Ethnic groups in Burma: general studies and articles

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Description: About 9,020 results (August 2017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-31
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: About 535,000 results (August 2017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-31
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: About 33,400 results (August 2017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-22
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Source/publisher: Embassy of the Union of Myanmar, Brussels
Date of entry/update: 2015-03-23
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Burma (Myanmar) is an ethnically diverse nation with 135 distinct ethnic groups officially recognized by the Burmese government. These are grouped into eight "major national ethnic races":..."
Source/publisher: Wikipedia
Date of entry/update: 2015-03-23
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 70.12 KB
Local URL: PDF icon Ethnicity_Codes.pdf
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Description: An annotated bilbliography of more than two dozen books published over the last twenty years on minority ethnic groups in Burma. Although the main interest of the compiler, Pamela Cross, is on textiles, the list iteself provides a very useful introduction to a broad range of information about these groups. Similar bibliographies for minority groups in adjoining countries are easily accessible from the same site. The most recent item dates from 2003.
Source/publisher: tribaltextiles.info
2004-10-24
Date of entry/update: 2005-01-02
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "These are Burma?s voices for change, extraordinary stories of people of Burma from all walks of life. Their experiences, struggles, fears, and successes. These are unheard stories of incredible spirit of resilience and courage, voices of hope and dreams that have emerged from decades of oppression. Help us spread these voices across the globe!"...Stories and voices from Karen, Karenni, Shan, Kachin, Chin, Rakhine, Mon, Palaung, Pa-O, Nagas and other ethnic minorities.
Source/publisher: Burma Link
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-14
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: Minority Rights Group
Date of entry/update: 2014-08-21
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Individual Documents

Sub-title: Fostering the untapped potential of Myanmar’s youth
Description: "In January 2017, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi gathered 18 young people from across Myanmar for a Peace Talk in Nay Pyi Taw. These youth, representing a range of ethnic identities, shared their fears, hopes, and insights on how to transform conflict into peace, and how to build trust between, and within, communities. While the Peace Talk was considered by some to be symbolic rather than substantive, the meeting brought the issue of youth inclusion to the fore and reaffirmed previous statements delivered by State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi calling for greater engagement of youth in peace.8 Throughout Myanmar’s history young men and women have been active at the community level in activities ranging from youth-led social affairs groups (Tha-yay Nar-yay ah thin) to supporting social and community projects such as free funeral and wedding services, cultural activities, blood donations, among many others. In the more formal peacebuilding sphere, youth have supported and sustained peacebuilding processes but have rarely featured in formal, influential public decision- making roles. In the lead up to the partial signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in October 2015, young men and women were the backbone of Government and Ethnic Armed Organisation (EAO) coordination structures, but were never selected as formal negotiators. Furthermore, key documents guiding formal peacebuilding efforts in Myanmar — such as the NCA and the Framework for Political Dialogue — do not contain provisions related to youth inclusion. These documents also do not consider youth as a cross-cutting issue across thematic discussions. In other words, speeches and statements articulating the importance of youth inclusion have yet to be matched by inclusion strategies and structures that secure the meaningful engagement of young people in the future of their country. While low levels of youth inclusion in public decision-making persist, there is an opportunity to capitalise on nascent youth policy commitments and harness the contributions of youth leaders, innovators, facilitators, and policy-advocates to increase the likelihood of reaching sustainable peace in the country. Global evidence shows that broadening public participation – including to young people – in peace increases the prospects for it lasting.9 Empowering young peacebuilders has also been shown to create active citizens for peace, to reduce violence and to increase peaceful cohabitation.10 With the passing of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2250 on Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) in 2015, there is also potential for Myanmar to lead globally and set good practice for sustainably increasing the involvement of young people at all levels of decision-making, policy-making and peacebuilding. Myanmar youth are contributing formally and informally to a host of peacebuilding initiatives; leveraging these contributions, often innovative and catalytic in their approaches, can support the multiple transitions the country is undergoing. Bringing the role of young people to the forefront of Myanmar’s transition also builds on Myanmar’s history where students and youth movements have influenced the trajectory of the country. This Discussion Paper provides a starting point for understanding the status of youth inclusion in peacebuilding in Myanmar. In Section 1, this Discussion Paper assesses the involvement of youth and inclusion of youth perspectives in peace at both national and sub-national levels since 2011. Section 2 analyses the challenges young women and men face to their substantive involvement in peacebuilding. Section 3 draws upon national and international good practice, articulating a strategic framework for action to overcome obstacles discussed in Section 2. (For a detailed overview of the methodology used to inform this Paper, see Annex 2.) opportunities and challenges to young men. Other identity factors often supersede age-related identity. Thus, when discussing youth in Myanmar, it is critical to understand other elements of identity that intersect with age, such as: gender, ethnicity, religion, class, disability, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex, and Questioning (LGBTIQ), migration, nationality, drug use, among others..."
