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BurmaNet News: February 26, 2001
- Subject: BurmaNet News: February 26, 2001
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Tue, 27 Feb 2001 06:23:00
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
February 26, 2001 Issue # 1744
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________
INSIDE BURMA _______
*AP: Senior U.S. official meets Suu Kyi in Myanmar
*Shan Herald Agency for News: Coup in Kachin
*DVB: Burmese ethnic group denies reports of internal coup
*The Irrawaddy: Quiet Coup in Pajau
*AP: Military's fear of students spawns `lost generation' of youth
REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*AP: Thailand, Myanmar achieve little progress in border talks
*AFP: US torches Myanmar's junta over rights
*Kyodo: U.N. antidrug project in Myanmar in jeopardy
ECONOMY/BUSINESS _______
*De Standaard (Belgium): Belgian federal authorities ban TotalFinaElf
OPINION/EDITORIALS_______
*Bangkok Post: Opposing positions over Burma conflict
*KNPP: Denial statement regarding the Thai newspaper accusation
*The Statesman (New Delhi): Road To Myanmar
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
AP: Senior U.S. official meets Suu Kyi in Myanmar
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) _ A senior United States official has met with
Myanmar democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who reaffirmed her commitment
to holding a peaceful dialogue with the ruling military regime, a U.S.
diplomat said Tuesday.
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Ralph Boyce met with Suu Kyi at her
Yangon residence on Monday. He is the first U.S. official to see her
during five months of house detention that began after she tried to
travel outside the capital for political work.
``She appeared to be in good health. She had told the visiting U.S.
official that she is committed to peaceful dialogue and hopes it will
lead to national reconciliation,'' the diplomat said on customary
condition of anonymity.
Boyce also held separate meetings with Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt, the
third-ranking general in the regime, Foreign Minister Win Aung and some
central executive committee members of Suu Kyi's National League for
Democracy party, the diplomat said.
Suu Kyi and the regime began secret talks in October, their first
direct dialogue in more than six years. The NLD won general elections in
1990 but the military has refused to honor the result.
___________________________________________________
Shan Herald Agency for News: Coup in Kachin
24 February 2001
No: 02 - 15
News Flash
A source form northern Shan State said a faction of young Kachin
officers led by Brig Gen Tujai has taken control of the Kachin
Independence Army's headquarters since 20 February.
Gen Zaumai, President;
Gen Zawng Hkra, Vice President;
Dr Tuja and Zau Bawm ( ? )
had been detained. Their fate is unknown.
3 battalions of junta troops have cordoned off the area and demanded to
know whether or not the truce agreement is still honored.
There is fear that another incident like Mong Koe will be repeated.
The Mong Koe Defense Army, another ceasefire group, disintegrated when
junta troops intervened amid their internal fighting in November last
year.
------------
Shan Herald Agency for News
26 February 2001
No: 02 - 16
Some More About the Kachin Coup
(Continued)
Dated 26th February 2001
Leaders in Apprehension
1. Zau Mai (President)
2. Zong Khra (Secretary)
3. Doctor Du Kya
4. Zau Phan (G.1)
5. Zau Bawm
6. Colonel Sunny
Group that stage the Coup
1. Zau Ing (VCS) Leader
2. Gum Shawng (Myitkyina Special Commando Squad Leader)
3. Lamong Panla (253 Battalion)
4. Naw Pawk (2nd Brigade Commander)
The said above leaders who collaborated together stage the coup.
For the time-being (Lamong Du Kyai) was re-elected as leader. 23/ 2/
2001 In Mong Si area (Kutkhai township, Lashio District) KIA and the
Burmese's (290 Battalion) engage in gun fight (yet to be approve). In
this case the Military Operational Command No. 1 on the front line keep
a close survey on the KDA (Kachin Defence Army led by Mathu Naw)
movement and blockading them. It is because of this there is a
reliability of KDA and KIA reunification again.
24/ 2/ 2001 Lashio commander of North Eastern Regional Command himself
pay a visit and meeting with 4th Brigade KIA leaders in Northern Shan
State.
