracy activists died and three others were seriously injured when they jumped from a building in Yangon to avoid capture by the junta. Ye Min Oo and a woman, Wai Wai Myint, also called Pan Thee, lost their lives when they and three friends jumped from the roof of a building as junta forces stormed their apartment in Botahtaung township in Myanmar’s largest city. The three who survived the jump - Wai Phyo Aung, Thiha Kaung Set and Poe Kyaw Kyaw - were arrested by police and taken with the bodies of those killed to a military hospital in Mingaladon township in northern Yangon. Tin Zaw, the father of Ye Min Oo, said he was told by witnesses that his son was still alive after the fall but was beaten to death. A witness, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told RFA the fleeing activists apparently got trapped on the rooftops of the old buildings. A police report circulating on social media says the raid on the activists’ apartment was carried out by a team led by Tactical Commander Col. Soe Tun of the ruling junta. A youth leader from the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was arrested by the military junta while driving near Mandalay University on 17th August. Plainclothes soldiers stopped a motorbike driven by activist Kyaw Thiha, beat him, and took him with them at gunpoint, according to an eyewitness. Thura Aung, a friend who had been staying with him and another leader of the alliance, said that over 20 troops later inspected Kyaw Thiha’s former home in Patheingyi Township that night. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force has been a frequent target of the brutal crackdowns by the military on anti-coup resistance. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was formed when multiple Mandalay protest columns joined forces to revolt against the dictatorship. They include Daung Sit Thi (Peacock Warriors); All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU); Academics; Labourers; Farmers; Mandalay University Students; BEHS (7) Students; and Sein Pan. Threats and attacks on healthcare workers A new report by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR) in August 2021 found that there were at least 252 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities and transport that have been perpetrated in Myanmar from 1st February to 31st July 2021 The country’s armed forces and police reportedly committed the vast majority of attacks. Health workers have been targeted for providing medical care to injured civilians and for their participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which is protesting the military takeover. 190 health workers were arrested, 37 health workers were injured and 25 health workers killed. Hospitals were raided at least 86 times and occupied at least 55 times. The report also highlights that staff from the World Health Organisation (WHO), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international NGOs have been threatened and forced to return to work by the military council. There are reports that the junta is trying to replace NGO workers believed to be close to the CDM with government appointees. The military junta has continued to arrest and prosecute journalists.Two journalists were arrested on 15th August 2021 at an apartment where they had been hiding in Yangon’s Bahan Township. Sithu Aung Myint, a Frontier Myanmar columnist and contributor to Voice of America, now faces a charge of sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code on top of an outstanding incitement charge. Sithu Aung Myint has been evading arrest since 24th April 2021, when the junta opened a case against him under section 505a for incitement. Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer for BBC Media Action, has been charged under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for associating with the NUG, which the junta labels a terrorist group. According to Human Rights Watch on 27th July 2021, since the coup the junta has arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505(a) of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” Those sentenced under section 505(a) are: Kaung Myat Hlaing, from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was arrested at his home in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, and sentenced to two years in prison; Min Nyo, from DVB, who was arrested while reporting on a protest in Pyay Region, and sentenced to three years;Thet Naing Win, from DVB, who was arrested in Bago Region and sentenced to three years; Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter who was arrested while covering demonstrations in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region and sentenced to two years; and Htoo San, a freelance photographer in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, who was sentenced to three years. On 28th July 2021, the Committee to Protect Journalists published a report, “Bitter reversal: Myanmar military coup wipes out press freedom gains,” which found the country has become one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists. The broadened language of penal code 505(a) has effectively made independent journalism a crime. The threat of arrest has driven many news organisations to close their offices and forced journalists underground or into exile. Further complicating access to information and the ability to report, authorities have banned satellite media and imposed rolling restrictions on the internet. Journalists who spoke with CPJ said their colleagues behind bars have been subjected to abuse and torture; at least three have reported health problems. International reporting from Myanmar is also restricted. Few foreign journalists have been allowed access. Civil society groups criticise exit of Norwegian telco In a letter to Gunn Waersted, the chair of Telenor Group’s board, a group of 45 global and Myanmar human rights, media and other organisations called on Norway’s Telenor Group to halt the controversial sale of its Myanmar operation to the M1 Group, a Lebanese company with ties to Myanmar’s junta. The group included ALTSEAN-Burma, Free Expression Myanmar, Global Witness, PEN America, Justice for Myanmar and dozens of other international and Myanmar organisations. Saying they were “surprised and dismayed” by Telenor’s deal with M1, the organisations said Telenor had acted “without seeking the views of the civil society stakeholders with whom it previously significantly engaged on responsible business, including some of our undersigned organisations. Furthermore, there was no evidence that Telenor had undertaken the “credible assessment of potential adverse human rights impacts of disengagement” from Myanmar required under the UN Principles on Business and Human Rights. Telenor announced on 8th July 2021 that it had agreed to sell its Myanmar operations to M1, which was added to the Burma Campaign UK’s Dirty List in 2019 for doing business with the Myanmar military. Telenor confirmed that as part of the deal it would transfer the call records of its more than 18 million subscribers to the Lebanese company. Rights activists say allowing the junta to access such information would be dangerous, pointing out that phone subscribers in Myanmar must supply ID cards and addresses when registering SIM cards. Protests continued across the country in Yangon, Mandalay and other townships including by youth, workers and LGBTQI+ activists. On 28th July 2021, the junta shot three people, killing at least one, during a crackdown on an anti-coup demonstration in Mandalay. Around 20 people were taking part in a flash mob protest near the east gate of Mandalay’s famous Mahamuni pagoda when they suddenly came under attack. On 2nd August 2021 it was reported that a 22-year-old anti-coup protester in Mandalay, who was shot and injured before being detained during a raid, had died in military custody. Political prisoners inside Myanmar’s most notorious jail held a protest on 23rd July 2021, singing popular songs opposing the military government and chanting political slogans, according to nearby residents and video uploaded to social media. One video showed a street close to Insein Prison in Yangon with clear audio of voices shouting support for ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ousted President Win Myint. According to a lawyer representing some of those detained, the prisoners were demanding the release of all those held on political charges, an easing of prison regulations and medical treatment for those who have fallen sick amid spiralling cases of the coronavirus. A representative of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said: “We are concerned about torture and potential additional charges being filed against the political prisoners as a consequence if the protest is dubbed a prison riot. Such incidents happened under the previous military dictatorships” Following the incident at Insein Prison, prisoners at Shwe Bo Prison in Sagaing Region and Obo Prison in Mandalay Region also protested, according to the AAPP. Anti-coup protesters mark 1988 uprising anniversary On 8th August 2021, protesters came out in cities across Myanmar to protest against the military junta and to mark the 33rd anniversary of an uprising against military rule that was violently put down. Protests took place across Myanmar, including the main cities of Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Mongwa and Myitkyina, according to local news reports. Protesters remembered the thousands of people, many of whom were students, who rose up against military rule in 1988. That uprising was crushed in a bloody crackdown. They also organised online campaigns, bringing people out dressed in red to show the eight-finger salute, which has become one of the symbols of the protest movement, and to hold banners saying: "Let's return the old blood debt of 1988 in 2021."..."
Source/publisher: Civicus (Johannesburg)
2021-08-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Kan Htauk was too badly injured to tell villagers what had happened when they found him. He died three days later