Source/publisher: Paung Sie Facility, UKaid, SWEDEN, Australian Aid
2017-01-00
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.86 MB (72 pages)
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Description: "On 8 November 2020, Myanmar had its third general election since 2010. The electorate overwhelmingly voted for the National League for Democracy (NLD). On 1 February 2021, the Tatmadaw staged a coup, alleging that the NLD had taken power by fraudulent means. President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, along with most senior NLD leaders, were immediately arrested. The remaining senior NLD leaders urged people to protest, before being arrested themselves. The people have risen to the occasion, and have sacrificed much to challenge the coup. The fate of the revolution lies in the hands of political entities and ethnic armed organizations, who must support the people before it is too late......People’s Response to the Military Coup: Under the banner of the “Spring Revolution”, Myanmar’s anti-military coup movement has generated an unprecedented level of national unity – overcoming ethnic, religious, and class boundaries. Since early February, protesters have drummed pots and pans every day at 8pm in response to the coup. They have come out to streets, turning major roads into seas of people, remaining peaceful despite the violence they endure at the hands of the military. Civil servants and private sector workers have established a national civil disobedience movement (CDM) in an unmatched attempt to cripple the military’s administrative mechanism. In response to brutal crackdowns from security forces, demonstrations are now smaller to aid escape. The protesters have also used road blockages to hinder the advancement of security forces. However, security forces have now forcefully cleared blockades at most protest sites. In some places, security forces have reportedly forced local residents (especially men) to clear them. Protesters have also started social punishment campaigns against military families and their associates, and have called for a boycott of products produced by military’s companies. These tactics have already had significant effects. For instance, many restaurants and bars no longer sell Myanmar Beer. There are also reports of people boycotting MyTel, a mobile operator jointly owned by the Tatmadaw and the Vietnamese military. One could argue that the public has done their part to the best of their capacities and it would be unrealistic to expect more from them. The best they could possibly do would be to continue the social punishment campaign against military leaders, their families and associates, as well as to sustain their boycott of products and services provided by the military’s companies. Therefore, at this point, the outcome of the Myanmar Spring Revolution largely depends on the capacity of institutional leaders to consolidate various opposition forces. The elected members of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament), mostly from the NLD, are attempting to provide the institutional leadership by forming the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH). Thus, the outcome of the Myanmar Spring Revolution depends on the political decisions and leadership of the CRPH.....The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH): The elected NLD members believe that their victory in the 2020 general election provides a mandate to form the CRPH, which was established so that they could perform the necessary activities and duties of an elected government. These include appointing and forming a government and making laws.....Political Visions of the CRPH: On 5 March 2021, the CRPH announced its political vision, declaring their commitment to the following: to end military dictatorship; to ensure the unconditional release of all unlawful detainees including President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; to achieve full-fledged democracy; and to rescind the 2008 Constitution and write a new Constitution based on the federal system. The CRPH also states that it will steadfastly work hand-in-hand with all ethnic nationalities and strive for the full realization of this vision. To pave the way for broader participation in the Spring Revolution, the CRPH removed all the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) from the ‘unlawful organization list’ while designating the Tatmadaw as a ‘terrorist organization.’ It seems that most of the ethnic minorities welcome the political visions of the CRPH. However, many ethnic minorities also feel that the CRPH’s vision statement is only the first step. The CRPH must further show a concrete roadmap for including diverse voices within their vision. For example, the former joint secretary of the Karen National Union (KNU), Padoh Mahn Mahn, states that the political visions of the CRPH are only the beginning and that the CRPH must provide a workable plan for establishing a genuine federal union and a federal army. Likewise, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy also points out that CRPH must declare the abolishment of the 2008 Constitution if ethnic minorities are to come onboard. At that point, the status of the 2008 Constitution was unclear because its abolishment was only positioned as a ‘political vision.’ However, on 31 March 2021, the CRPH has declared abolishment of the 2008 Constitution and announced Federal Democracy Charter. The Charter provides further details on how the CRPH might seek to translate its visions into reality, for instance by declaring the duties of an interim National Unity Government (NUG). The list of individuals appointed to the NUG was released on 16 April 2021.....Progress of the political talks between the CRPH and the EAOs: The stated political visions of CRPH appear to have won the hearts and minds of some ethnic minority political parties and armed organizations. Since its formation, the CRPH has reportedly been negotiating with EAOs on the terms of creating a federal union. Among those involved in the talks are the Karen National Union, the Restoration Council for Shan State, and the Kachin Independence Army, as well as other groups that have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. By March 2021, the political talks are about 80% complete, according to Zin Mar Aung, the Acting Foreign Minister of the CRPH. These political talks contributed to the aforementioned Federal Democracy Charter and the appointment of the NUG. According to the Charter, the interim NUG is formed with these roles: President, State Counsellor, Vice President 1, Vice President 2, ministers and deputy ministers. The NUG appointed by the CRPH shows that President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remain in their posts despite being in detention. The NUG is perhaps the most diverse government in terms of ethnicities the country has ever had. As an aside, it is interesting to ask why the CRPH decided to keep Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as State Counsellor instead of appointing her as the President. Some might beg an answer for the rationale of keeping the post of “State Counsellor”. The post was created to circumvent the 2008 Constitution, which bars people married to foreigners from becoming the president. One wonders why the CRPH has decided to retain the “State Counsellor” post even after declaring the abolishment of the 2008 Constitution.....Doubts over the CRPH: Ethnic minorities have two major concerns over the capacity of the CRPH to uphold the agreements and understandings that the CRPH has reached with them. The first concern relates to ethnic minorities’ perception that Bama political leaders and the majority of Bama ethnic people do not have a strong political will for federalism. This is because a delegation of power to State governments (i.e., ethnic minorities) would mean less power to the Union (Central) Government (i.e., Bama). In other words, federalism is not the top priority of the NLD and (most) Bama ethnic people. Federalism has never been the top priority of the NLD[1] and the Tatmadaw. In the last Union Peace Conference in August 2020, they (Bama leaders) did not even agree over the terminology of “State Law” (insisted on by Bama leaders) and “State Constitution” (insisted on by NCA-signatories). Subsequently no agreement has been reached on how write a constitution or a mother law governing the ethnic states. This time, the CRPH announced its political visions and the Federal Democracy Charter while some members of the NLD’s 21-member Central Executive Committee were still in detention. Thus, the concern is whether the CRPH will be able to convince freed NLD leaders to support and honor the agreement (i.e., political roadmap) reached with the ethnic minorities. Another concern is whether the CRPH can convince the Bama public that federalism is the best way to address the long-standing civil war. From the start of public protests, the priorities of Bama ethnic group and non-Bama ethnic groups have been quite different. For example, the key demands of Bama protesters, who rally behind the NLD flag, have been: (1) the release of mother Suu (State Counsellor), President Win Myint and all