Zakhong Ding Ying (leader of New Democracy Army NDA, former CPB 101
Brigade) and his group also left for the KIO Headquarters in the Kachin
State. (that much is the present situation)
___________________________________________________
DVB: Burmese ethnic group denies reports of internal coup
Text of report by Burmese opposition radio on 25 February
DVB [Democratic Voice of Burma] correspondent Kyaw Sein Aung has
reported that there was an internal coup in the KIO, Kachin Independence
Organization, which has signed a cease-fire agreement with the SPDC
[State Peace and Development Council], on 23 February. The coup plotters
have detained all KIO leaders including its president, Gen Zao Mai. The
problem started with the discontentment of commanders from KIO
Battalions 253 and 254. The coup was led by Gen Machi Zau, deputy
commander in chief and Maj Lazum Bauk. In accordance with the
resolutions of the meeting held on 24 February, Brig-Gen Lamong Tuja,
former administrative and development in charge, was elected as acting
president. The coup plotters have currently detained KIO President Gen
Zao Mai, Vice-President U Ze Garawng, Central Committee Members Dr Tu
Ja, Lt-Col Zau Bwang, and Maj San Dipau and other prominent members.
A statement issued by the group stated that it was not a coup but an
emergency replacement of President Gen Zau Mai, who is gravely ill, with
acting President Brig-Gen Lamong Tuja, in accord with the resolution of
the KIO Central Committee meeting held on 24 February. Although the
objective of the coup was not known, sources close to the KIO said it
was because some commanders were dissatisfied with the cease-fire
agreement, the widening gap between the top leaders and the grass root
members, and the KIO President Gen Zao Mai's signing of an agreement
with the SPDC to be one with them in the future. According to some
reports, three battalions from the SPDC Northern Military Command have
been approaching the KIO Headquarters and monitoring the situation
carefully. The coup plotters have blocked the region barring the SPDC
forces from entering and remarked that they could not let what happened
to the Mongkoe Defence Army happen to them. [A similar internal coup in
the Mongkoe Defence Army was eventually crushed by the SPDC forces.]
The KIO which was formed in the 1960s joined the National Democratic
Front, NDF, in May 1976 and the Democratic Alliance of Burma, DAB, in
November 1988. The KIO then signed a cease-fire agreement with the SLORC
[State Law and Order Restoration Council] on 1 October 1993. The KIO
formed the Kachin State Peace and Development Committee with other
Kachin groups such as the Mongkoe Defence Army, MDA, and the Kachin
Defence Army, KDA, in 1996. They are engaging in joint venture
enterprises, forestry products, sugar mill, transportation, land
reclamation and constructing collective villages. Furthermore, the KIO,
without the knowledge of the SPDC, is secretly recruiting personal and
giving them military training and contacting other organizations. In
fact the KIO is a group exerting pressure on the SPDC to hold a
political dialogue.
DVB contacted KIO spokesman James Landang and interviewed him on the
matter. He said that the news of the coup is not true.
[James Landang] It is like this. We do not have any coup. Our President
Zao Mai, he has said it a long time ago since two years ago, that his
health is not good and that it will be better if those people with good
health take over the role. His legs are not strong and he has to take
treatment frequently. He has asked the Central Committee to think about
replacing him and to look for a suitable replacement. After careful
consideration by the KIO Central Committee, they have replaced the
president with Vice-President Gen Tuja at the KIO Central Committee
meeting yesterday.
Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, Oslo, in Burmese 1245 gmt 25 Feb 01
___________________________________________________
The Irrawaddy: Quiet Coup in Pajau
ON-LINE RESEARCH:
UPDATED ON FEBRUARY 25, 2001.
By Aung Zaw
Reliable sources in northern Thailand and Ruili in China have confirmed
that young reform-minded Kachin rebels have ousted the Kachin leadership
in Pajau, the Kachin headquarters close to the China border in Kachin
State.