Description: "A 72-year-old man died after being badly beaten by junta forces during a raid on his village in Magway Region’s Gangaw Township last week, two local sources told Myanmar Now. Most residents of Hnankhar fled into nearby forests when four trucks carrying soldiers arrived on Wednesday, but Kan Htauk stayed behind in his home because he was not in good health, the sources said. When the soldiers left the village the next afternoon, villagers returned to find the old man covered with bruises and cuts and unable to communicate what had happened to him, said a resident who is close to his family. “He had to stay there with all those injuries that whole night and the next morning. His knees were torn open. I think he was dragged along the ground,” the resident told Myanmar Now. A group of residents who were hiding near the village while the soldiers were stationed there said they heard Kan Htauk screaming in pain, and that it sounded like he was being beaten near his house. After finding the man on Thursday, the villagers took him to a nearby forest, fearing that the soldiers might return. But they brought him back the next day to try to get him medical attention when his condition failed to improve. He died of his injuries on Saturday morning. “Nearly all of us fled to the forests,” the resident said. “We didn’t think the soldiers would do that to an old man who was not even in good health. We thought they mostly targeted young people.” The old man was not able to tell the villagers what had happened to him because he was suffering too much from his injuries, the resident added. A photo of Kan Htauk’s body seen by Myanmar Now showed bruises on both his eyes and his left arm, and deep gashes on his knees. The Hnankhar Youth Group, a local volunteer organisation, helped to cremate his body on Saturday morning. During the raid, soldiers looted about 20 houses in the village, another local said. “They took all the gold, money, TVs and other valuable things,” he said. The sources said the raid was a response to a landmine attack by local resistance forces against 40 army trucks passing along the Gangaw-Kalay highway on August 18, in which the military suffered heavy casualties. A chapter of the People’s Defence Force in Yaw, an area covering Gangaw, Htilin and Saw townships, has claimed responsibility for the attack. Myanmar Now was unable to independently confirm the details. Neither a military spokesperson nor officials from Gangaw police station answered calls seeking comments on the raid at Hnankhar. In late May, regime forces shot three people dead and set houses on fire during raids on other villages in Gangaw. The raids were triggered by bomb attacks against military trucks. Tens of thousands of residents in about a dozen villages in Gangaw fled their homes the following month amid a build-up of troops in the area. Soldiers stationed in a factory near Hnankhar at the time also looted the houses of those who had fled. At least 1,013 civilians have been killed by the junta since the coup, while over 7,400 have been arrested, according to a recent tally from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-08-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes in Sagaing and Magwe regions due to recent junta raids, according to local sources. Junta forces have been raiding one village after another in Tabayin, Minkin, Myaung, Yinmarbin and Kani townships in Sagaing and Yesagyo and other townships in Magwe, attacking the bases of local resistance fighters, detaining civilians and looting. Junta troops used local villagers as human shields while traveling from one village to another during raids in Myaung, a member of the township People’s Defense Force (PDF) told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity. “They have been on the rampage lately in Myaung. They came here because military informants were killed and to wipe out the Myaung PDF. They use around 10 villagers as human shields when they go from one village to the next. They release the villagers after they reach their destination,” he said. Human Rights Affairs Minister U Aung Myo Min of the parallel National Unity Government called the regime’s use of civilians as human shields the worst form of human rights violations and a war crime. By THE IRRAWADDY 24 August 2021 Tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes in Sagaing and Magwe regions due to recent junta raids, according to local sources. Junta forces have been raiding one village after another in Tabayin, Minkin, Myaung, Yinmarbin and Kani townships in Sagaing and Yesagyo and other townships in Magwe, attacking the bases of local resistance fighters, detaining civilians and looting. Junta troops used local villagers as human shields while traveling from one village to another during raids in Myaung, a member of the township People’s Defense Force (PDF) told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity. “They have been on the rampage lately in Myaung. They came here because military informants were killed and to wipe out the Myaung PDF. They use around 10 villagers as human shields when they go from one village to the next. They release the villagers after they reach their destination,” he said. Human Rights Affairs Minister U Aung Myo Min of the parallel National Unity Government called the regime’s use of civilians as human shields the worst form of human rights violations and a war crime. “They arrest and torture people in villages, and also force them to carry things for the army. And they also use civilians as shields or deterrents against enemy attacks. These are more than human rights violations; they are blatant war crimes,” said U Aung Myo Min. The Myanmar military’s code of ethics also bars military personnel from using civilians in fighting or putting their lives at risk. By THE IRRAWADDY 24 August 2021 Tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes in Sagaing and Magwe regions due to recent junta raids, according to local sources. Junta forces have been raiding one village after another in Tabayin, Minkin, Myaung, Yinmarbin and Kani townships in Sagaing and Yesagyo and other townships in Magwe, attacking the bases of local resistance fighters, detaining civilians and looting. Junta troops used local villagers as human shields while traveling from one village to another during raids in Myaung, a member of the township People’s Defense Force (PDF) told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity. “They have been on the rampage lately in Myaung. They came here because military informants were killed and to wipe out the Myaung PDF. They use around 10 villagers as human shields when they go from one village to the next. They release the villagers after they reach their destination,” he said. Human Rights Affairs Minister U Aung Myo Min of the parallel National Unity Government called the regime’s use of civilians as human shields the worst form of human rights violations and a war crime. “They arrest and torture people in villages, and also force them to carry things for the army. And they also use civilians as shields or deterrents against enemy attacks. These are more than human rights violations; they are blatant war crimes,” said U Aung Myo Min. The Myanmar military’s code of ethics also bars military personnel from using civilians in fighting or putting their lives at risk. Junta troops raided villages in Tabayin as of Sunday and at least seven youths were detained, according to locals. “They stayed overnight at Oh Tein Twin Village, and took food, drinks and rice. They took liquor from the pub and killed chickens for meat. They arrested people and looted. And they destroyed the things they don’t need so that other people can’t use them,” said a Tabayin villager. One young person was shot dead as junta troops opened fire while arresting five youths in the village of Hinthar in Yesagyo Township of Magwe Region, a township PDF member told The Irrawaddy. “As many junta troops have come recently, it appears that they are acting according to a plan to get rid of the PDF. Our weapons are no match for theirs, though there are many resistance fighters available to fight them. As the NUG has not declared ‘D-Day’, and we are not yet in a position to fight them in terms of weaponry, we have had to withdraw,” he said. A PDF base in Shwe Hlan Village was raided on Aug. 19 in Yesagyo Township, and weapons were seized. More weapons were seized from the village during the junta raid on Saturday. Junta forces also attacked a PDF base in Myaung Township, forcing resistance fighters to withdraw..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-08-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As of 23 August, (1013) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. These (4) fallen heroes from Taunggyi Township in Shan State, Yesagyo Township in Magway Region and Khin-u Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 23, a total of (5821) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Soe Lwin Lwin was a primary school teacher at a Thein Kone Village Basic Education Middle School in Taunggyi Township, Shan State, arbitrarily arrested by the terrorist junta, and had been involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Soe Lwin Lwin contracted COVID-19 while detained in Taung Lay Lone (Nyaung Shwe) Prison and died on August 22. On the evening of August 22, the terrorist junta raided and opened fire in Hinthar Village in Yesagyo Township, Magway Region, after a junta-appointed village administrator informed on them. Five villagers were shot at in an attempt to make arrests. Chit Ye Yint, one of five, was shot dead in the forehead. On August 21 around 8 pm, Maung Aye and a nurse, Nweat Nweat Aye, from Kan Thit Village in Khin-u Township, Sagaing Region, were shot to death by terrorist junta’s soldiers who were patrolling in the area. The husband and wife were returning home by motorbike from selling agricultural products. It is reported that Maung Aye was shot in the head and Nweat Nweat was shot in the stomach. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In Part 3 of a 3-part series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Khin Thandar (pseudonym) tells her story post-coup that highlights a different reality and involvement than the rest of the country. Editor’s note: This is part 3 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Read Part 1 and Part 2. Access to the full report is available at the end of this post. Khin Thandar comes from a small village in Rakhine State. She is actively involved with a number of Arakan civil society organizations and youth groups. She was interviewed on May 2. What I feel sad about though is that most young people in Myanmar do not have the opportunity to study at all at the moment—whether online or offline—which means they are basically losing their future. I was in Yangon when the coup happened. I had a lot of missed calls from my friends and activists I work with that night, and when I finally answered one at around 4:30 a.m., I found out there had been a military coup. Actually, I wasn’t that shocked. I had suspected the coup would happen. My first thought was that, based on our experience in Rakhine State, people needed to prepare for an internet shutdown and for not being able to communicate with their loved ones. So, I began to calmly spread this message with my network. In contrast to many of my friends, I never really thought of going out into the streets to protest against the coup. You know, while people in Yangon and NLD supporters—mostly from the Bamar majority—were experiencing the so-called ‘democratic transition’ in recent years, we in Rakhine State continued to live and suffer under a military dictatorship. After the coup, these very same groups began calling for unity of all of Myanmar, but where were they when our ethnic people were dying in communal and armed conflicts? It is unfair and very painful. Actually, many people in Rakhine State feel as much distrust and even hatred towards the Bamar majority as they do towards the military. Because of this, I felt a little out of place in Yangon after the coup, so I decided to go back to my home state. When I arrived, I met with some youth who were thinking of organizing a protest. We discussed it for a while, especially the high risk of getting arrested or even killed since the military presence in Rakhine State is much bigger than in Yangon. We asked ourselves: Who is it exactly we would be protesting for? And do we deserve to get jailed or killed for that? In the end, we decided against