other detainees; (2) respect the 2020 election result; (3) restoration of democracy and eradication of military dictatorship. On the other hand, the key demands of ethnic minorities and (some groups of) Generation Z have been: (1) the eradication of the military dictatorship; (2) abolishment of the 2008 Constitution; (3) establishment of genuine federal democratic union; and (4) release of all detainees including the President and State Counsellor. It took the CRPH a whole month to announce its ‘political visions’ statement above. It is understandable that the CRPH has hesitated to make the political decisions in the absence of all members of the NLD’s 21-member Central Executive Committee. The decision-makers of the CRPH must have worried about whether freed NLD leaders would support any political understanding or agreement reached between the CRPH and the EAOs. This author has learned that the ethnic minorities who chose to cooperate with the CRPH have the same concern. Padoh Mahn Mahn of KNU states that if the NLD or CRPH were to betray the ethnic minorities when they regain power, that would be the end of the ethnic minorities’ aspirations to remain in the union. This would force the minorities to choose a different political path. In his interview with Voice of Myanmar, KPICT spokesperson Nsang Gum San also echoes that for the Kachin, this could be seen as the final attempt to establish a federal union, which ethnic minorities have demanded for many decades. However, Arakan National Party (ANP) and Mon Unity Party (MUP)—two opposition political parties seeking to represent the respective ethnic groups—have decided to join the military regime’s State Administrative Council (SAC). This is clearly not helpful for the anti-coup movement as the military could argue that not all ethnic minorities are against the military’s takeover......Defeating the Coup Requires Faster Decision Making: The CRPH’s announcement on 31 March 2021 – which declared the abolishment of the 2008 Constitution and announced the Federal Democracy Charter – was certainly a huge milestone for achieving federalism in Myanmar. Ethnic minorities had been urging the CRPH to show a clear and concrete roadmap. In his interview with Irrawaddy, CRPH spokesperson said that the Charter was consulted and agreed on by at least four political organizations, although he could not name them for security reasons. It remains to be seen if the Charter is able to rally all major ethnic armed organizations. However, since the Charter is only a general roadmap, there might be issues that require mutually understanding clarification or definition. Both sides – that is, the CRPH and EAO leaders – have to work out such issues and cooperate quickly to resolve them. Time is of the essence. Without full cooperation from at least the major EAOs, the Spring Revolution will seem unwinnable to the public and international community. Needless to say, it is of the utmost importance that people do not lose faith in the revolution. Currently, the international community is on the side of the CRPH as they condemn the coup d’état and violent crackdowns on the unarmed and peaceful protesters. No government — not even China and ASEAN members — has publicly recognized the military junta. However, this could change if the international community begins to think that Myanmar Spring Revolution is unlikely to succeed. Therefore, having a concrete agreement between the CRPH and EAOs is key..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
2021-04-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 322.62 KB
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Description: "Since independence, Burma has been engaged in several civil wars and ethnic feuds. Most of these feuds have formed centering the ethnic or national identities of the Burmese people that have been very cleverly designed by the military regime of the country. This paper is a study of these ethnic feuds based on the nation-building process of Burma..."
Creator/author:
2019-08-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 330.18 KB
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Sub-title: Yesterday, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and his entourage visited Muslims and Hindus from Yangon. According to analysts, the Army is trying to clean up its image after the Rohingya crisis. In 2020, Myanmar citizens will take part in the second elections
Description: "Senior General Min Aung Hlaing (pictured), commander-in-chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw), recently visit non-Buddhist organisations and places of worship and made donations. According to some observers, the move represents an attempt to promote unity among the country’s different communities; for others, it is dictated by political opportunism, ahead of upcoming parliamentary elections. Recently, the close relations between military leaders and ultra-nationalist movements had raised controversy. These groups accuse the civilian government of not protecting the traditions and culture of Buddhism, a task they believe is done by the military alone. Yesterday morning, the General led a group of senior officers and their families to donate money and necessities to an Islamic hospital in the municipality of Kyauktada (Yangon). The delegation then visited the Sri Sri Durga Bari Hindu temple. Aung Thwin, vice chairman of the Hindu Central Council, said that the military left offerings for 7.7 million kyats (US$ 5,000) for the community’s orphanages and clinics. The General and officers also went to the Zafar Shah Mosque. This was the third in a series of visits to non-Buddhist holy places by the Commander-in-chief. Last week, he donated money and provisions to Christian and Muslim groups in Mandalay, as well as Buddhist monks from the monasteries of Bhamo and Ma Soe Yein. As a gesture to foster political, social and religious cohesion, the general gave 9.5 million kyats (US,200) and 140 bags of rice, oil, peas and salt..."
Source/publisher: "AsiaNews.it"
2019-09-18
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "On Jul 10, Singapore announced that several Myanmar nationals would be deported over their links with a terror group. They raised funds for the Arakan Army, an organisation which has been involved in violent attacks in Myanmar. Dr Min Zaw, Executive Director at the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security, gave more details about the Arakan Army..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: CNA
2019-07-11
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "Public discussions around Rohingya people currently fleeing violence in Rakhine state, Myanmar, have often involved arguments about history. While critical historical analysis is useful in offering insights into conflicts, History—if treated as a single, knowable past—is not. This is especially true when dealing with ethnicity. Whatever the past was, no amount of historical research can justify the current violence against Rohingya people..."
Creator/author: Jonathan Saha
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2017-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2017-09-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "?National races? or taingyintha is among the pre-eminent political ideas in Myanmar today. It has animated brutal conflict over who or what is ?Rohingya? as well as communal violence that human rights researchers and advocates have variously characterised as a crime against humanity, ethnic cleansing and genocide. Although more scholars are struggling to make sense of how and why the ?Rohingya problem? appears to be so intractable, little explicit attention has been paid to how the conflict over Rohingya identity specifically, and contemporary politics in Myanmar generally, is contingent on the idea of national races. How did the idea of taingyintha become politically salient? How has it grown, developed and changed?..."
Creator/author: Nick Cheesman
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2017-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2017-09-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "The military asserts there are 135 different races in the ethnically diverse nation, a spurious claim rooted in numerology that masks a divide-and-rule strategy ..."
Creator/author: Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher: "Asia Times"
2017-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2017-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "A US based not for profit Art and Activism Project, Roots To Resistance, has created a global art campaign to raise voices for the ethnic people of Burma. Denise Beaudet, the local artist behind Roots To Resistance and the Burma Project, has created artistic postcards that raise the voice for Burma?s ethnic nationalities and are pre-addressed to ASEAN in order to bring international attention to Burma?s ethnic issues. The Burma Postcards, available in English and Burmese, raise important historical and current issues faced by Burma?s ethnic nationalities, such as displacement, non-inclusion, war, poverty, violence as well as stolen lands and resources. Burma Link interviewed Denise Beaudet about the campaign."