"There has been a change of leadership but no bloodshed or loss of
lives," said a source close to the Kachin Independence Army [KIA]. On
February 20, Brig Gen. Tu Jai and young Kachin officers took control of
Kachin headquarters in Pajau.
Sources said that a temporary leadership has been installed and Brig
Gen. Tu Jai, who previously served as Deputy General Secretary of the
KIO, is now leading it. Internal elections would be held in a few weeks,
the source added.
However, the source added that Gen. Zau Mai, chairman of the Kachin
Independence Organization [KIO], the political wing of the KIA, and some
KIA leaders are now in custody. But a KIO source said, "Gen. Zau Mai has
been allowed to retire for health reasons."
It is still uncertain how many Kachin leaders are being detained but an
independent source added that at least three KIO leaders are now in
custody. The source said that during the annual meeting recently held in
Pajau, Gen. Zau Mai was asked to resign. The source also said that
another prominent Kachin leader, Dr. Tu Ja has also been detained as he
is also close to Gen Zau Mai, but this claim has not been confirmed.
Brig Gen. Tu Jai is also a senior KIO leader and, according to a Kachin
source, "He is well-respected." Zau Mai obtained a BA degree from
Rangoon University in 1959, joined the KIA in 1962 and participated in
peace talks with Burmese leaders in 1963, then again in 1993, a year
before the KIO reached a cease-fire agreement with the ruling junta.
It was not immediately known what triggered the bloodless coup in the
KIA but Kachin analysts suggested that many reasons are involved in the
change of leadership. Said a KIO source: "Gen. Zau Mai is a
greatly-feared but not highly-respected Kachin leader." One independent
observer in northern Thailand noted that since Zau Mai became the
chairman of KIO, "He has become a selfish businessman." He is also
thought to be close to the ruling junta, known as the State Peace and
Development Council [SPDC], and his agreements with the SPDC have been
too compromising, said a Kachin source.
In addition to his dubious connection with Burma's generals, his close
business ties with Chinese businessmen from China's Yunnan Province have
also upset many ordinary Kachins and KIA officers. "All kinds of
business concessions have been given to Chinese businessmen, but the
Kachin get nothing," said one former KIO official. Gen. Zau Mai and his
associates have engineered all business decisions concerning gold and
jade mining and logging concessions.
As the Kachin leadership has lost respect among the Kachins, the mood
within the organization has not been much better. Gen Zau Mai had
reportedly had numerous and occasionally violent run-ins with his own
officers over grievances against Burmese troops for violations of the
cease-fire pact as well as his business deals with Chinese businessmen.
Many Kachins are tight-lipped about this recent development, but said
that the change of leadership would be good for the Kachin people.
They are also worried that the cease-fire deal with Rangoon has been the
cause of open hostilities in their homeland. Last year fear grew among
Kachin people as many Burmese troops were stationed in Kachin State.
There are now about 50 Burmese battalions stationed there - ten more
than in 1994. The KIA has about 4,000 foot soldiers.
So far, there has been no political dialogue between the SPDC and the
KIO, which the latter expected to take place after signing a cease-fire
agreement.
Yet the Rangoon junta says it has no legal mandate to negotiate, being
an "interim" military regime. The result is that Kachin youth are
becoming restless and drifting into a political limbo as they wonder
where their future lies.
Since the cease-fire deal, the Kachin, who are predominantly Christian,
have been allowed to practice their religion freely, and a number of
local charitable organizations have been given permission to operate
without SPDC interference. Also, incidences of forced labor and other
human rights abuses by Burmese troops have decreased markedly in recent
years. In 1998 the KIO officially opened an office in Myitkyina, capital
of Kachin State.
There is also widespread cynicism about Rangoon's contribution to Kachin
State's economic development, which to date has consisted of the
construction of a new bridge in Myitkyina and an airport that is used
exclusively for military purposes. One senior Kachin official noted that
other ethnic cease-fire groups, notably the Wa and the Kokang Chinese,
have fared much better with "self-help" measures promoted by the SPDC,
including the production of narcotics. Burmese military officers have
reportedly wrested control of the state's jade mines away from the KIO -
a further blow to the organization's economic and social standing.