it. That is why Rakhine State is ‘silent’ now: we don’t talk about the military, and there is no CDM here. What affected my life post-coup the most have been the progressive internet shutdowns. I had to cancel many of my plans, like an online civic education course for university students that I had been preparing together with some of my seniors. I was also unable to move abroad for my master’s studies as I had originally planned since my flight got cancelled in part due to the coup here and in part due to a Covid-19 outbreak over there. Luckily, I can study online, but I’ve had to move a couple of times in order to secure a stable internet connection. What I feel sad about though is that most young people in Myanmar do not have the opportunity to study at all at the moment—whether online or offline—which means they are basically losing their future. Of course, the coup has also affected me and everyone around me psychologically. The constant stream of bad news is heart-breaking. When I get too stressed, I spend time alone, go for walks on the beach, listen to music, or exercise. Sometimes, I write down my thoughts and feelings about what’s going on in the country. In my family there are different opinions on the current events, so it has become a very sensitive topic for us. For the first few weeks after the coup, we couldn’t even discuss it. I experienced something similar with my personal network as well. First, I was sharing my opinions about the political situation very openly, both online and offline. But then this led to fights with friends and other activists, and people began accusing me of being selfish. So in the end, I decided to stay silent. I feel like everyone wants to get media attention nowadays, but I would say that the world needs to listen to the unheard voices in Myanmar before it overgeneralizes the situation in the country. I’m personally worried about my state, because in contrast to the past when there was a lot of discussion, Rakhine State is now silent. It feels scary and I worry there will be more fighting in the future. Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
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Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
2021-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
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Description: "As of 21 August, (1009) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. (1) from Gantgaw Township in Magway Region died today and (1) from Shwepyithar Township in Yangon Region was killed on August 19 and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 21, a total of (5787) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On the evening of August 18, terrorist junta soldiers raided Hnan Khar Village in Gantgaw Township, Magway Region. 72 years old Kan Htaunt who was not able to run away from the village because of his age was punched and kicked continuously by entering junta troops. Kan Htaunt died on the morning of August 21 from this torturous assault. On the evening of August 19, a large number of security forces raided a hostel in Shwepyithar Township, Yangon Region, having accused it of housing the PDF. A young man named Lin Lin Tun a.k.a Bo Phyu was shot in the stomach and died on the spot while he was attempting to jump out of the window to escape. In addition to this, Hnin Ei Khaing, a young woman, was arrested. Tun Win, living in Shan State’s Muse Town, who contracted COVID-19, was arrested at his home by terrorist junta troops on August 20 as they did not find his son they were looking for. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-08-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.43 MB 5.64 MB 1.86 MB
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Description: "In 200 days, the terrorist-like so-called ‘State Administrative Council’ has murdered (1007) civilians from the pro-democracy movement against the illegitimate coup attempt. Our organization, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has been monitoring human rights violations since long before the military coup and began documenting recent fatalities with the fatal shooting of Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing on 9 February in Naypyidaw. Proportionately, an average of five innocent civilians is killed each day by junta. “We’ve seen how the military junta followed a pattern with its escalation of deadly and arbitrary force” said AAPP, “At first they used rubber bullets and tear gas, when this did not produce the desired subordination to dictatorial rule, a campaign of terror began in March”. Cases of arson, looting, arbitrary assaults, torture, artillery, and massacres are no widespread across the country. The paragraphs below detail categories of occupations, demographics, and events to illustrate the sweeping destruction this murderous military coup was wrought. Professions At the onset of the coup, teachers, doctors, have been some of those most systematically targeted for their involvement in anti-coup protests, the civil disobedience movement, and offering support in crackdowns. Since the coup, (6) medics, (7) engineers, (10) teachers and (71) students have been killed by the junta. Deadliest Day On 27 March, AAPP documented the deadliest day of the military’s brutal crackdown attempts. (164) courageous civilians lost their lives, across the country including in Insein and Dala Township, Yangon, in Meiktila and Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay, in Monwya and Shwebo, Sagaing, in Kawthaung, Tanintharyi Region. (2) 18-year-olds and (14) under-18’s were killed by the junta. Total (16) 18 and under killed on this day. Regions The inhumanity of this terrorist like military has forced people Burma across the country in daily life-threatening situations. Since the coup (241) people have been murdered in Yangon Region, (217) people murdered in Mandalay Region, and (204) in Sagaing Region. Vulnerable Groups International humanitarian law has requirements for the protection of children, found throughout the Fourth Geneva Convention and in its additional protocols. The Convention on the Rights of the Child also states that parties must take “all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by armed conflict”. Yet, since the coup in Burma, (20) 18-year-olds and (62) under-18’s were killed. Total (82) 18 and under have been murdered by the junta. Since the coup at least (70) women people been murdered according to AAPP’s most recently published fatality list. International humanitarian law recognizes that males are afforded the same protection as women and vice versa, but specific vulnerabilities guarantee protection for females. This equally applies to persons not confirming to traditional gender roles, who are systemically exposed to egregious human rights violations. On 4 June Thaw Thaw, a transgender woman, was shot in the arm and rib by junta troops in in Kyaukpadaung Township, Mandalay, and died from lack of medical treatment. Protests People are being killed at peaceful protests, often spontaneous gatherings but always the movement has remained a leaderless organic rejection of an illegitimate coup attempt. (649) have been killed at pro-democracy demonstrations since 1 February. Some of the most violent and least indefensible, even for this murderous junta, have been the unprovoked shootings and raids in neighbourhood and homes. Even on streets in the middle of day, youths racing to get back home are murdered by junta terrorists in unmarked vehicles. One of the most heinous atrocities was on 23 March when the junta troops raided a family home in Mandalay City. Khin Myo Chit a 6 year-year-old, was shot covering in her fathers’ arms. When a teenager is shot in the back of the head, it signifies hostility and intent of the perpetrator. An incident which garnered international attention was the murder of Kyal Sin Lin also known as ‘Angel’, who on 3 March was gunned down running back from a barrier at a pro-democracy protest in Mandalay City. Since the coup (107) have been shot dead in the head. Torture to Death There are many other strategies a violent institution like this military will practice, and it does not stop at indiscriminate but intentional shootings. Torturing activists, striking workers, or every-day civilians has been a tactic of this junta. Since the coup (106) have been murdered this way. Conclusion The evidence is overwhelming, the intent has been to suppress dissent against dictatorship and for democracy by inflicting crimes against humanity on an entire country. The international response should have been swift and remains to be significant enough to end the impunity. International recognition of the political legitimacy to the National Unity Government sends a message that these crimes will not be tolerated and will begin the process of accountability..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-08-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As of 19 August, (1007) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region died today and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 19, a total of (5747) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Thet Naing Oo from Kyauk Kan Village in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Townshipwho, who was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troops on the night of August 18, died on the morning of August 19. Thet Naing Oo was reportedly beaten and tortured the whole night. He was stopped and arrested because of his flashlight while he was returning home from the south of a school where the terrorist junta had set up camp. On the afternoon of August 18, junta police and soldiers raided the homes of three NLD MPs of Tabayin Township in Sagaing Region and arrested some family members as hostages. In Sai Pyin Town, the home of Pyithuhluttaw MP Win Myint Aung was raided and his wife Khin Ohn Myint, the son, and younger brother San Lin were all arrested. In the raid of Moe Min Win’s home, regional hluttaw MP for No (2) constituency, his older brother Hmet San and nephew were also arrested. In addition to this, the terrorist junta raided the home of Hnin Khaing Soe, regional hluttaw MP for No (1) constituency in Sai Pyin Town. The father of Hnin Khaing Soe was reportedly not arrested because he contracted COVID-19 and was having to breathe from oxygen supplies. Political analyst Si Thu Aung Myint, who has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, was arrested on the night of August 15 whilst evading arrest in an apartment in Yangon Region’s Bahan Township. He is a regular columnist for Frontier Myanmar and VOA and wrote articles and satire criticising the coup council for which he was charged. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.41 MB 5.64 MB 1.86 MB
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Sub-title: New report finds Myanmar’s National Unity Government can grant jurisdiction to ICC