Source/publisher: Burma Link
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: ""Commissioned by CPCS, Myanmar: Portraits of Diversity is a series of short films seeking to stimulate discussion and move audiences towards recognizing, accepting, and celebrating religious diversity in Myanmar. Directed by Kannan Arunasalam, the films present individuals from Myanmar?s different religious communities and highlight the inter-faith connections and engagement that take place naturally around the country. Featuring stories of cooperation across religious and ethnic divides, as well as the capacity for peace leadership within the country, community leaders share analysis and insights into the threat of inter-communal violence and illustrate the capacity for peace leadership...The film series seeks to stimulate alternative narratives regarding ethnic and spiritual issues in Myanmar where tolerance and cooperation are highlighted, rather than conflict and persecution. Screened together with guided reflections, the films can be used as tools to stimulate exchanges of ideas about diversity and tolerance, and to create a space to foster acceptance and share visions for the future. The issues raised by individuals featured in the films can be used to generate discussions on Myanmar?s different religious communities and highlight the kinds of inter-faith connections and engagement that take place naturally around the country. A discussion and study guide is available for each video portrait, followed by suggested activities that can also be adapted to different learning environments. For each film, background is provided on the person and their context, followed by five discussion questions and extension activities..."
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
2015-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-09-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Commissioned by CPCS, Myanmar: Portraits of Diversity is a series of short films seeking to stimulate discussion and move audiences towards recognizing, accepting, and celebrating religious diversity in Myanmar. Directed by Kannan Arunasalam, the films present individuals from Myanmar?s different religious communities and highlight the inter-faith connections and engagement that take place naturally around the country. Featuring stories of cooperation across religious and ethnic divides, as well as the capacity for peace leadership within the country, community leaders share analysis and insights into the threat of inter-communal violence and illustrate the capacity for peace leadership...The film series seeks to stimulate alternative narratives regarding ethnic and spiritual issues in Myanmar where tolerance and cooperation are highlighted, rather than conflict and persecution. Screened together with guided reflections, the films can be used as tools to stimulate exchanges of ideas about diversity and tolerance, and to create a space to foster acceptance and share visions for the future. The issues raised by individuals featured in the films can be used to generate discussions on Myanmar?s different religious communities and highlight the kinds of inter-faith connections and engagement that take place naturally around the country. A discussion and study guide is available for each video portrait, followed by suggested activities that can also be adapted to different learning environments. For each film, background is provided on the person and their context, followed by five discussion questions and extension activities..."
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
2015-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-09-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English and Burmese
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Description: "Commissioned by CPCS, Myanmar: Portraits of Diversity is a series of short films seeking to stimulate discussion and move audiences towards recognizing, accepting, and celebrating religious diversity in Myanmar. Directed by Kannan Arunasalam, the films present individuals from Myanmar?s different religious communities and highlight the inter-faith connections and engagement that take place naturally around the country. Featuring stories of cooperation across religious and ethnic divides, as well as the capacity for peace leadership within the country, community leaders share analysis and insights into the threat of inter-communal violence and illustrate the capacity for peace leadership...The film series seeks to stimulate alternative narratives regarding ethnic and spiritual issues in Myanmar where tolerance and cooperation are highlighted, rather than conflict and persecution. Screened together with guided reflections, the films can be used as tools to stimulate exchanges of ideas about diversity and tolerance, and to create a space to foster acceptance and share visions for the future. The issues raised by individuals featured in the films can be used to generate discussions on Myanmar?s different religious communities and highlight the kinds of inter-faith connections and engagement that take place naturally around the country. A discussion and study guide is available for each video portrait, followed by suggested activities that can also be adapted to different learning environments. For each film, background is provided on the person and their context, followed by five discussion questions and extension activities..."
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
2015-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-09-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English and Burmese
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Description: "Commissioned by CPCS, Myanmar: Portraits of Diversity is a series of short films seeking to stimulate discussion and move audiences towards recognizing, accepting, and celebrating religious diversity in Myanmar. Directed by Kannan Arunasalam, the films present individuals from Myanmar?s different religious communities and highlight the inter-faith connections and engagement that take place naturally around the country. Featuring stories of cooperation across religious and ethnic divides, as well as the capacity for peace leadership within the country, community leaders share analysis and insights into the threat of inter-communal violence and illustrate the capacity for peace leadership...The film series seeks to stimulate alternative narratives regarding ethnic and spiritual issues in Myanmar where tolerance and cooperation are highlighted, rather than conflict and persecution. Screened together with guided reflections, the films can be used as tools to stimulate exchanges of ideas about diversity and tolerance, and to create a space to foster acceptance and share visions for the future. The issues raised by individuals featured in the films can be used to generate discussions on Myanmar?s different religious communities and highlight the kinds of inter-faith connections and engagement that take place naturally around the country. A discussion and study guide is available for each video portrait, followed by suggested activities that can also be adapted to different learning environments. For each film, background is provided on the person and their context, followed by five discussion questions and extension activities..."
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
2015-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-09-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English and Burmese
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Description: Introduction: "This paper aims to conceptualize Myanmar?s current political system in federalism context by viewing relevant typologies, and models. It also intends to produce a new federalism typology/model that can be applicable to analyzing and predicting Myanmar?s political architecture. The paper argues that transitional Myanmar is considered as a presidential-devolutionary federation with hybrid characteristics, combining various unitary and federal elements. More specifically and in dimensions relating to democratization and ethnic conflict management, which are significant in viewing the country?s current politics, Myanmar is an oscillating state, pivoting on two different extreme poles (strong unity and strong autonomy or highly centralized unitarianism and highly decentralized federalism); thus making the state dependent much on uncertain-unstable circumstances and the country?s federalization tends to be closely related to the fluctuation of power negotiations/competitions between two dominant stakeholders, composing of central government and ethnic opposition groups...".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015.