As things stand at the moment, the SPDC has troops near Pajau, but they
have not yet been given the order to enter. The immediate question is:
will the new leadership stick to the cease-fire agreement? It is
uncertain where this situation will lead, but Burma 's big neighbors are
definitely keeping their eyes on events at Pajau. China, which shares a
border with Kachin State and is Burma's major ally, would never tolerate
Burma slipping back into civil war.
___________________________________________________
AP: Military's fear of students spawns `lost generation' of youth
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) _ They dreamed of becoming doctors, engineers and
leaders in a once-vibrant country that greatly needs their talents to
emerge from decades of poverty and intellectual torpor.
Instead, the hopes of Aye Hla, Win Thein and thousands of others among
Myanmar's best and brightest have been shattered by a military
determined to stifle the only force that consistently dared challenge
its rule _ student power. The generals have closed universities for
years at a stretch, jailed students and teachers, forced others into
exile and allowed once-high education standards to plummet.
Youth has paid a high price for periodically rising up against military
regimes that have controlled Myanmar since 1962, dragging one of the
region's richest, best-educated nations into isolation and economic
ruin.
Students were at the forefront of the bloody 1988 demonstrations that
propelled Aung San Suu Kyi, now a virtual prisoner in her own home, to
leadership in the pro-democracy movement.
Although universities are back in session _ they were shut for nearly
seven out of 12 years following the 1988 uprising _ there's a backlog of
frustrated high school graduates waiting for their turn to enter.
The All Burma Students Democratic Front, an exile rebel group,
estimates that some 300,000 students who have left high school since
1996 are slipping through the education gap, with many turning to drug
abuse, sex and alcohol.
The regime in Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been accused by Western
governments of abuses that range from jailing political opponents to
atrocities against ethnic minorities. But Western diplomats say it's the
``war against education'' that most universally distresses the
population.
``This is the military's worst crime,'' is a common refrain of parents
whose children are passing into another lost generation.
``I had dreams of going to a university but I lost hope and faith,''
says Win Thein, 23, who planned to become an engineer but got fed up
with waiting and now does odd jobs around town.
He and other young people interviewed, who asked their real names not
be used for fear of the authorities, said they also wanted no part of
the tight controls and low standards at universities.
To gain entry, students must pledge to refrain from political
activities and they're shuffled around during their school years to
subvert student cohesion and organization.
Students who normally would have attended hotbeds of dissent, like
Yangon University, are instead sent to newly built campuses in outlying
areas. According to students, these are often raw concrete structures,
baking in open fields, with empty library shelves and laboratories.
The once highly reputed Yangon University, they say, has become to them
a ``dreamland,'' its leafy campus the scene of novels, movies and
real-life romance as well as the military's opening salvo against
educated youth. After grabbing power in 1962, troops dynamited the
university's student union building.
Since then, Western diplomats note there have been two generations of
university teachers with no international experience, and more recently
the closures of schools has stalled the production of qualified teachers
at all levels.
The reopened universities, the diplomats say, have shortened semesters,
simplified tests and generally lowered standards in order to churn out
graduates.
Professors stress rote learning and are often absent to supplement
their incomes _ averaging dlrs 12 a month _ through outside jobs.
Students are charged a variety of fees, sometimes even paying for class
handouts.
``University is a waste of time, energy and money,'' says Tin Aung, the
father of two primary school students. ``Ideas and thoughts are
murdered.''
Few can afford to send their children abroad or to local private
schools teaching subjects like computers, English and accounting.
``I'm not really learning anything so I can't see the future as very
good,'' said 21-year-old Aye Hla, who signed up to study zoology last
year but has yet to see a live frog dissected.
Probably the best education is provided by the military, which runs
medical, technical, agricultural and other university-level institutions
for its children and those intending to make the military a career.
Everything is free, with a job guaranteed after graduation.