Description: "The National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar can delegate jurisdiction to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate and prosecute mass atrocity crimes that occurred in the country since 2002, according to a legal analysis published by Fortify Rights today. The NUG can do this in two ways: First, by lodging what is known as an “Article 12(3) declaration” with the ICC, and second, by formally acceding to the Rome Statute, the treaty that established the Court. “The NUG has an opportunity to bring Myanmar significantly closer to justice and accountability,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer of Fortify Rights. “Our analysis finds that the NUG can enter Myanmar into the Rome Statute under international law, and U.N. member states would do well to support these efforts.” The 48-page legal analysis, entitled Ending Impunity in Myanmar, explains how the NUG could address past, present, and future atrocity crimes in the country by issuing a declaration under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute while also initiating the process to accede to the Rome Statute. An Article 12(3) declaration could provide immediate jurisdiction to the Court to address specific atrocity crimes in Myanmar, including past and future crimes. Full accession to the Statute would further entitle Myanmar to all the rights of a State Party to the Statute. Fortify Rights recommended the NUG pursue both paths without delay. Only State Parties to the Rome Statute can challenge a validly deposited accession to the Statute. As explained in the Fortify Rights report, the states that would be expected to challenge the NUG’s ability to accede to the Rome Statute—such as China, the Russian Federation, or certain Southeast Asian governments—are not parties to the Rome Statute, meaning they have no standing to challenge or contest the NUG’s accession to the Court. The Myanmar junta also could not challenge an accession to the Rome Statute by the NUG unless the junta itself became a State Party to the Statute. Therefore, according to the legal analysis, a successful challenge to the NUG’s accession to the Rome Statute is unlikely. “There are limits to the power of spoiler states to block international justice and accountability,” said Matthew Smith. “States that historically protected the Myanmar military from legal accountability would have no direct power to block this. The people of Myanmar are demanding justice, and while it will take time, the NUG can do its part to help deliver it.” In recent months, Fortify Rights presented the findings of this report to NUG Vice-President Duwa Lashi La and four NUG ministers in separate briefings. Representatives of the NUG have spoken publicly about engaging the ICC since the coup. Fortify Rights recommended the NUG delegate jurisdiction to the ICC for any atrocity crimes that may have occurred since 2002—the date that the Rome Statute came into force—and all future crimes. Myanmar’s many diverse ethnic minorities—the NUG’s constituents—collectively comprise a sizable share of the national population. They have faced mass atrocity crimes for decades with little to no access to justice or accountability. By lodging an Article 12(3) declaration and acceding to the Rome Statute, the NUG could help deter future crimes in Myanmar by requiring military leaders to consider the possibility of prosecution by a neutral international court. “While these measures alone would not suffice to end and remedy all ongoing atrocities, they would bring the country closer to ending deadly cycles of impunity,” the report says. As Ending Impunity in Myanmar explains, past practice suggests that governments with some level of international recognition can represent and act on behalf of the state even in situations where the government does not exercise effective control over the territory or people, such as in the case of a coup d’état. The people of Myanmar overwhelmingly recognize the NUG as their democratically elected government, and the NUG already has significant support from members of the international community. In September, the military junta and the NUG are expected to seek official credentials to represent Myanmar at the United Nations General Assembly. On August 6, U.S. authorities arrested two Myanmar men for allegedly plotting to harm or kill Myanmar’s U.N. ambassador, Kyaw Moe Tun—who denounced the coup at the U.N. General Assembly—unless he stepped down from his position as Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the U.N. On August 9, in a statement, the Myanmar junta denied any involvement in the plot but demanded the U.S. extradite Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun in order to prosecute him for high treason. Successfully engaging the ICC in the ways outlined in this report would help confer deserved political legitimacy on the NUG. It would also help deny the Myanmar junta political legitimacy, which is “crucial for promoting and protecting human rights and preventing atrocity crimes,” said Fortify Rights. The Rome Statute is a multilateral treaty that came into force in 2002, providing the legal framework to establish the ICC in The Hague, the Netherlands. The ICC has the authority to investigate and prosecute mass-atrocity crimes as a “court of last resort”—that is, in situations in which the home state is unwilling or unable to investigate and prosecute atrocities. There are 123 States Parties to the Rome Statute of the ICC. By ratifying or acceding to the Rome Statute, states may delegate their jurisdiction to the ICC to prosecute individuals responsible for atrocities committed on their territory or by their nationals. For states that have not delegated jurisdiction to the Court, the ICC can only consider situations referred by the U.N. Security Council. For years, China and Russia have effectively blocked any meaningful action by the Security Council in response to atrocity crimes in Myanmar. On February 1, 2021, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and the Myanmar military overthrew the elected Government of Myanmar in a coup d’état. The junta immediately arrested President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, and other senior civilian leaders. The military and police have since killed more than 900 men, women, and children—primarily peaceful protesters—and imprisoned several thousand others for opposing the junta’s rule..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
2021-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 4.98 MB 7.46 MB 172.58 KB
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Description: "In Part 2 of a 3-part series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Ko Democracy (pseudonym) tells us how the coup has affected his life and his loved ones in Myitkyina. Editor’s note: This is part 2 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Access to the full report will be available in Part 3 of this series. Ko Democracy is a young Gorkha man working for a social enterprise in Kachin State. He was interviewed on May 6. We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings. KO DEMOCRACY When I woke up on the morning of February 1, I noticed I had no phone signal. Then my dad came back from the bazaar and said the Myanmar military was everywhere, especially around the NLD party headquarters and residences of NLD representatives. I decided to go for a ride on my motorbike to see what was going on, and indeed there were military trucks and soldiers with guns blocking the roads. It felt so wrong—as if we were going backwards. I feared we would be disconnected from the outside world very soon. I had all these thoughts spinning around in my head, and I knew that the military was going to torture us. Despite the tragic news, I decided to go to the office. On the way, I got stopped by a soldier that wouldn’t let me enter the district where our office was. I had to talk to him for a while, until he finally let me go. When the coup happened, I was working as a field staff and interpreter in a social enterprise. Our main office was in Myitkyina, but we mostly worked in villages close to the Chinese border. Everything became so difficult for us after the coup. First off, we suddenly had no access to money because the banks closed, so we couldn’t pay salaries or transport fees. Then, because of the internet shutdown, it became challenging for us to communicate with the local partners implementing our projects. After two months, we finally decided we couldn’t keep the enterprise running, so I’m jobless now. All my work worries haven’t stopped me from participating in the resistance movement. As soon as the coup happened, we went out into the streets, and we continue to do so, this time in the form of so-called ‘guerrilla strikes’. Unfortunately, one of my friends from the student union has already been arrested, and we don’t even know where he is. Another friend is in jail and has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. I have just come back from hiding myself. I was away from home for a month: I feared the military would come look for me after arresting my friends. As I have been very involved in the movement, I am paranoid now. I am scared that one day they’ll take my phone and find out all about my involvement and my contacts. I am not directly involved with the KIA or KIO, but I do have some contacts, and I have been giving them to people who want to join the armed resistance. I encourage them and would also do it myself if it weren’t for my parents. I am their only child, and I know it would break their heart. Still, we have agreed that if things get worse, they will allow me to go and fight for our freedom. Until then, I will continue practicing ‘civil resistance’: not paying taxes and not attending university. The military sees young people across the country as their enemies. They have been arresting, kidnapping, and killing people every single day. People are under serious pressure to go back to work, since the military arrests anyone participating in the CDM. If they don’t or can’t find the strikers, they arrest their family members instead. Recently the focus has been on teachers and students who do not want to go to school. Last night we heard six bomb explosions very close to our house. These terrible troubles are what dominate our lives now. It is a difficult time for us all. To stay strong, I listen to spiritual leaders. I very much like Sadhguru, who said that that no one can torture you unless you accept the torturing yourself. What he meant by that is that the power inside of us cannot be taken away unless we give it away ourselves. I also get inspired by the strength and resilience of IDPs in the Kachin and Karen Hills. I tell myself that I still have food and shelter, so I shouldn’t complain. We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings. We do not have that much hope in the UN anymore due to its bureaucracies, but we do need the National Unity Government (NUG) to be recognized in order for other countries to be able to legally sell arms to them. So please help us with this. At the same time, the military regime must not be recognized as a legal government. Please also allow our Myanmar citizens to get visa extensions in your countries; don’t force them to return to an unsafe place. And finally, I would like to ask the international world to send humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. We need urgent help. Read Part 1 and Part 3 here. (Link for Part 3 will be live on August 23) Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