Creator/author: Dulyapak Preecharush
Source/publisher: International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015
2015-07-26
Date of entry/update: 2015-08-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 197.69 KB
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Description: Abstract: "In 2010 Myanmar held its first elections for two decades, transitioning from direct military rule to a notionally civilian form of government. Accompanying this political transition has been increased political and media freedom. Democracy means public opinion is more important than ever to the country?s political leaders, while reforms to Myanmar?s media censorship regime have allowed previously suppressed opinions to be widely disseminated through the media. While pro-democracy political groups have taken the opportunity to organise, this paper is concerned with the opportunities these freedoms have provided to Myanmar?s more divisive political figures. Ethnic relations in Myanmar have been a long-standing source of domestic conflict. Ethnicity can be a test for citizenship and ethnic identity is often closely linked with religion. Communal conflict between elements of the country?s Buddhist majority and the Muslim minority since 2012 have exposed previously suppressed staunch anti-Muslim voices from within the Buddhist community. Notably, the 969 Movement, activist monk Ashin Wirathu and the Ma Ba Tha have argued it is in Myanmar?s national interest to protect the Buddhist religion from a perceived Muslim threat, calling for restrictions to Muslims? political and civil freedoms. This paper suggests that the success of U Wirathu and the Ma Ba Tha?s political agenda would add another layer of complexity to how Myanmar?s citizenship laws operate in practice since existing citizens would have their rights restricted on the basis of religion. This would amount to the creation of a de facto religious tes t for full Myanmar citizenship rights. In the context of Myanmar?s limited democracy (Kingsbury 2014), this paper asks, can Myanmar?s national political leaders hold back the apparent tide of popular support for the creation of a de facto religious state? The author will argue that Myanmar?s political leaders, facing a national general election in November 2015, will not take the necessary steps to hold back this tide of support for discriminatory policies and the consequence, while perhaps unintended, will be the creation of a de-facto official state religion.".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015.
Creator/author: Ronan Lee
Source/publisher: International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015
2015-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2015-08-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 412.68 KB
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Description: "After enduring decades of brutal military dictatorship, the people of multi-ethnic Myanmar finally got their chance to try democracy. In November 2010, the people of Myanmar voted for the first time in twenty years. While the election was an important step toward peace, Myanmar?s military maintains a tight hold on political power, making progress difficult. The international community has supported the democratic transition, but has focused too narrowly on governmental reforms and economic development, while the demands of Myanmar?s ethnic minorities are marginalized. The fact remains that disenfranchising ethnic minorities will prolong armed conflict and possibly derail the democratization process. Thus, for Myanmar?s democracy to succeed, the international community must actively promote ethnic minorities. The ethnic dimension of Myanmar is extremely complex, but the major anti-government players consist of seven groups, each possessing armed rebel forces. Among these dominant groups, the Kachin Independence Organization is yet to sign a ceasefire agreement with the government, and is a member of the United Nationalities Federal Council, the political alliance of ethnic rebel groups. While each ethnic group is distinct from the others, most find common ground in their mutual resistance to centralized rule. The political demands of Myanmar?s ethnic groups revolve around this issue of autonomy and the internal sovereignty they were promised by the Panglong Agreement of 1947, a treaty unifying Burma with several neighboring territories also under British control. The Panglong Agreement was signed in order to more effectively push for independence, but only under the condition of retaining autonomy. Without this agreement, minorities argue, there would be no unification in the first place and minority regions of Myanmar might today be separate and independent states..."
Creator/author: Yaw Bawm Mangshang
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2014-11-14
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Over at The Irrawaddy Violet Cho has weighed into the debate on violence in western Myanmar with a thoughtful contribution. She questions prevailing assumptions about race and ethnicity in the Myanmar context. In doing so she opens up a range of other ? potentially far more fruitful ? areas for analysis and discussion. This strikes me as a very worthwhile undertaking at such a contested and uncertain time. Highlighting issues that have tended to receive insufficient attention, Cho writes: Western Burma is one of the poorest regions of the country. The significant investment that exists is primarily in resources, which hardly benefits local people. Poverty and state repression leads to intense frustration that does not have an easy outlet and can be seen as a common root cause of communal violence around the world. And she goes on to argue that: Class and the experience of state repression also form a key commonality amongst those involved in the violence, both perpetrators and victims. In everyday life, people involved in the violence arguably have a lot more in common with each other than rich, urban-based members of their respective ethnic groups and/or religions that they may identify with. This is often drowned out by nationalist talk, fear and hatred. We should be looking at these and other commonalities rather than emphasizing difference and division. I can?t imagine that those who have been so quick to trade spiteful jabs in recent days, here on New Mandala and elsewhere, will pay much attention to Cho?s commentary. But I expect that one day soon a more considered conversation about ethnicity in Myanmar will need to emerge. The past six decades provide ample evidence that knitting together the country?s fraying ethnic fabric requires more than stale rhetoric about unity and non-disintegration. In such a conversation, time will likely be of the essence. In the immediate aftermath of the conflict in Rakhine State it would make sense for Myanmar?s leaders to start inter-ethnic discussions afresh, perhaps with some of Cho?s ideas ringing in their ears. This could be an opportunity to do things differently. What some people fear is that without prompt attention the country may, sadly, face a future where inter-communal strife, of one sort or another, continues to define the political landscape. That outcome would indicate a failure of leadership which, given everything that is at stake in the current transitional process, Myanmar can?t afford."
Creator/author: Nicholas Farrelly
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2012-06-13
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Teaching, although not always highly regarded, does afford a valuable perspective on aspects of a country and in this case ? ethnicity. Last year I was fortunate enough to teach on an academic development course which enrolled students from across the country; Wa Chin, Karen- even a young Rohingya man were among our particularly diverse cohort. So when I thought about the upcoming census and the heated question of ethnicity, I considered it in terms of that school and of those students. And I realised there was particular problem when asking someone their ethnicity ? it is subjective. It is likely to shift depending on who they spoke to. They were often unreliable narrators of their own identity..."
Creator/author: Matthew Gibbons
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2014-05-04
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing. The international community, whose Western representatives so readily flock to Myanmar in both good will and selfish interest, is often an unwitting contributor to the country?s persistent instability. This will likely lead not to intended peace but to more unwanted war until certain facts are fully faced..."