``Burma has become a house divided,'' says the exile group Campaign
Committee for Open Schools. ``The military institutes being the only way
to get a decent education, only pro-military students have a future
while the rest of the country's youth is left uneducated.''
Education authorities, who declined requests for an interview, say
reforms are under way, but parents describe them as a charade.
Tin Aung said parents at his children's' primary school were recently
asked to lend computers to one of the much-heralded multimedia
classrooms to impress a visiting military VIP. The classroom has only
two computers, he said, but the students aren't allowed to touch them.
``Reforms? They're only slogans,'' he says. ``They just want to deceive
the nation and the world about what they are doing.''
___________________________________________________
___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
AP: Thailand, Myanmar achieve little progress in border talks
Feb. 26, 2001
BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) _ Thailand agreed to consider releasing 40
Myanmar people detained during recent fighting but rejected other
requests made by Myanmar officials during talks Monday to ease border
tensions.
Besides the Thai concession little progress was made at the second
round of talks held on both sides of the border -- for one hour in Thai
territory and for one hour in Myanmar.
Thai officials who participated in the talks said Myanmar insisted on
repeating its request that its troops be allowed to use a border area
under Thai control to fight anti-government Shan rebels. Thailand has
already rejected the request.
The hilly region, where the border has never been clearly demarcated,
is claimed by both sides but Thailand says that it will not allow
Myanmar to step foot on the area it controls.
``The government's policy is always to protect our sovereignty and not
let other countries use our soil,'' Maj. Gen. Thawat Jaruklad, who led
the Thai team, told The Associated Press in a telephone interview.
Fighting between Myanmar troops and Shan rebels spilled into Thailand
earlier this month when several mortars landed in the northern Thai town
of Mae Sai, killing two civilians.
Thai troops got involved in the fighting when Myanmar soldiers took
over a strategic hilltop position in the Thai-controlled territory to
launch attacks on the Shan. The Myanmar troops were driven out by
Thailand after heavy fighting, causing tensions between the two
countries to reach their highest level in years.
Later, Thailand arrested some 40 Myanmar people from the border area,
suspecting them to be spies. During Monday's talks the Thai side said it
will consider releasing them.
``We will forward the (Myanmar) request to agencies concerned as soon
as possible but things must go through legal procedure,'' Thawat said.
Thawat is the commander of the border province of Chiang Rai where the
fighting took place. It is 680 kilometers (422 miles) north of Bangkok.
He said Myanmar officials again accused Thailand of supporting the Shan
rebels in their fight for independence against the military government.
Thailand denies the charge.
Thawat said the only agreement between the two sides was on the need
for the Township Border Committees of the two countries to meet more
often.
``Both of us agreed we're going in the right direction based on our
commitment to end the dispute through dialogue,'' he said. However, no
date has been set for the next meeting.
After tensions escalated on Feb. 10, Thailand closed its border
crossings, blocking the shipment of commodities to Myanmar. ^un/vj<
___________________________________________________
AFP: US torches Myanmar's junta over rights
WASHINGTON, Feb 26 (AFP) - The United States on Monday charged Myanmar's
ruling generals with inflicting brutal and severe repression, despite
"hopeful" signs of a slight easing in the country's bitter political
stalemate.
In its annual report on global human rights, the State Department
reserved a 20,000-word chunk to detail allegations of political
repression, torture, forced labour, rape and other human rights abuses
in Myanmar.
Reports of a tentative dialogue between democracy leader and Nobel
Prize Winner Aung San Suu Kyi and the junta amounted to "hopeful signs"
said acting Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and
Labor, Michael Parmly.
But as he unveiled the report, he said the National League for
Democracy leader had twice been held incommunicado last year and an
official campaign of intimidation against the party had gone on
unchecked.
"The Government's extremely poor human rights record and longstanding
severe repression of its citizens continued during the year," said the
report, which refers to Burma, Myanmar's former name.
"Citizens continued to live subject at any time and without appeal to
the arbitrary and sometimes brutal dictates of the military regime."