2021-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၀) ကျော်ကြာ ဖြစ်ပွားနေသော ပြည်တွင်းစစ်အတွင်း တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူ အများစု မှာ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးမူဝါဒအောက်တွင် မတရား ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ တရားမဲ့ သတ်ဖြတ် ခံရခြင်း၊ အဓမ္မပြုကျင့်ခံရခြင်း၊ မြို့ရွာများကို မီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရခြင်း၊ အတင်းအကြပ် နေရာရွှေ့ပြောင်းခံရခြင်း စသည်များကို ခံစားနေရကြရသည်။ ထိုအခြေအနေများကို နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းရှိ လူ့အခွင့် အရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အရပ်ဘက် လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ အစဉ်တစိုက် ထောက်ပြခဲ့ပြီး စစ်အုပ်စုအားအရေး ယူရန် တိုက်တွန်းချက်များ အကြိမ်ကြိမ်ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂမှလည်း အချက်အလက်ရှာဖွေရေးအဖွဲ့ကို (၂၀၁၈) တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို စုံစမ်းမှတ်တမ်းတင်သည်အထိ ဆောင် ရွက်မှုများရှိနေသည်။ သို့သော် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ရပ်တန့်သည်မရှိဘဲ စစ်ရာဇ ဝတ်မှုနှင့် လူသားဖြစ်တည်မှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်သည်အထိ ဆိုးဝါးရက်စက် လှသော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။ (၂၀၂၁) ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်သူ့ဆန္ဒဖြင့် ရွေးချယ်ထားသည့် အရပ်သားရွေးကောက်ခံ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များနှင့် နိုင်ငံ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို အကြမ်းဖက် လုယူ သွားသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို တစိုက်မတ်မတ် တွန်းလှန်ခုခံလျက်ရှိသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြား ဒေသအသီးသီး အနက် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး ယင်းမာပင်ခရိုင်အတွင်းရှိ ကနီမြို့နယ်သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံ အသုံးပြု၍ ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်နေသည့် ထင်ရှားသော အရပ်ဒေသတစ်ခု ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အတွက်ကြောင့်လည်း အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီက အညှိုးတကြီးဖြင့် နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးရေးအကြောင်းပြကာ ကနီ မြို့ပေါ်နှင့် အနီးအနားပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ကျေးရွာများတွင် ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများ၊ တောနင်းရှာဖွေမှုများ ပြုလုပ်လျက် ရှိနေသလို ကျေးရွာများအတွင်း စစ်အင်အားအလုံးအရင်းဖြင့် ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းမှုများကြောင့် ဒေသခံ ထောင် ပေါင်းများစွာမှာ နီးစပ်ရာ ကျေးရွာများ၊ တောအုပ်များအတွင်း ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကျေးရွာများအတွင်းဝင်ရောက်ကာ ကျွဲ၊ နွားများ အပါအဝင် ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ လုယူခြင်း၊ သိမ်းပိုက်ခြင်းများကိုပါ ပြုလုပ်လာခဲ့သည်။ ကလေးမြို့ အခြေစိုက် တပ်ရင်း (၂၂၈) အပါအဝင် တပ်မ (၄၄) နှင့် (၉၉) လက်အောက်ခံတပ်ရင်းများမှ ဗျူဟာ သုံးခုခွဲ၍ အင်အားတစ်ထောင်ခန့်ဖြင့် ကနီမြို့နယ်အတွင်း ကျေးရွာတိုင်းနီးပါးသို့ ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းလျက်ရှိရာ ဒေသခံ အများအပြားမှာ အကြမ်းဖက်ဖမ်းဆီးခံရခြင်း၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ အသက်သေဆုံးသည်အထိ လူ မဆန်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရခြင်းများကိုလည်း ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်ဘေးရှောင် ပြည်သူများမှာ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာနှင့် ဆေးဝါးပြတ်လပ်မှုဒဏ်ကို ခံစားနေကြရပြီး မုံရွာနယ် ဘက်သို့ သွားရောက်ဝယ်ယူရာတွင်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်ပါးစေများက ပမာဏများပြားသော ငွေကြေးများ ကောက်ခံခြင်းအပြင် စစ်ဖိနပ်ဖြင့်ကန်ခြင်း၊ သေနတ်ဒင်ဖြင့်ထုခြင်းစသည့် အနိုင်ကျင့်မှုများကို လည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိနေကြောင်း သိရသည်။ ကနီမြို့နယ်ရှိ ကျေးရွာအချို့တွင်လည်း ဇူလိုင် (၉) ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ အူရီဒူးနှင့် တယ်လီနောအော်ပရေတာများ၏ အင်တာနက်နှင့်ဖုန်းလိုင်းများ ပြတ်တောက်ခဲ့ပြီး ဩဂုတ်လ (၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် MPT လိုင်းပါ ထပ်မံ ပြတ်တောက် ခဲ့ရာ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် စစ်တပ်ပိုင် Mytel အော်ပရေတာ၏ ဖုန်းနှင့်အင်တာနက်လိုင်းသာ ရွာအချို့တွင် အသုံးပြု ၍ရနေကြောင်း ဒေသခံများကဆိုသည်။ ဤလုပ်ရပ်မှာ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် ဖြတ် လေးဖြတ်ဗျူဟာကိုအသုံးပြု၍ တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် လူမဆန်စွာ ပြုလုပ်မှုများ ကြောင့် ဇူလိုင်လ တစ်လတည်းမှာပင် ကနီမြို့နယ်ရှိ ကျေးရွာများ၌ အရပ်သားများ၏ အလောင်းများ အစုလိုက် အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်စွန့်ပစ်ထားသည်ကို လေးကြိမ်တိုင်တိုင် တွေ့ရှိခဲ့ကြသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်စွန့်ပစ်ထားသည့် ရုပ် အလောင်းစုစုပေါင်းမှာ အနည်းဆုံး (၄၃) ဦး ရှိနေသည်။ ပထမအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၄ လောင်း) စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး ယင်းမာပင်ခရိုင် ကနီမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ မုံအိုကျေးရွာနှင့် ရွာသာကျေးရွာအကြား ရှစ်ခိုး တက် တောပြင်၌ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်နေ့ ညနေ ၄ နာရီနှင့် ၆ နာရီကြားအချိန်တွင် အမျိုးသား (၄) ဦးကို အကြမ်း ဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ဖမ်းဆီး၍ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ကာ ဦးခေါင်းများကို သေနတ်နှင့်တေ့ပစ်ပြီး အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုရုပ်အလောင်း (၄) လောင်းကို ဇူလိုင်လ (၃) ရက်နေ့တွင် ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ရာ ရုပ်အလောင်းများမှာ ဦးခေါင်းများ မရှိတော့သကဲ့သို့ ပျက်စီးနေပြီး အနီးတဝိုက်တွင်လည်း ဆိုင်ကယ် (၂၅) စီးခန့်ကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးထားသည်ကို တွေ့ မြင်ခဲ့ရကြောင်း ဒေသခံများကဆိုသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသည့် ရုပ်အလောင်း (၄) လောင်းမှာ စိန်ကုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ ဖန်ခါးကုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ ဆူးလေကုန်း ရွာမှာ (၁) ဦးနှင့် အင်ချောင်ရွာမှ (၁) ဦး တို့ဖြစ်ကြသည်။ ဒုတိယအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၁၆ လောင်း) ချင်းတွင်းမြစ် အရှေ့ဘက်ကမ်းရှိ ယင်းရွာ၊ ကုန်းသာရွာ၊ ကျောက်လှေကားရွာများသို့ ဇူလိုင် (၉) ရက် နှင့် (၁၀) ရက်နေ့များ၌ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ အလုံးအရင်းဖြင့် ဝင်ရောက်လာသောကြောင့် ရွာလုံးကျွတ် ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်ကြရသည်။ ထိုထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေသူ ဒေသခံများအနက် (၂၆) ဦး ပျောက်ဆုံးနေသဖြင့် လိုက်လံ ရှာဖွေရာ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်၊ ယင်းရွာ၏ အရှေ့ဘက် ခင်တန်းရှည် တောင်ကုန်းပေါ်မှ ချိုင့်ထဲတွင် တောထဲတွင် ဒဏ်ရာများဖြင့် ရုပ်ပျက်ဆင်းပျက်ဖြစ်နေသည့် အလောင်း (၁၅) လောင်းနှင့် နောက်တစ်ရွာတွင် အလောင်း (၁) လောင်းကို ထပ်မံ ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်။ အလောင်းများကို ဇူလိုင် (၁၁၊ ၁၂) ရက်နေ့များတွင် ယင်းရွာ၏ အရှေ့ဘက်တောင်ကုန်းပေါ်မှ ရှာတွေ့ခဲ့ ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ယင်းရွာမှ (၁၃) ဦး၊ ကုန်းသာရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ ပလူဇဝ ရွာမှ (၁) ဦးနှင့် ထောက်ကြံ့ကုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး စုစုပေါင်း (၁၆) ဦး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ယင်းရွာဒေသခံက ဆိုသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရသူများအနက် အများစုမှာ အသက် (၃၀) နှင့် (၅၀) ကြားအရွယ် အမျိုးသားများဖြစ်ပြီး အသက် (၆၀) ကျော်အရွယ် (၁) ဦးလည်း ပါဝင်သည်။ ရုပ်အလောင်းအားလုံးတွင် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းခံထားရသည့် လက္ခဏာများတွေ့ရပြီး အဆိုးရွား ဆုံးမှာ မျက်နှာနှင့် လည်ပင်းများကို လှီးဖြတ် နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းထားသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများတွေ့ရှိရခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ တတိယအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၁၂ လောင်း) စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်၊ ဇီးပင်တွင်းကျေးရွာအနီး ဇူလိုင် (၂၆) ရက် ညနေပိုင်းက အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်နှင့် ဒေသခံကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (PDF) တို့ တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ခဲ့ရာ ရွာသားတချို့နှင့် PDF အဖွဲ့ဝင်တချို့ ပျောက်ဆုံးနေ ၍ လိုက်လံရှာဖွေရာမှ ဇီးပင်တွင်းရွာ အနောက်ဘက်ယာတောထဲတွင် ဒဏ်ရာများနှင့် ရုပ်အလောင်း (၅) လောင်း ကို ပထမအကြိမ်ရှာဖွေမှုတွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ နောက်ထပ် အလောင်း (၇) လောင်းကို ဒုတိယအကြိမ် ရှာဖွေမှု တွင်လည်းကောင်း စုစုပေါင်း ရုပ်အလောင်း (၁၂) လောင်းကို ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့၌ ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ပြန်သည်။ ဒုတိယအကြိမ်ရှာဖွေမှုတွင် ရွာသားများက မြေကျင်းတစ်ခုကို တူးဖော်ခဲ့ရာ မြှုပ်နှံထားသည့် အလောင်း (၄) လောင်း၊ သစ်ပင်တွင် ကြိုးဖြင့် ချိတ်ဆွဲထားသည့် အလောင်း (၁) လောင်း၊ မြေပြင်တွင် လဲကျနေသော ရုပ်အလောင်း (၂) လောင်းကို တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်ဟု သိရသည်။ အဆိုပါ ရုပ်အလောင်း (၇) လောင်းမှာ အသက် (၆၀) ကျော်အရွယ် သက်ကြီးပိုင်း (၂) ဦး၊ ကိုယ်လက်အင်္ဂါမသန်စွမ်းသူ (၁) ဦး၊ အသက် (၁၈) မှ (၃၀) ကြား (၄) ဦး၏ ရုပ်အလောင်းများ ဖြစ်ကြသည်။ ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၇) ရက်နေ့က ရှာဖွေမှုနှစ်ခုတွင် တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည့် ရုပ်အလောင်း (၁၂) လောင်းမှာ ဇီးပင်တွင်းရွာမှ (၂) ဦး၊ ချင်းဖုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ သမင်ဇပ်ရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ သလောက်ရွာမှ (၁) ဦးနှင့် မုံရွာမှ (၇) ဦး ဖြစ်ကြောင်းသိရသည်။ ရုပ်အလောင်းအားလုံး၏ ခန္ဓာကိုယ်တွင် တူညီသည့်အချက်မှာ ရိုက်နှက်၊ နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပမ်းခြင်းကြောင့် ဒဏ်ရာ အများအပြား ရှိနေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု ဒေသခံများက ဆိုသည်။ စတုတ္ထအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၁၁ လောင်း) အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်တပ်များနှင့် ကနီမြို့နယ် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်များ ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၆) ရက်နှင့် (၂၇) ရက်နေ့တို့တွင် ကနီမြို့နယ် တောင်ပေါက်အုပ်စု ထူးကျေးရွာအနီးတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ဝင်ရောက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် ဒေသခံများက ပြန်လည်ခုခံရင်း တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် နောက်တစ်ရက် (၂၈) ရက်နေ့ နံနက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က ကြပ်ချောင်းတောတိုက်တွင် တောင်သူလုပ်ကိုင်နေသော သရက်တောရွာသား ကိုအောင်ကျော်မြင့်၏ တဲအိမ်အတွင်းဝင်ရောက်၍ ကိုအောင်ကျော်မြင့်အပါအဝင် ထမင်းစား နေသောအမျိုးသား (၁၁) ဦးအား ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီး တဲကိုပါ မီးရှို့ဖျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် နံနက် (၁၀) နာရီခန့်အချိန်တွင် သရက်တောရွာသား ကိုမြင့်သိန်း၏ ယာခင်းအစပ်မှ သေနတ်သံ ဆယ်ချက်ကျော်ခန့် ကြားရကြောင်းကို သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရသည့်အထဲတွင် ပါဝင်သူ၏ ဇနီးပြောကြားချက်အရ သိရ သည်။ ဒေသခံများက လိုက်လံရှာဖွေရာ ကနီမြို့နယ် တောင်ပေါက် ကျေးရွာအုပ်စု ကျောက်တံခါးချောင်းနှင့် ကြပ်ချောင်း အဆုံ၊ ကိုမြင့်သိန်း (သရက်တောရွာ)၏ ယာခင်းအတွင်း အမျိုးသား (၁၁) ဦးအား အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ် ခံထားရပြီး ဆိုင်ကယ် (၂) စီး နှင့်အတူ မီးရှို့ခံထားရသည်ကို ဇူလိုင်လ (၃၁) ရက်နေ့က တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်။ သေဆုံးသူများမှာ အမျိုးသားများဖြစ်ပြီး ခိုတွင်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ သရက်တောရွာမှ (၆) ဦး၊ ကနီမြို့ပေါ်မှ (၃) ဦး နှင့် ညောင်သူများရွာမှ (၁) ဦး စုစုပေါင်း (၁၁) ဦးဖြစ်သည်။ ကနီမြို့ပေါ်မှ (၃) ဦးမှာ ညီအစ်ကိုများဖြစ် ပြီး သရက်တောရွာရှိ ဆွေမျိုးများထံ တောင်သူအလုပ်လုပ်ရင်း မီးသွေးဖုတ်နေကြသူများ ဖြစ်သည်ဟု သိရသည်။ တွေ့ရှိရသည့် ရုပ်အလောင်းများအနက် (၃) လောင်းတွင် မျက်နှာနှင့် ခန္ဓာကိုယ်အနှံ့ ညိုမည်းဒဏ်ရာများဖြစ်ပေါ် နေခြင်း၊ ဦးခေါင်းနှင့် ရင်ဘတ်များတွင် သေနတ်ဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်ထားခြင်း၊ မျက်နှာများအား ဓါတ်ဆီလောင်း မီးရှို့ ထားခြင်းစသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများလည်းတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ပြီး အလောင်းများမှာလည်း ပုပ်ပွလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုအခင်းဖြစ်ပွားပြီး