Creator/author: Tim Heinemann
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2014-01-23
Date of entry/update: 2014-05-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "This report presents documented evidence that ethnic nationalities directly affected by development projects in Burma are systematically denied their right to free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC). While development related abuse has been well documented, no report has shed light on the staggering scale of the widespread denial of participation rights in Burma...Our research shows that: • Close to 90% of those surveyed did not receive any information about the development project before it was started by a decision maker. In all but 2 sites, not one person was given any information. • Approximately 80% of the total survey population did not know who to contact or where to go to find out more information about the project. In 3 sites, the figure soared to 100%. • Less than 1% said a public forum was held by a project decision maker where the local community could attend. • Of the total sample population, less than 2% felt they would not be punished if they sought information about the project. • Close to half (44.1%) felt unsafe seeking further information about the project, while 45.2% were not sure whether it was safe or unsafe. • Less than 1% experienced positive impacts from the development project... This report is meant to serve as a warning of the risks entailed in denying participation rights as well as a reminder to potential investors of their human rights obligations..."
Source/publisher: Nationalities Youth Forum (NY-Forum) and Students Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB)
2012-12-00
Date of entry/update: 2013-05-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.88 MB
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Description: CHIANG MAI, 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - "A recent decision to undertake a national census could prove key to empowering Myanmar?s more than 100 ethnic groups, provided it is inclusive and conducted to international standards. ?Potentially, the census would have a very positive affect on the ethnic areas and could serve to support claims for ethnic rights in education, language and culture that in some areas is repressed by the state and military,? David Scott Mathieson, a senior researcher in the Asia division of Human Rights Watch (HRW), told IRIN. The government lists 135 ethnic groups, comprising more than a third of Burma?s 55 million inhabitants, which are grouped into eight national races: Burman, Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Mon, Rakhine and Shan. The United Nations agreed on 30 April 2012 to assist the Burmese government in conducting its first census in 31 years. The project will start in April 2014, ahead of the next general election in 2015..."
Source/publisher: IRIN
2012-05-16
Date of entry/update: 2012-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Conclusions and Recommendations: * Two months after a new government took over the reins of power in Burma, it is too early to make any definitive assessment of the prospects for improved governance and peace in ethnic areas. Initial signs give some reason for optimism, but the difficulty of overcoming sixty years of conflict and strongly-felt grievances and deep suspicions should not be underestimated... * The economic and geostrategic realities are changing fast, and they will have a fundamental impact ? positive and negative ? on Burma?s borderlands. But unless ethnic communities are able to have much greater say in the governance of their affairs, and begin to see tangible benefits from the massive development projects in their areas, peace and broadbased development will remain elusive... * The new decentralized governance structures have the potential to make a positive contribution in this regard, but it is unclear if they can evolve into sufficiently powerful and genuinely representative bodies quickly enough to satisfy ethnic * There has been renewed fighting in Shan State, and there are warning signs that more ethnic ceasefires could break down. Negotiations with armed groups and an improved future for long-marginalized ethnic populations is the only way that peace can be achieved.
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 6, May 2011
2011-05-29
Date of entry/update: 2011-05-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 352.53 KB
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Description: Conclusions and Recommendations: * An inclusive endgame has long been needed to achieve national reconciliation. But political and ethnic exclusions are continuing in national politics. If divisions persist, Burma?s legacy of state failure and national under-achievement will continue... * The moment of opportunity of a new government should not be lost. It is vital that the new government pursues policies that support dialogue and participation for all peoples in the new political and economic system. Policies that favour the armed forces and military solutions will perpetuate divisions and instability... * Opposition groups must face how their diversity and disunity have contributed to Burma?s history of state failure. If they are to support democratic and ethnic reforms, national participation and unity over goals and tactics are essential. All sides must transcend the divisions of the past... * As the new political era begins, the international community should prioritise policies that promote conflict resolution, political rights and equitable opportunity for all ethnic groups in national life, including the economy, health and education. Continued repression and exclusion will deepen grievances ? not resolve them.
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 5, February 2011
2011-02-00
Date of entry/update: 2011-05-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 461.56 KB
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Description: "While the world?s attention for the past decade has focused on the struggle between Myanmar?s military government and the political opposition, the underlying conflicts between the central government and ethnic minority groups perhaps represent a more fundamental and intractable obstacle to peace, development and democracy. The basic grievance of ethnic minorities in Myanmar is their lack of influence on the political process. However, they also face a major challenge to build political and organisational capacity to ensure that they are not left out of potential negotiations on the future of the country and can continue to represent the interests of their communities... Myanmar is one of the ethnically most diverse countries in the world and throughout its existence as an independent state has experienced a complex set of conflicts between the central government and ethnic minority groups seeking autonomy. While the world?s attention for the past decade has focused on the struggle between the military government and the political opposition over national power, these underlying conflicts perhaps represent a more fundamental and intractable obstacle to peace, development and democracy..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group
2003-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 645.65 KB
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Description: "This timely report gives an overview of the major minority ethnic groups and their situation and prospects within Burma today. Major human rights issues are also discussed: extra-judicial killings, displacement of populations, forced labour, illegal use of landmines and child soldiers. The author considers the position of women, restrictions on freedom of expression and the challenges posed by HIV/AIDS and the trade in narcotics."
Creator/author: Martin Smith
Source/publisher: Minority Rights Group
2002-07-17
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 640.53 KB
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Description: Executive Summary: "Listening to Voices from Inside: Ethnic People Speak showcases the voices of people from civil society, and of different ethnic groups, who are rarely heard. Myanmar is an extremely ethnically diverse country. Regrettably, inter-ethnic conflict is a fundamental dynamic in Myanmar?s protracted civil war. Despite this, ethnic diversity and interethnic conflict seldom capture the attention of the international community who have a tendency to see inter-ethnic conflict as adjunct to the quest for peace and democracy in Myanmar. This publication, the result of a foundational study, presents the voices of eighty-seven civil society members from different ethnic groups who live in Myanmar. It documents their perceptions of opportunities and challenges in key areas of interactions with other ethnic groups, government and military relations, education, employment, health, and culture. It records their vision for the future and how external organisations can support that vision. Listening to Voices from Inside: Ethnic People Speak creates a channel for local people to be heard on inter-ethnic issues in Myanmar and is a resource to increase understanding of the issues among external and domestic actors. It brings inter-ethnic conflict back from the periphery to argue that transforming inter-ethnic conflict is central to building peace and democracy in Myanmar. The following summarises the key points under each section:..."
