Anti-coup campaigns

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Description: "Myanmar’s pro-democracy forces called on the public to stage a silent strike on Wednesday to mark the second anniversary of the military takeover. “With loud voices of silence, we have repeatedly shaken the dictator,” the General Strike Coordination Body (GSCB) said on Friday, referring to previous silent strikes. The junta claims life has returned to normal under military rule but by staying at home, shutting businesses and emptying streets, the movement aims to show mass discontent. “We will again stage the silent strike on February 1 to remind the world that our people continue to fight in every way despite the cruel oppression of the terrorist regime…and make it clear that we won’t accept the planned illegal election,” the GSCB said. The GSCB, which includes over 30 strike committees in Myanmar, urged the public to remain indoors from 10am to 3pm on Wednesday. Prominent anti-regime leader Tayzar San wrote that the coup anniversary is the day when a state of emergency declared by the “terrorist” military will expire and it is important to show continued opposition to the junta on that day. “I urge the whole country to stage the silent strike unanimously,” he wrote. Silent strikes were held last year on February 1, on Human Rights Day and on March 24 despite junta threats of businesses seizures, arrests and prosecution. The junta usually staged pro-military rallies to counter the campaigns. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, more than 2,890 people have been killed and more than 17,400 detained since the 2021 coup. Two years ago the military locked up much of the elected leadership, including State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, declaring a state of emergency..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-01-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-28
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Description: "AN INTRODUCTION TO MYANMAR’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT: On 8 November 2020, Myanmar held a third round of national elections since the start of an extended reform process instigated by the 2008 Constitution and national elections in 2010 and 2015. This reform process was premised on the country transitioning away from military dictatorship and civil war and towards peace and federalism. During the November 2020 elections, the military-backed political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), lost decisively to the National League for Democracy (NLD), which is led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Subsequently, the USDP and the military started to make false claims of widespread electoral fraud. Both domestic and international election monitors had deemed the poll fair and credible. Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, launched a coup d’état on 1 February 2021, removing the elected NLD government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint. The Tatmadaw’s commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing took power, forming a dictatorial body of the “State Administration Council” (SAC), composed largely of generals. The Tatmadaw also announced a “one-year-long state of emergency” and that multi-party elections would be held at the end of this year. This period was subsequently extended by SAC in July. The generals announced, unsurprisingly, that elections would not be held within one year of the coup but instead would not be held until at least August 2023. Despite their own unconstitutional actions in the form of a coup, the Tatmadaw cynically contends that the 2008 Constitution is still sacrosanct. Opposition to the Tatmadaw’s unconstitutional and coercive action was quick and nation-wide. Peaceful protests spread across the entire country demanding the release of all political prisoners and the return of the elected government. The Tatmadaw’s claims of electoral fraud were met with widespread contempt from the Myanmar people because of the military’s distinctly toxic history of launching coups and denying or corrupting elections. As peaceful protests were expanding across the country in early February, a novel movement also began to emerge. This movement intended to demonstrate both moral and ethical repulsion at the actions of the coup leaders but also to begin applying peaceful pressure on the military regime to relinquish power. The first incident of what would quickly grow into a national movement occurred on 2nd February. Medical doctors and other healthcare workers at the Mandalay General Hospital, all civil servants, posted social media statements that they would not work for an illegal military regime. As Naypyidaw surgeon Zwe Min Aung recounted to the Voice of America, “At the time, we really disagreed [with] this [the military coup], and we created [a] small group in Mandalay hospital and other hospitals, too. We distributed the statement on February 2 from Facebook and the nationwide CDM began.”2 Though CDM began as an online campaign but has expanded into a wider prodemocracy movement as civil servants from across the ministries started to boycott the military regime. As the movement gained momentum, ever wider parts of Myanmar society joined to make their opposition to the junta known.....MYANMAR’S PEOPLE REJECT MILITARY DICTATORSHIP: Myanmar is not a failed state. Its condition is not that of chronic state weakness caused by civil war, corruption, or entrenched dictatorship. Rather, it is a country where the public, as well as both the private and public sectors, reject the military coup staged on 1 February 2021. In this sense, Myanmar is a country where the near entirety of the population - including civil servants and the private sector – is staging a general strike to peacefully protest the illegal seizure of power by the Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw. This effort is the CDM, a non-violent endeavour of an entire population to resist brutal dictatorship. By early-2021, the public had experienced nearly a decade of civilian leadership, economic growth and more generally reform and positive change. This was particularly so after the fully free elections in 2015 that brought the NLD political party, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to power. The prospects of returning to decades of impoverishment and dictatorial violence through Tatmadaw rule was revolting to the tens of millions of Myanmar citizens who sought to show their unwillingness to accept the coup through