The United States, which leads an informal international coalition
which has imposed sanctions and investment restrictions on Myanmar, is a
frequent critic of the generals, who respond by saying Washington
interferes in their internal affairs.
The report charged prison conditions remain exceedingly harsh in
Myanmar, although some had improved slightly after the International
Committee of the Red Cross was allowed to resume inspections during
1999.
According to the State Department, basing its conclusions on
information culled from its embassies in Southeast Asia, the government
still holds 48 members of parliament elect and 1,000 NLD supporters in
detention.
The NLD won a landslide election victory in 1990, but the result was
never recognised by the government.
In addition to their alleged repression of basic political rights, the
government was also accused of violating international humanitarian law
in internal conflicts against ethnic insurgencies.
The junta, which terms itself the State Peace and Development Council,
accords pride of place to its efforts to make peace with the myriad
ethnic groups demanding autonomy from Yangon.
But critics of the regime insist many ceasefire deals have been bought
by the junta turning a blind eye to drugs production.
Included in the report are anecdotal accounts of shootings of unarmed
civilians by soldiers and of the junta's "strategy of forced relocation"
of members of ethnic groups demanding autonomy.
There are also accounts of civilians being killed by differnent bands
of Karen insurgents, who have been fighting one of the world's
longest-running guerilla wars against the central government.
In the social field, the junta is accused of presiding over "severe and
worsening neglect of health care and education which was seriously
harming the lives of children, which were also allegedly target for
underage labor in several areas of the country.
___________________________________________________
Kyodo: U.N. antidrug project in Myanmar in jeopardy
MONG PHEN, Myanmar Feb. 27 Kyodo - A U.N. project that aims to eradicate
poppy cultivation by 2005 in an area of Myanmar controlled by the Wa
ethnic group, a Southeast Asian drug producer, is in jeopardy as
international funding appears to be drying up.
The United Wa State Army (UWSA), one of many ethnic groups in the
country not under the control of the central government, administers the
autonomous special region 2 of Myanmar. Its leaders are angry that
financial assistance from a U.N. agency is to be reduced this year.
In May 1995, UWSA leaders announced their intention to gradually phase
out poppy cultivation in Wa-controlled areas over a specified time
period. They requested international assistance to implement their plan.
''This year more than 8,500 acres (3,400 hectares) in the entire Wa area
are free of poppy cultivation, but we get nothing for that
accomplishment,'' said a UWSA official in charge of foreign
coordination.
The official was alluding to the notion that fewer poppy plants
cultivated should mean more aid is issued to the group.
The U.N. International Drug Control Program (UNDCP) has expressed strong
support of the Wa leadership in its bid to purge its territories of
narcotics.
However, strong words from the international community have not been
matched by hefty financial contributions, as illustrated by the shortage
of funds for the Wa project.
The United States, a major donor to the project, cut its contribution
following media reports that narcotics production still continues in the
area.
The UNDCP signed a $15 million deal with Myanmar in 1996 to undertake a
five-year project to eliminate the cultivation of illegal narcotics from
the Wa autonomous regions. The project includes water supply for crop
substitutions, health care and community development.
Yet according to a UWSA official, despite the years the UNDCP has
invested in a pilot project and a real program, local communities have
not reaped the promised benefits.
''The U.N. just talks...It spends more than 50% of its budget for (the
project) for administration such as high salaries, luxurious equipment,
leaving only one-fourth for the local people,'' the official said,
adding that ethnic Wa group authorities supplemented the funding for the
U.N. water supply project.
The UNDCP is partly to blame for the delay in the project and the lack
of adequate funding, both of which are due to a policy shift in the
United States, says Xavier Bouan, project coordinator for the Wa
Alternative Development Project (WADP).
''Forget the $15 million. We cannot rely on that amount any more. I have
only $600,000 for the whole project this year and cannot commit anything
for 2002,'' Bouan told Kyodo News.