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies
2010-06-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-06-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "A new study on ethnic politics in Burma surveys a bewildering field and points the way forward...Whereas Smith?s book was about conflict and ethnic identity, and Lintner?s about conflict, state building and narcotics, Ashley South explores all these topics and then looks at contemporary debates on development and forced displacement, with a more academic discussion of shifting "identities" in Burma. Given the sheer range and depth of all these issues, South overviews them skillfully. The purpose of the book is to inject greater complexity and detail into the debates over ethnic politics: the role of resurgent civil society in ethnic ceasefire areas and the cities of Burma; the ethnic groups? constrained participation in the military government?s national convention; and the uneven performance of local development projects. With a timely epilogue taking into account the effects of Cyclone Nargis, South suggests there are now opportunities in Burma for meaningful participation in national politics for Burma?s long-suffering and splintered ethnic nationalities if they pursue a considerable strategic rethink -- what South calls "review, reform and re-engage..."
Creator/author: Review by David Mathieson of Ashley South's "Ethnic Politics in Burma: States of Conflict"
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 16, No. 10
2008-10-00
Date of entry/update: 2008-11-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Exploring Ethnic Diversity in Burma" by Mikael Gravers (ed.). Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, Copenhagen, 2007. P283... ‘Unity in Diversity? was Aung San?s dream, but can it be achieved?... "...The ?Myanmarization,? or ?Myanmarfication,? of the country—or the idea that all the various national groups of today?s Burma have a common ?Myanmar? identity—has been promoted by Burma?s post-1988 military governments, replacing Aung San?s more realistic policy of ?unity in diversity,? in accordance with which the Union of Burma was created in 1948. However, in spite of assurances that this volume contains ?recurrent themes? such as ?the dynamics of ethnicity and the formation of ethnic identity,? it is hard for the ordinary reader to detect any common approach to the question of ethnicity in Burma among this collection of papers originally presented at a Burma studies conference in Sweden in 2002. Some of the papers are interesting and informative — especially Karin Dean?s analysis of the Kachin political landscape and Ashley South?s account of the Mon national movement following a ceasefire agreement between the Mon rebels and the Rangoon government in the 1990s..."
Creator/author: Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol 15, No. 10
2007-10-00
Date of entry/update: 2008-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Press freedom thrives in Burma?s exile ethnic communities... "Although they can?t qualify as mass media, Burma?s independent, ethnic news services are surprisingly active and resilient. They trumpet their defiant messages under titles like Guiding Star, Kao Wao (meaning cuckoo) and the Kantarawaddy Times, and reach small but loyal groups of readers in ethnic border regions, refugee camps and exile communities abroad..."
Creator/author: Louis Reh
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 9
2005-09-00
Date of entry/update: 2006-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "...For a generation Burma languished behind closed doors. Then suddenly, in the summer of 1988, the doors burst open as angry protests were violently put down by the security forces and the chilling scenes made headline news around the world. 'In-depth pieces' reported on the political and civil repression that had been going on for years. But there was little examination then, and there has been little since, of the targeted repression which had been going on, and is continuing, against whole groups of people - Burma's ethnic minority groups. Burma is a country of proud cultural and historic traditions, and it is rich in natural resources. But nearly half a century of conflict has left Burma with a legacy of deep-rooted problems and weakened its ability to cope with a growing host of new ones: economic and social collapse; hundreds of thousands of refugees and displaced people; environmental degradation; narcotics; and AIDS. These problems touch on the lives of all Burmese citizens. But it is members of ethnic minority groups who have suffered the most, and who have had even less say over their lives and the destiny of their peoples than the majority 'Burmans'. Many minorities claim that a policy of 'Burmanisation' is manifest. Amidst the upheavals, gross human rights abuses have been committed, including the conscription, over the years, of millions into compulsory labour duties, the ill-treatment or extrajudicial executions of ethnic minority villagers in war-zones, and the forcible relocation of entire communities..."
Creator/author: Martin Smith
Source/publisher: Anti-Slavery International
1994-11-00
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.12 MB
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Description: "Recognizing Burma?s diversity is the first step to achieving real unity. "I have always wanted to see unity," declared Burma?s opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in a recent interview with The Irrawaddy shortly after her release from house arrest. She was addressing the notion of unity among opposition groups within and outside the country, which in her eyes, are in disarray. Certainly, the current fragmentation among opposition groups does not bode well for democracy in Burma..."
Creator/author: Aung Naing Oo
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 10, No. 4, May 2002
2002-05-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "...Burma is composed of various ethnic nationalities, including the majority Burman people. The situation of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities has been a political issue in Burma for hundreds of years. The struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma cannot be separated from the struggle for the self-determination by the non-Burman ethnic peoples. Long-term peace, freedom and justice for all people in Burma will never be realised unless the issue of non-Burman ethnic peoples is properly resolved and their rights are guaranteed in accordance with the constitution and other laws. To appreciate the importance of the ethnic issue and the need for its proper political resolution, it is necessary to examine it in depth..."