နောက်ဆက်တွဲအနေနှင့် ကနီမြို့နယ် ကင်းတောင်အုပ်စု ခိုတွင်းကျေးရွာနေ ဦးမောင်မြင့်က စစ်အုပ်စု၏အကြမ်းဖက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကြောင့် စိတ်ဖေါက်ပြန်သွားပြီး နောက်တစ်ရက် ဩဂုတ်လ (၁) ရက်နေ့ ညနေတွင် ကနီမြို့ပေါ်ရှိ အထက ကျောင်းနားသို့ ဆိုင်ကယ်ဖြင့် သွားရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် ကျောင်းအတွင်း စခန်းချနေသော အကြမ်းဖက်တပ်သားများကို “မင်းတို့တွေကြောင့် တို့ပြည်သူတွေ သေရတာ” ဟုအော်ဟစ်ပြီး ကျောင်းအုတ်တံတိုင်းနားသို့ ကပ်သွားစဉ် မည်သည့်လက်နက်မျှမပါသော ဦးမောင်မြင့်အား အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့၏ တပ်သားများမှ ပစ်သတ်ခဲ့ကြပြီး အလောင်းအား ညတွင်းချင်းဖျောက်ဖျက်လိုက်ကြကြောင်း မိသားစုထံမှ သိရ သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက်စက်သော လူမဆန်စွာကျူးလွန်မှုများမှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနေရာအနှံ့အပြားတွင် နေ့စဉ် နှင့်အမျှ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေလျက်ရှိပြီး အထက်ပါ ကနီမြို့နယ်ဖြစ်စဉ်များမှာ တိကျသော သက်သေအထောက်အထား များဖြင့် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရသည့် ဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခုပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်များမှာ အစုလိုက် အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ် မှုအပါအဝင် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ဆိုးဝါးရက်စက်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုမြောက်ပြီး မြန်မာပြည်သူ လူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကို စစ်အုပ်စုက အကြီးအကျယ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း သက်သေခံလျက်ရှိသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ၎င်းတို့ ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို တာဝန်ယူ၊ တာဝန်ခံရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ကနီမြို့နယ်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများသည် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေအရ အမြစ် ပြတ် သုတ်သင်ရှင်းလင်းရေးလုပ်ရပ်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်။ (၁၉၄၉) ခုနှစ် ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းနှင့် (၁၉၇၇) ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ (၈) ရက်နေ့၌ ထပ်မံ ဖြည့်စွက်ထားသော နောက်ဆက်တွဲစာချုပ်များတွင် ပြည်တွင်း/ပြည်ပ စစ်ပွဲများကြောင့် အရပ်သားနှင့် အရပ်သားများ၏ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ၊ ဘာသာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အဆောက်အဦများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထားမတိုက်ခိုက်ရန် အစရှိသည့် စံနှုန်းများကိုလည်း တိကျစွာ ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ ဂျီနီဗာသဘောတူ စာချုပ် (၄) ဖြစ်သော စစ်အတွင်း၌ အရပ်သားများကိုကာကွယ်ခြင်းဆိုင်ရာသဘောတူစာချုပ် (၁၉၄၉) ၏ အပိုဒ်(၃၂) အရ စစ်ပွဲအတွင်း ကာကွယ်ပေးရမည့်ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအား ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနာကျင်မှုဖြစ်စေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်မှု (သို့) အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှု ဖြစ်စေနိုင်သော ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို တားမြစ်ထားသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ ရိုက်နှက်အပြစ်ပေးခြင်း၊ ဆေးပညာ (သို့) သိပ္ပံပညာအတွက် အသုံးချခြင်းတို့ကို အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ သာမက စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာအေးဂျင့်များကပင် ပြုလုပ်ခွင့်မရှိဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ ကနီဖြစ်စဉ်သည် ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်းချိုးဖောက်ပြီး အရပ်သားများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ အမြစ်ပြတ် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် ထိုသို့ လူသားမျိုးနွယ် အပေါ် ကျုးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ပြစ်တင်ရှုတ်ချရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ထိထိရောက်ရောက် တရားစွဲဆိုရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့သော ဖြစ်ရပ်များမှာ ကနီဒေသ တစ်ခုထဲတင်မဟုတ်ဘဲ ဒီပဲယင်းမြို့နယ်နှင့် အခြားသော မြို့နယ်များ တွင်လည်း ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသည်ကို သိရှိရပြီး အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ နောက်ပိုင်းတွင် ဆက်လက် ထုတ်ပြန်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဒုတိယဖြစ်စဉ်တွင် အသက် (၆၀) ကျော် (၂) ဦးနှင့် မသန်စွမ်းသူ (၁) ဦး သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းအတွင်းတွင် အားနွဲ့ပြီးထိခိုက်အလွယ်ဆုံးဖြစ်သည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များနှင့် မသန်စွမ်းသူများကိုပင် ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များကို အကြိမ်ကြိမ်ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာ ခံစားလွယ်သော လူအုပ်စုများကို နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည်ဟု တိကျသော ကတိကဝတ်များ ပြုထားသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံပေါင်း (၁၈၂) နိုင်ငံက အတည်ပြုခဲ့ရေးထိုးခဲ့သည့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ မသန်စွမ်းသူများ အခွင့် အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သဘောတူစာချုပ် အပိုဒ် (၁၅) ၌ “စာချုပ်အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများသည် မသန်စွမ်းသူများအား ညှဉ်းပန်း နှိပ်စက်ခြင်းမှ ကာကွယ်ရမည်” ဟု အသေးစိတ် ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ ထိုသူများအား လိုအပ်သော အကာအကွယ် ပေးမှုရရှိစေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိမှုကို စောင့်ထိန်းလိုက်နာရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းမှ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော ကိစ္စရပ်များအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကို အရေးယူ တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်ရန်လိုအပ်သည်ကို ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း တွေ့နိုင်သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်း ကို ငြင်းပယ်ရမည်မှာ အသေအချာပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ တဆက်တည်းတွင် မြန်မာပြည်သူတရပ်လုံး၏ သဘောထားကို ထင်ဟပ်သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (National Unity Government) ကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အဖြစ် နိုင်ငံတကာမှ သတ်မှတ်ပေးရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ NUG အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အနေဖြင့်လည်း ရောမ စာချုပ်ကို အတည်ပြုလက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုတရားရုံး (International Criminal Court, ICC) သို့ တင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သလို အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး (International Court of Justice, ICJ) ၌လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုပေးရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica and Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: " People arrested: In Karenni State the total number of people arrested since the coup has increased from 135 to 150 during the past two weeks. Three villagers were arrested on August 6, from Kayan Thayar village in Loikaw Township. Their names were Khun Nyein Chan, Khun Bey and Khun Poe O. They were tortured while being detained on suspicion of being connected to the KNDF. They were released on August 7. On August 11, another three youth from Daw U Khu quarter in Loikaw township were arrested at their homes by SAC. It appears they were arrested on suspicion of connections with a PDF. On August 14, four male villagers from Daw Takleh and Htee Phoe Kaloe village in Demawso township, including a 15-year-old boy, were arrested while they were going back to their village from an IDP camp to get some rations for their families. They were tied up with rope and brought to the SAC camp on Daw Tadah Mountain. On August 14, SAC troops came to the home of social worker Roselynn (also known as Ma Ei) in Naung Yang, quarter of Loikaw Town and arrested her mother and brother and 3 young volunteer aid workers who were in the house. The SAC troops said that if Ma Ei gave herself up, they would free those who were arrested.  Ongoing military aggression The SAC has declared it is continuing its unilateral ceasefire from August to October, but in practice, it has increased clearance operations into the areas where the KNDF and IDPs are staying, and clearly has no intention of stopping its military offensives in Karenni State. On August 3, SAC troops under Infantry Division 66 clashed with KNPP and KNDF troops four times while moving from Tah Leh village to Marcrawshay village in Pruso township. 11 SAC soldiers were killed and over 20 were injured during the clashes. At 4 pm, the SAC shelled and fired machine guns into Nan Peh village in Bawlake township for no apparent reason, then entered the village and looted goods and money from shops. On August 4, SAC troops under Infantry Division 66 were carrying out an operation against the KNPP and KNDF, when they clashed with KNPP and KNDF troops between Kupra mountain and Bethu (upper) village in western Demawso township. 3 SAC soldiers were killed and some injured. On August 4, at 8:45 am, SAC troops entered Naung Yang quarter of Loikaw town and shot at some houses without giving any reason. Some houses were damaged, and a young woman was wounded in her knee by an explosive shell. On August 6, at 10 pm, two youths riding a motorbike in Loikaw town were shot from behind by SAC troops. One was hit in the back and one was wounded in one arm. On August 8, 300 SAC troops clashed with KNPP and KNDF troops between upper Bethu village in Pekhon township and Domoko village in Pruso township. 10 SAC soldiers were killed during the clash. On August 9, in the evening, fighting took place between SAC and KNPP/KNDF troops near Beya village in western Pruso township. On the same day, while carrying out military operations, SAC troops from Pinlaung township in Shan State clashed with KNDF troops near Lawei village and Kaung Ei village in Pekhon township, Shan State On August 10, over 120 CDM staff from Loikaw Teik Chauk Lone building (government housing) were evicted by SAC. On August 12, SAC troops clashed with KNPP/KNDF troops near Htee Klu Daw village in Pruso township. Five SAC soldiers were killed and three were injured. During this clash, KNDF reported that they seized some small guns and one mortar from the SAC. After this, on the same day, SAC troops started deploying more soldiers in and around Pruso town. A clash took place near Kadah Lah village, close to Pruso town, between SAC and KNPP/KNDF troops. LIB 102 and LIB 531 based in Demawso township launched artillery shells to support their troops in Pruso township, injuring a woman from Htee Por Hso village in Pruso township in her thigh, and a male villager in his arm from Nyow Khone village, Demawso Township. On August 14, at 7 am, SAC troops together with PNO troops from Pinlaung township entered Pekhon township, and clashed with combined troops from Pekhon PDF, Moebye PDF, KNDF and KNPP near Pin Pon village and Lahwei village. The fighting lasted about 11 hours. Two of the PDF were injured, and five SAC soldiers and six PNO soldiers were killed. On August 15, 100 SAC troop reinforcements in 35 military trucks were heading from Loikaw to Pekhon, when they were ambushed by KNPP and KNDF troops at Kaung Maing village near Moebye town.  Situation of IDPs and humanitarian aid The number of IDPs continues to increase due to the ongoing fighting. Following the fierce SAC offensive around Pruso town on August 12, a further 674 villagers from nearby villages fled to the jungle as IDPs. The growing number of IDPs is causing increased humanitarian needs. Apart from the need for food and shelter, medical aid is urgently required due to the growing spread of Covid 19 in IDP camps. In Hsin IDP camp, in eastern Loikaw township, 47 Covid positive cases have been found during the past two weeks..."