The United Nations has had to reduce the WADP's workforce from the
original 180 to the current 60, and there are plans for further cuts in
the future due to budgetary constraints, he said.
Myanmar is considered by many in the international community to be the
world's largest illicit producer of opium, with its 1996 output
estimated at 2,560 tons, a 9% increase over 1995. The country is also
known for generating minor amounts of cannabis for international drug
trade.
Despite the surrender of drug warlord Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army in January
1996, an event hailed by Yangon as a major counternarcotics success,
there is a perceived lack of serious government commitment and resources
that continues to hinder the overall antidrug effort.
The UNDCP is searching for new project funding from countries such as
Australia, as well seeking a larger contribution from Japan, which
currently shoulders 20% of the projects cost.
''The Wa people are simple. We don't want anything much more than food
security. Poppy is not our traditional product. We don't want it if we
have enough food,'' one official said.
_______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS _______________
De Standaard (Belgium): Belgian federal authorities ban TotalFinaElf
February 21, 2001
Translated by: Birma Groep/Groupe Birmanie (KWIA)
The Belgian federal authorities have decided to cease purchasing fuel
from TotalFinaElf. Luc Van den Bossche, the Minister for Civil Services
has announced this in reply to a parliamentary question in the
commission for internal affairs by Ferdy Willems (VU/ID).
The contract with TotalFinaElf was made in August 2001, but was severely
criticized. Some members of the federal govern- ment even refused to
use their car if they had to fill it up with TotalFinaElf petrol. The
criticism arose due to the investments of the French-Belgian oil
company in Myanmar (former Burma). Thereupon the government conceived a
plan to investigate if ethical criteria could be implemented in
granting public contracts. Minister Van den Bossche has announced that
no final decisions have been made yet. According to the minister
'Europe is very unhappy, concerned and angry about the initiative of
the Belgian government'.
_______________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________
Bangkok Post: Opposing positions over Burma conflict
It has become clear in recent days that the aim of Burma in the
northeast of its country is to increase the territory and power of the
regime's ethnic Wa allies. This creates a deeply disturbing rift with
Thailand, which has already suffered innocent casualties and damage from
the border combat. As serious as the conflict spillover has been to
Thailand, it will be nothing compared to the huge risk that outright
Burmese victory will produce. If Rangoon succeeds, Thailand and China
will be border-to-border with an unfettered, unchallenged drug cartel.
Rangoon's army and the private United Wa State Army are fighting as a
unit opposite our northern provinces. Their aim is to destroy the Shan
State Army, and to push its remnants and Shan people south into central
Burma. This will leave northeastern Burma in the hands of the UWSA. This
will free the Wa to expand their massive drug cartel, which already
controls all methamphetamines and most heroin.
Such a large, forced migration would always concern Thailand, for
reasons both of human rights and future security. Ethnic clashes have
been a constant, destabilising feature of Burma since its independence
from Britain. But the added threat of expanded drug operations is deeply
disturbing.
In some cases, Burmese attempts to shift blame for the border fighting
to Thailand could be mildly, if maddeningly, amusing. In the situation
at present, they are dangerous. Burma is well aware of Thai concern over
the border insecurity. Rangoon also knows well that Thais consider drug
trafficking the nation's greatest security threat. Burma's refusal to
consult Thailand must trouble every Thai. Rangoon's decision to
encourage the Wa drug trafficking by helping to establish even better
access and security is deeply disturbing.
Academics have warned the government that Burma seeks territorial
advantage through its alleged civil war. Several of our senior military
officers have strong feelings about the situation. Army commander Gen
Surayud Chulanont has been outspoken that Thai lives in the region, and
Thai security in general, are at great risk. Lt-Gen Wattanachai
Chaimuenwong, the Third Army commander on the front line, has become
blunt in his frustration. "All Burmese unit commanders who caused the
conflict should brought before a firing squad," he told our reporters
recently.
No one hopes for a conflict with Burma. In fact, there is only one
permanent solution to the problem, and that is a political conclusion.