Creator/author: Aung Htoo
Source/publisher: Legal Issues on Burma Journal No. 5 (Burma Lawyers' Council)
2000-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm
Size: 55.49 KB
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Description: Paper given in Tokyo at the Japan Institute of International Affairs, in the lecture series ‘At the Front Lines of Conflict Prevention in Asia?. "The issue of the status and authority of the one-third of the population of Myanmar (Burma), composed of diverse indigenous non-Burman peoples, remains the most intractable of the problems facing the Burmese state since independence in 1948.1 The sharing of political power in some manner acceptable to the local populations, and social and economic equity among these diverse peoples are all related to, but even more fundamental and difficult of solution than, the issue of the political form of government that has bedeviled the state for decades. Burma-Myanmar has been on the brink of fragmentation because of the diffuse, often antithetical, perceptions of these issues by one or more ethnic groups since independence..." David I. Steinberg Georgetown University
Creator/author: David Steinberg
Source/publisher: Japan Institute of International Affairs
2001-07-07
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm
Size: 167.5 KB
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Description: Asia Regional Consultation on Social Cohesion and Conflict Prevention, March 16-17, 2000; Manila. David I. Steinberg, Georgetown University. Table of Contents: I Introduction: The Contextuality of Social Cleavages. II Cohesion and National Unity: Cleavages, Tensions, and Confrontations: 1. Nationalism and Ethnicity: The Unity of the Union of Burma/Myanmar; 2. The Military-Civil Nexus; 3. Globalization and Nationalism; 4. Centralism and Pluralism; 5. On Orthodoxy; 6. Religious Tension; 7. Geo-Political Issues. III State-Sponsored Attempts at Cohesion: 1. Nationalism; 2. Burman Control; 3. Buddhism; 4. Socialism; 5. The Military. IV The Tatmadaw: Cohesion and Division? V Past Approaches to, and Perceptions of, the Myanmar Miasma. VI Possibilities for Change. VII Lessons Learned. VIII Possibilities for Future Action. IX Coda. Appendices. "Myanmar is an ?imagined community? - state that is not yet a cohesive nation, an entity created sequentially through three 19th century wars evolving out of colonial economic and geo-political interests. The internal bonds that seemed to cement that country before independence in 1948 were based on the exercise of colonial power, serving both to force an artificial internal cohesion while simultaneously creating detached and separate ethnic groups, some of which were governed under a different British administration. Governments since independence in 1948 have, sometimes unintentionally, exacerbated existing cleavages and created new ones, thus reducing national cohesiveness even as it was titularly strengthened under a unitary state and creating divisive forces that will be difficult to re-meld. The rhetoric of national cohesion must be analytically examined in the light of the reality of its attempted enforcement..."
Creator/author: David Steinberg
Source/publisher: Asian Development Bank-World Bank
2000-03-17
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm
Size: 446.7 KB
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Description: 1. Introduction; 1.1. Background; 1.2. Project Profile; 1.3. Project Objectives; 2. The Participatory Action Research (PAR) Process; 2.1. Methods of Working with Migrant Children and Youth; 2.2. Implementation Strategy; 2.3. Ethical Considerations; 2.4. Research Team; 2.5. Sites and Participants; 2.6. Establishing Research Guidelines; 2.7. Data Collection Tools; 2.8. Documentation; 2.9. Translation; 2.10Country and Regional Workshops; 2.11Analysis, Methods of Reporting Findings and Dissemination Strategy; 2.12. Obstacles and Limitations; 3. PAR Interventions; 3.1. Strengthening Social Structures; 3.2. Awareness Raising; 3.3. Capacity Building; 3.4. Life Skills Development; 3.5. Outreach Services; 3.6. Networking and Advocacy; 4. The Participatory Review; 4.1. Aims of the Review; 4.2. Review Guidelines; 4.3. Review Approach and Tools; 4.4. Summary of Review Outcomes; 4.4.1. Myanmar; 4.4.2. Thailand; 4.4.3. China; 5. Conclusion and Recommendations; 6. Bibliography of Resources.
Creator/author: Therese Caouette et al
Source/publisher: Save the Children (UK)
2001-05-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 191.33 KB
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Description: A Participatory Action Research Project of Save the Children(UK)... 1. Introduction; 2. Background; 2.1. Population; 2.2. Geography; 2.3. Political Dimensions; 2.4. Economic Dimensions; 2.5. Social Dimensions; 2.6. Vulnerability of Children and Youth; 3. Research Design; 3.1. Project Objectives; 3.2. Ethical Considerations; 3.3. Research Team; 3.4. Research Sites and Participants; 3.5. Data Collection Tools; 3.6. Data Analysis Strategy; 3.7. Obstacles and Limitations; 4. Preliminary Research Findings; 4.1. The Migrants; 4.2. Reasons for migrating; 4.3. Channels of Migration; 4.4. Occupations; 4.5. Working and Living Conditions; 4.6. Health; 4.7. Education; 4.8. Drugs; 4.9. Child Labour; 4.10. Trafficking of Persons; 4.11. Vulnerabilities of Children; 4.12. Return and Reintegration; 4.13. Community Responses; 5. Conclusion and Recommendations... Recommendations to empower migrant children and youth in the Mekong sub-region... "This report provides an awareness of the realities and perspectives among migrant children, youth and their communities, as a means of building respect and partnerships to address their vulnerabilities to exploitation and abusive environments. The needs and concerns of migrants along the borders of China, Myanmar and Thailand are highlighted and recommendations to address these are made. The main findings of the participatory action research include: * those most impacted by migration are the peoples along the mountainous border areas between China, Myanmar and Thailand, who represent a variety of ethnic groups * both the countries of origin and countries of destination find that those migrating are largely young people and often include children * there is little awareness as to young migrants' concerns and needs, with extremely few interventions undertaken to reach out to them * the majority of the cross-border migrants were young, came from rural areas and had little or no formal education * the decision to migrate is complex and usually involves numerous overlapping factors * migrants travelled a number of routes that changed frequently according to their political and economic situations. The vast majority are identified as illegal immigrants * generally, migrants leave their homes not knowing for certain what kind of job they will actually find abroad. The actual jobs available to migrants were very gender specific * though the living and working conditions of cross-border migrants vary according to the place, job and employer, nearly all the participants noted their vulnerability to exploitation and abuse without protection or redress * for all illnesses, most of the participants explained that it was difficult to access public health services due to distance, cost and/or their illegal status * along all the borders, most of the children did not attend school and among those who did only a very few had finished primary level education * drug production, trafficking and addiction were critical issues identified by the communities at all of the research sites along the borders * child labour was found in all three countries * trafficking of persons, predominantly children and youth, was common at all the study sites * orphaned children along the border areas were found to be the most vulnerable * Migrants frequently considered their options and opportunities to return home Based on the project?s findings, recommendations are made at the conclusion of this report to address the critical issues faced by migrant children and youth along the borders. These recommendations include: methods of working with migrant youth, effective interventions, strategies for advocacy, identification of vulnerable populations and critical issues requiring further research. The following interventions were identified as most effective in empowering migrant children and youth in the Mekong sub-region: life skills training and literacy education, strengthening protection efforts, securing channels for safe return and providing support for reintegration to home countries. These efforts need to be initiated in tandem with advocacy efforts to influence policies and practices that will better protect and serve migrant children and youth."
Creator/author: Therese M. Caouette
Source/publisher: Save the Children (UK)
2001-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 343.98 KB
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