Source/publisher: Karenni Civil Society Network
2021-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As of 18 August, (1006) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. These (7) fallen heroes from Minkin Township and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region and Pauk Township in Magway Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 18, a total of (5730) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Terrorist junta’s soldiers who were drunk pointed a gun to the temple of Zaw Myo Myint and shot him dead at close range among people at a port in Minkin Town, Sagaing Region on the evening of August 17. Junta troops beat and then shot Zaw Myo Myint for not wearing a face mask while he was sitting and chewing the betel nut in the port. Zin Mar Win from Min Sar village in Minkin Township who heard the sound of gunshots and witnessed Zaw Myo Myint’s dead body, died on the spot from a heart attack. Terrorist junta’s troops raided Kyauk Khel Tat Village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township and arrested three villagers named Bo Aung, Chit Lwin and Phoe Toke on August 16. They killed these three villagers on August 17 and concealed the bodies in Chindwin River. Hla Myint Oo, living in Thapyay Yay Village in Magway Region Pauk Township, who had opened a shop, was shot with a tumee (traditional hunting) rifle used by junta troops on the evening of August 13. The junta then set a bomb on an old motorbike in front of his shop. In addition, junta troops raided Paline, Gonetan and Kanthar Villages in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township, then arrested and shot dead a local from Gonetan Village called Nan, on August 12. The incident happened at a school in Paline Village where they had set up camp after they questioned Nan who came past but failed to reply. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The death toll as a result of Myanmar's Feb. 1 coup topped 1,000 on Wednesday, according to an official of the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP) activist group, which has been recording killings by security forces. A spokesman for the ruling junta did not respond to a call to request comment. The military authorities have previously said the AAPP figures, widely cited by international organisations, are exaggerated. The army has also said scores of members of the security forces have been killed. The AAPP does not include them in its count. "According to AAPP records, 1,001 innocent people have been killed," AAPP secretary Tate Naing told Reuters. "The actual number of victims is much higher." The Southeast Asian country has sunk into chaos since the coup, with protests continuing daily, insurgencies flaring in border regions and widespread strikes that have severely damaged the economy. The army overthrew elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, alleging irregularities in an election swept by her National League for Democracy party in November 2020. The then electoral commission and international monitors said the army accusations were wrong. The military authorities say their seizure of power should not be called a coup because it was in line with the constitution..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
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Description: "In over (70) years of civil war in Burma, ethnic nationalities have suffered torture, extrajudicial killings, massacres, rape, villages burned to the ground, and residents forced to flee their homes in indiscriminate junta military so-called ‘Military Clearance Policy’. Human rights and civil society organizations across Burma have repeatedly called for action to end this military’s impunity. The UN formed a fact-finding mission in 2017 to investigate the repeated human rights violations. And yet, the junta has continued to perpetrate human rights abuses, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. The military junta seized power and arbitrary arrested the country’s elected leaders on February 1, 2021. People across the regions and states have been resisting the junta in various ways. Kani Township, Yinmabin District, Sagaing Region is known as a prominent area of opposition to the coup. The juntas’ response has been to target and destroy areas in Kani Township, and surrounding villages and forests with shootings, arrests, and raids in military incursions. Thousands of residents have fled to nearby villages and forests. The junta has also entered these villages and killed buffaloes, cows, and looted property from the villages. 44th and 99th Light Infantry Division, including battalion 228th based in Kale Township, have attacked almost every village in Kani Township, using some thousand troops in three different strategic divisions. Many locals have endured inhumane atrocities by the junta. Arbitrary arrest, torture, and sometimes being killed through torture. It has also been reported that internal displaced persons are suffering from food and medical shortages. The terrorist (junta) group has been collecting money through extortion, as well as assaulting, intimidating, and beating locals like with rifle stocks when they travel to Monywa Township to purchase necessities. Ooredoo and Telenor tele-com operators’ internet and phone lines were suspended on July 9, and MPT was cut off on August 2 in some villages in Kani Township. According to locals, only the military owned Mytel internet and phone line are currently available in some villages. The junta has been uses its four cuts doctrine to indiscriminately target civilians. In July alone, the junta committed 4 massacres in Kani Township villages. At least 43 people have been discovered killed in this way. First massacre (4 fatalities) Four men were arrested, tortured, and shot in the head on July 1, between 4 – 6 pm in Shitkoetat Forest between Mone O Village and Ywar Thar Village, Kani Township, Yinmabin District, Sagaing Region. According to locals, the (4) corpses were found headless from shootings on July 3. Some (25) motorcycles were found burned in a nearby fire. The (4) men were each from Sein Kone Village, Phan Khar Kone Village, Sule Kone Village, and Inn Chaung Village. Second massacre (16 fatalities) The junta stormed Yin Village and Kone Thar Village, located on the eastern bank of Chindwin River. They entered the village, forcing residents to flee to Kyauk Hle Ka Village on July 9 and 10. Missing were twenty-six villagers. When locals went searching for them, (15) dead bodies were discovered in the valley on Khin Tan Shay Hill, east of Yin Village, Kani Township, Sagaing Region, and (1) dead body was found in another nearby village. According to locals from Yin Village, the dead bodies were found on July 11 and 12 on the hill east of Yin Village. The (16) murdered persons were from Yin Village (13), Kone Thar Village (1), Paluzawa Village (1), and from Htauk Kyan Kone Village (1). Most of the victims were men, aged between (30) and (50), one of the victims was a male in his 60’s. All the corpses were found with signs of severe torture, some with cuts and bruises on faces and necks. Third massacre (12 fatalities) A clash between the military junta and People Defense Force (PDF) happened near Zee Pin Dwin Village, Kani Township, Sagaing Region, on the evening of July 26. Some villagers and PDF went missing. Five dead bodies were found in the first search, by the paddle field behind Zee Pin Dwin Village, and another seven dead bodies were found in a second search. Total of (12) corpses were discovered on July 27. During the second search, the villagers dug a pit and found (4) victims, (1) hanging from a tree, and (2) lying on the ground. Of these (7) fatalities found in the second search, (2) were elderly over the age of 60, (1) was disabled, and (4) others were aged between 18 – 30. The (12) fatalities from this third massacre were from Zee Pin Dwin Village (2), Chin Phone Village (1), Thamin Zat Village (1), Tha Lauk Village (1), and Monywa Township (7). According to locals all the victims were found with wounds and injuries from beatings and torture. Fourth massacre (11 fatalities) Junta troops raided a small village near Htoo Village, Taungpauk Village Tract, Kani Township. A local People Defense Force (PDF) from Kani Township resisted the attack and a clash unfolded on July 26 and 27. On the morning of July 28, the junta raided Ko Aung Kyaw Myint’s house, a farmer from Thayat Taw Village, who was working in Kyat Chaung Taw Tike. (11) men, including Ko Aung Kyaw Myint, were detained, and his house burned down by the terrorist group. According to one of the victims’ wives, she heard (10) gunshots around 10 am close by to Ko Myint Thein’s farm, a local in Thayat Taw Village. On July 31, the villagers went on a search and found (11) men massacred in Ko Myint Thein’s farm, in Thayat Taw Village. (2) motorbikes had also been set on fire at the intersection of Kyauktaga and Kyat Creeks, Taungpauk Village Tract, Kani Township. The (11) victims were all men and from Kho Dwin Village (1), Thayat Taw Village (6), Kani Township (3), and Nyaung Thu Village (1). The (3) from Kani Township were brothers working as farmers in coal manufacturing in their relatives’ village. Among the dead, (3) had bruises on their faces and all over their bodies, they had been shot in the head and chest, with burns on their faces from gasoline. All the bodies were rotting by the time they were found. In the aftermath of the incident, U Maung Myint, a resident from Kho Dwin Village, Kintaung Village Tract, Kani Township, was mentally distressed by the massacre and drove his motorcycle to a high school in Kani Township where junta troops were based on the evening of August 1. U Maung Myint shouted “civilians died because of you”. He went close to the school’s wall unarmed, the junta then shot. According to his family, junta troops disappeared the body over the night. Atrocities committed by this terrorist group are happening across Burma daily. The massacres in Kani Township are but incidents which have emerged with concrete evidence. These events testify that the junta is committing crimes against humanity. It is the junta which is responsible for these crimes threatening the lives and property of civilians all over Burma. The massacres in Kani Township are an act of extermination under the international law. The (1949) Geneva Convention and its June 8, (1977) additional protocols established international humanitarian law norms such as protection of the civilian population, objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian, cultural objects and places of worship due to international or non-international armed conflicts. According to article (32) of the Fourth Geneva Convention, the Geneva Convention related to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, taking any measure of such a character as to cause the physical suffering or extermination of protected persons in their hands is prohibited. This applies not only to murder, torture, corporal punishment, mutilation and medical or scientific experiments not necessitated by the medical treatment of a protected person, but also to any other measures of brutality whether applied by civilian or military agents. The Kani Township massacres and targeting of civilians is a clear violation of the Geneva Conventions. The junta’s torture and murder of civilians in Kani Township must be condemned by the international community as crimes against humanity and litigated accordingly. Similar incidents to Kani Township occurred in Depayin Township and other townships. These incidents will consequently be examined by civil society organizations. (2) persons over the age of 60, and (1) disabled person were killed in the second massacre. This junta has repeatedly committed torture towards the most vulnerable members of society, such as children and the disabled. Groups which the international community has made specific pledges to protect. Article (15) of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, ratified by (182) countries, including Burma, states that “States Parties shall protect persons with disabilities from being subjected to torture”. The international community must adhere to its vital responsibility to ensure these groups are protected. It is therefore necessary for the international community to act against this terrorist group and reject a murderous junta and illegitimate coup at the United Nations General Assembly. At the same time, the National Unity Government, with legitimacy granted by Burma’s people, must be recognized and given appropriate credentials by the international community as the legitimate government in Burma. Upon ratifying the Rome Statue, the NUG must refer the junta to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and represent Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ)..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica and Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 1.47 MB
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Sub-title: As part of an ongoing monthly analysis, WLB would like to share our July briefer on the situation of human rights amid the military coup in Burma/Myanmar and the recent outbreak of COVID-19.