Such a solution requires two partners, and Burma has refused to join
talks. Indeed, under the outdated and faulty claim that no one can
interfere with its internal affairs, the Rangoon dictatorship has
effectively blocked all bilateral or multilateral discussions or
negotiations.
As a story in this newspaper pointed out, this creates a division which
cannot, at least for now, be bridged. Burma wants to create a secure
area for the Wa, where they will be free to grow, manufacture and
traffic in drugs. Thailand must oppose the results of such a plan.
If there is room for negotiation-and there is-it is on the points on
which Thailand does not have a vital stake. Burma's problems with ethnic
groups are long and lingering. They are, however, uniquely Rangoon's
problems. The central government and the minority groups must settle
their divisions in a way that is best for them. Where the Wa and Shan
settle is of no strategic interest to Thailand.
Thailand's interest is not to be threatened, intimidated, exploited or
victimised. Thais have learnt many lessons while trying to fight drug
makers and traffickers-some of them the hard way. Negotiations with
Burma are entirely possible if they centre on how to make a peaceful
border free of drugs. This would require Burma to commit itself to
weaning both Rangoon and the Wa off the drug trade. It would be
encouraging if Burma were to start this immediately.
___________________________________________________
KNPP: Denial statement regarding the Thai newspaper accusation
Denial statement regarding the Thai newspaper accusation on drug
Statement No. 02/2001
Karenni National Progressive Party
We, the KNPP absolutely denied the accusation made by the Thai language
newspaper called "The Manager Daily News - Phujarkan" on February 19,
2001. The newspaper accused that all ethnic armed groups including the
KNPP are directly involving in producing or trafficking amphetamine
pill, which is continuously flowing into Thailand through border passes.
The successive Karenni government and the KNPP are firmly standing on
its policy to oppose the poppy cultivation or trafficking of drug in the
territory and prohibited any citizen to do so. However, we are now
facing with a big menace of poppy cultivation where is taking place in
most-western border area under control of the KNPLF armed group who
allied with SPDC. The Karenni Army had already penetrated into this area
and destroyed some cultivated fields in year 2000.
We are deeply unhappy on misinformation, which was described in the
Manager newspaper, and are requested to state our denial statement. We
are warmly welcome whoever may visit us for further information.
Central
Committee
Karenni National
Progressive Party
Date: February 22, 2001
___________________________________________________
The Statesman (New Delhi): Road To Myanmar
But Manipur village issues ignored
February 23, 2001
What makes Jaswant Singh's visit to Myanmar significant is that he
traveled to Yangon via Imphal and inaugurated the 160-km Tamu-Kalemyo
road built by the Indian Border Road Task Force. India is already
engaged in constructing roads, bridges and railways in the neighbouring
country. Trade through the Indian border town of Moreh was made legal in
1995 and people of the two countries are allowed to visit Moreh and Tamu
for a day without any travel documents. Not only will the new road help
boost trade, it will also be part of the pan-Asian highway leading up to
Yangon via Mandalay. There are plans to introduce a weekly bus service
between Moreh and Kalewa in Myanmar.
It is indeed surprising that New Delhi has not thrashed out the issue of
Manipur's tiny Molcham and Tuivang villages to cement good-neighbourly
relations. Tuivang village, which till 1963 paid taxes to Manipur, is no
longer considered part of India following the mysterious disappearance
of border pillar No 66. After a visit to Molcham in 1982, a Manipur
Cultural Integration Committee team alleged that the villagers were
often subjected to "threats, intimidation and oppression by Myanmarese
security forces". Molcham assumes significance because the World War II
Tamu-Kalewa road passes through the village. The MCIC's suggestion for
building two or three "bridges of friendship" to linkthe two Myanmarese
towns without touching Molcham is worth consideration. A new Molcham
police station is reportedly awaiting inauguration. One wonders if any
minister will now be prepared to visit Molcham, which involves a two-day
journey, part of which is through Myanmarese territory. This negligence
will only reduce the new police station to a mere symbol of India's
authority over the village.
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