Description: "Six months have passed since the Burmese Army seized power in a coup. Since that dark day, the people of Burma/Myanmar have continued to suffer the consequences. In the months following Feb 1, it has become abundantly clear that the terrorist junta has neither the political will nor the ability to govern with compassion and humanity. Something must be done to reverse the devastation. But dismantling the junta’s legacy of violence and impunity is not without its challenges. Yet, the on-going civil movements and growing calls for action alongside campaigns for accountability, signals that the struggle for freedom, equality and peace for the people of Burma/Myanmar will continue. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated an already devastating political, economic and social climate. At the time of this writing, the country has reported over 300,000 confirmed cases Ethnic areas are also seriously affected by the pandemic. Exploitation of the pandemic has led to countless preventable deaths. The junta’s negligence has been made clear in their hoarding of oxygen tanks for themselves as they threatened health care workers, forcing many to go underground. Pharmacies have been forced to close due to insufficient stock, and those that remain open are inaccessible to many due to price inflation. For displaced populations and refugees, their situation comes with a lack of direct access to healthcare facilities. Children and the elderly are facing many difficulties because of the COVID-19 pandemic. The ‘war on health’ is the latest battle the people of Burma/ Myanmar are now facing. The military is moving backwards by arresting health care workers who share anti-coup views. According to recent statistics, the majority of health workers involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) are women, and they too are putting themselves at risk providing medical services to the infected. In this new struggle, women are disproportionately impacted. Across generations, women take on many responsibilities in the household, including being a primary caretaker. As they give their energy to their infected loved ones, they put themselves at more risk of catching the virus. Meanwhile, unlawful arrests and persecution of pro-democracy activists continues. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 1,084 women have been arrested and 65 killed since Feb 1. Another 100 youth have been killed by the junta, including 75 children. Additionally, 1,000 young people between the ages of 10 and 19 have been detained. Of those arrested, 65 have been sentenced to death through military tribunals, including four women. Burma/Myanmar has not evoked the death penalty since 1988. These sentences are excruciatingly punitive and they lack legitimacy. Peaceful protest is not a crime, and yet under the junta’s control, those with different views are persecuted. Impact of the Military Coup: The junta continues to deny and dismiss the severity of the multiple crises unfolding within the country. International intervention to curb the rate of infections and carry out an effective humanitarian response is urgently needed. Women and children have suffered enormous consequences since the junta’s ruthless takeover. Surviving under an authoritarian regime has been immeasurably difficult for the most vulnerable. In Burma/Myanmar, women are unfairly recognized as the weaker gender. The military often treats them with severe disrespect, abusing and intimidating them to maintain their control. Since the military overthrew the democratically elected government, sexual harassment, rape, and arrests have increased. There is no compassion shown for the elderly, the sick, people with disabilities or young. To the Burmese Army, they are simply the threats to their new political order. Women have also been threatened by the junta for their pro-democracy activities. A weak legal system has undermined all prospects for justice and accountability. Women’s access to justice referral pathways is also limited by patriarchal and cultural stereotypes. Isolating civilians from life-saving services is another branch of the junta’s deceitful tactics. Many of the victims of their atrocities are from low-income communities who lack the financial capacity and legal literacy to access services. The junta has a long history of committing sexual abuse against young women and girls. The abuse leaves survivors traumatized, often without reparations for the crimes committed against them. In detention, prisoners are allowed limited access to water. Due to the unsanitary conditions, women in the prison often take contraceptives. Even though there may be consequences to their health, women political prisoners in Dawei Township have no choice but receive the contraceptive injections through the clinics in the prison. Inadequate access to sanitary conditions while unlawfully detained is yet another violation they are forced to endure. As tens of thousands of positive cases and hundreds of deaths from COVID-19 are being reported, prisons throughout the country are also affected by the coronavirus. Making it worse is the military’s unwillingness to contain the pandemic and provide proper medical care. Dr. Htar Htar Lin, the Director of the National Immunization Program and one of the leading experts on COVID-19 in Burma/ Myanmar, who was arrested with her family on June 20, is now infected with the virus. While two women reportedly died in Insein Prison in the month of July due to being denied medical care. One was Moe Thu, a 42-year-old anti-coup protest leader from Khayan Township in Yangon Region, whose colleagues believed she died of COVID-19. In response to the negligence of the prison’s management over the deteriorating COVID-19 pandemic and its discriminatory medical treatment within prison, women from the two female detention blocks in Insein Prison staged a protest in the morning of July 23 spreading across the prison. Young children are not exempt from this horrendous treatment. Ko Soe Htay, a Burmese human rights activist, says his five-year-old daughter was arrested and detained in his place with his wife and elder daughter. The family was forced to endure stress positions by the junta. Since her release, he says his young daughter has been traumatized. His eldest, who remains in prison, is suffering from life-threatening injuries..."
Source/publisher: Women’s League of Burma
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 808.61 KB
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Sub-title: The fatal fall of Wai Wai Myint—or “Apple” to her friends—was testament to her refusal to give in to injustice
Description: "In early August, 29-year-old Wai Wai Myint and her 35-year-old husband Soe Myat Thu decided to leave Yangon for a short trip to Mandalay and Pyin Oo Lwin. The couple, who had recently recovered from Covid-19, just wanted a break from the stress of life in Myanmar’s largest city, where post-coup political tensions and anxiety over the third wave of the pandemic seemed to be coming to a head. They took their much-needed vacation and were due to return to Yangon by plane on August 10. However, when they learned that their flight would be delayed until the afternoon, they decided to rent a car the day before so they could get back to Yangon by morning. It proved to be a fateful decision. Just hours after they arrived at their home on 45th Street at around 9am, Wai Wai Myint—known to her friends and family as “Apple”—would be lying dead in a nearby alleyway. After resting from their journey, Wai Wai Myint went out at around 3pm to meet with friends who lived a short distance away on 44th Street, according to her husband. “She took 10 or 15 thousand kyat with her to give to her friends. It was soon after she left that it happened,” he recalled. “I can’t help but blame myself. If only we taken the plane, we wouldn’t have arrived until 6pm,” he said as he tried to make sense of the tragic events of that day. Lost hope Soe Myat Thu learned about his wife’s death on social media. There were reports that five people had fallen from the rooftop of a three-storey apartment building on 44th Street. The details were unclear, but it appeared that they had been trying to escape from a raid by junta troops looking to arrest members of the anti-coup resistance movement. It was believed that the 50-foot fall had left at least some of the wanted activists dead. Photos shared on Facebook showed seemingly lifeless bodies lying in an alley behind No. 38, 44th Street, including one of a woman in a blue and yellow dress, like the one worn by Snow White in the classic Disney movie. It was the sight of this dress that shook Soe Myat Thu to the core. “I kept hoping that it wasn’t her, but at the same time, I could see that the woman in the photo was wearing the exact same dress as my wife,” he said. Even in the face of this evidence, he couldn’t quite bring himself to believe that it was Wai Wai Myint. He posted something on Facebook to see if he could get more information, and it slowly began to sink in that it was true: his wife was dead. But this did not end his quest for some glimmer of hope. The following morning, he contacted a doctor he knew at Yangon General Hospital to ask if she had been admitted there. When this failed to yield any new leads, he went directly to the hospital’s emergency department, only to be told that they hadn’t seen any patients fitting Wai Wai Myint’s description. "The Facebook post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person." He then went from one cemetery to another, beginning with the Kyu Chaung Cemetery in Shwepyithar Township, where the military often takes the bodies of its victims. Next he went to the Kyi Su Cemetery in South Dagon, and then the Yay Way Cemetery in North Okkalapa. As his grim search continued, he read on Facebook that the five people who had fallen from the building the day before had all been taken to the 1,000-bed military hospital in Mingaladon Township, where one was said to still be clinging to life. “The post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person,” said Soe Myat Thu. But the thought that he might see Wai Wai Myint alive again proved short-lived. Friends at the hospital confirmed that she had died. Four hours later, he would see this with his own eyes when he went to identify her. After making a futile request for permission to take her body, which was tightly wrapped in white cloth, for burial (she had often said that she didn’t want to be cremated), he was denied another last wish: to keep her ashes. “We couldn’t take her body home. And we couldn’t have her ashes,” he recalled sadly. “They said that they couldn’t make any exceptions—that everything had to be done according to the orders from the higher ups.” ‘A peculiar girl’ He still hasn’t told their five-year-old daughter, Nan Hteik Yati, what happened to her mother. A gemstone dealer by profession, Wai Wai Myint was often away on business. Perhaps that is where their daughter thinks she is now, Soe Myat Thu suggested, before adding that that may no longer be the case. “I think she found out about her death this morning while we were praying with the monks. She started crying while she was praying,” he said. Wai Wai Myint was a devoted mother who would only bend her will to please their daughter, Soe Myat Thu recalled, remembering his wife as the sort of person who would never give up in a fight. “When we argued, she would only start talking to me again if our daughter told her to,” he said. Wai Wai Myint had lost both of her parents—her father when she was just a child, and her mother while she was in university. Perhaps it was this that made her so fiercely independent, and at the same time protective towards those who had suffered some injustice, according to some of her closest friends. “Many people called her Apple. She was such a peculiar girl. She couldn’t stand injustice. She was fierce, and tall—she always wore high heels,” said Htet Arkar Kyaw, a former classmate. “By fierce, I don’t mean she fought with or bullied people. She was a brave girl. Everyone at school knew that. She used to fight with teachers known to act like dictators with students,” he recalled. "She always stood on the side of the weak." An honours graduate with a degree in English language from Dagon University, she always spoke up when she had to. “She would always ask the teachers questions, and never gave up until she got an answer that satisfied her. And she was never afraid to tell the truth,” said her close friend Soe Soe. Seen as “mouthy” by some, to those who really knew her, she was best known for being always ready to come to the aid of those in need, Soe Soe added. Her husband said this applied as much to strangers as to friends. “There were many times when she would yell at restaurant managers for scolding waiters,” he said. “She always stood on the side of the weak.” ‘No interest in politics’ Until the coup in February, however, Wai Wai Myint’s strong sense of justice never really extended to the political sphere. As relatively well-off members of Myanmar’s middle class, she and her husband had friends who supported both the now-ousted National League for Democracy and the army’s proxy party, and they felt no desire to pick sides. “We weren’t interested in politics at all before the coup. We weren’t on either side,” said Soe Myat Thu, noting that he and his wife both preferred to put most of their energy into their work, which in his case was running a private dental clinic. But that changed just over a week after the military takeover, when a young protester in Naypyitaw became the first casualty of the newly installed regime’s brutal efforts to crush opposition to its rule. Mya Thwe Thwe Khine was just 19 years old when she was shot in the head during an anti-coup demonstration in the capital on February 9. Her subsequent death a few days later made a deep impression on Wai Wai Myint. “It shattered her when Mya Thwe Thwe Khine died,” Soe Myat Thu said about the change in his wife’s political views. Over the ensuing months, she joined many protests, even when the junta was massacring dozens or even hundreds of civilians on a daily basis. She did so against her husband’s wishes, and eventually stopped telling him what she was doing, he said. Much of her activity involved cooking and donating food to protesters, according to her friend Soe Soe. In April, she was briefly detained for her involvement in the resistance movement. "She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice." During her detention, she suffered a spinal injury after she was slapped and kicked by her captors. But more than that, it pained her that she was released while others were forced to remain behind bars. “She wasn’t happy, because only she and a few other people were freed. She felt guilty about that. She’d come to me and cry about it,” said Soe Soe. “She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice,” she added. Through her work in the movement, she made many new friends, including those who were with her on the day she died. According to the junta, Wai Wai Myint was guilty of supporting a group of youths who were making explosives. Soe Myat Thu said he didn’t know any of the people she was with when the apartment she was in was raided. The four others who fell that day were all young men. In Soe Myat Thu’s mind, there is no doubt about who is responsible for his wife’s death. She herself had told him that she would take her own life before she allowed herself to be captured and tortured again. “I’m not the only one crying now. It’s all the system’s fault. My wife wouldn’t have had to die if it wasn’t for that,” he said, laying the blame for her death squarely on the shoulders of Myanmar’s military rulers..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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