peaceful demonstrations in countless villages, towns, and cities across the country. CDM is composed of three major groups from the Myanmar people: the general public, private sector businesses and associations, and civil service personnel. CDM by Myanmar’s Public Since the 1 February coup, countless protests have taken place daily across the entire country to show solidarity for CDM and to demonstrate an absolute rejection of the junta. Over February and March, hundreds-of-thousands of normal Myanmar citizens gathered across the country’s cities, towns, and villages to demonstrate their anger and demand a future of federal democracy. These early mass demonstrations served to unite the various societies within Myanmar. The revulsion of the junta is near universal. For instance, Myanmar’s national football team refused to play under military dictatorship, while hundreds of monks led a prayer session supporting CDM and protestors. Numerous professional associations have regularly demonstrated on the streets wearing their respective attires (doctors, nurses, engineers, teachers, and lawyers). Women have been prominent in the protests and LGBTs groups have also joined protests. The mass protests were not limited to one ethnic group or a particular area of the country. They were across the entire country, spanning religious, ethnic, and socio-economic lines. What united all the millions of people peacefully protesting was a shared desire for a better future defined by a path of democratization, peace, and economic development. The traumas of decades of brutal dictatorship, civil war and crushing impoverishment under the military are too painful to accept returning to. As such, some of the most common placards held high delivered the key messages - “Respect Our Votes” and “Say No to Coup.” Some young women joined early protests playfully wearing wedding gowns and holding placards with messages such as “we don’t accept military coup.” Myanmar’s people just want a normal life for themselves and their families. They know the military will never provide that. Given its toxic history, Myanmar’s military predictably resorted to mass violence against peaceful protesters as they have done so many times over the decades since independence in 1948. Large protests were no longer possible by the end of March after the military started regularly using war weaponry automatic rifles, rocket propelled grenades, and machine guns to disperse peaceful protest rallies. Despite this violence by an organization claiming to protect the people, viz. a national army, Myanmar’s people have continued to protest across the country using novel methods - such as so-called ‘flash mobs’ - to avoid opportunities by the junta to kill. Such is their determination and despite the risk of death, Myanmar’s people can still be seen from the smallest villages to the largest cities demonstrating their desire for a return to democracy and a better future..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် စွမ်းအင်ကဏ္ဍ၏ ရေနံထွက်ပစ္စည်းကြီးကြပ်ရေး ဦးစီးဌာနနှင့် ရေနံနှင့်သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့စီမံရေးဉီးစီးဌာနတို့ရှိ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ နှင်ထုတ်ခြင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည့် ၂ လစာ ချေးငွေများ ပြန်လည်တောင်းခံခြင်းတို့ကို ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ အောက်ပါအရာရှိများကို အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းဝင်သူများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့အားလုံးကို နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (dismiss) ပြီး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၁၁ ရက်စွဲပါ အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၉/၂၀၂၁) ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။.."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Electricity and Energy
2021-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-11
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Description: "As of 9 August, (962) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. (1) from Myingyan Township in Mandalay region died today and (1) from Mandalay died yesterday. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 9, a total of (5526) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Doctor Maung Maung Nyein Tun, lecturer of surgery of University of Medicine of Mandalay, who is involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested on June 13 and sued three counts of charges, died on August 8 at Mandalay General Hospital due to COVID-19. It is reported that he was contracted COVID-19 while detained in the Interrogation Center of Mandalay Nandwin. At first, it is heard that the terrorist junta did not transfer him to the hospital and detained him at the No.9 police station for two weeks. He was transferred to the Mandalay General Hospital when his condition was worse as he did not receive sufficient medical treatment in the cell. Maung Htay from Kywe Chan Village in Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region, who was arrested on July 10 allegedly because he kept youth protesters and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, died in Myingyan Prison on August 9. According to a friend of his family member, although the Prisons Department said Maung Htay died due to atherosclerosis and hypertension, his body was covered and only allowed to look at the face. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-08-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-09
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Description: "Myanmar security forces on Thursday arrested one of the main leaders of the campaign against military rule after ramming him with a car as he led a motorbike protest rally, friends and colleagues said. Opponents of the Feb. 1 coup that ousted an elected government led by Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi have kept up their campaign against the military this traditional New Year week with marches and various other shows of defiance. "Our brother Wai Moe Naing was arrested. His motorbike was hit by an unmarked police car," Win Zaw Khiang, a member of a protest organising group, said on social media. Wai Moe Naing, a 25-year-old Muslim, has emerged as one of the most high-profile leaders of opposition to the coup. Earlier, Reuters spoke to him by telephone as he was setting off to lead the rally in the central town of Monywa, about 700 km (435 miles) north of the main city of Yangon. Video posted on social media showed an oncoming car swerving into a group of motorbikes. A spokesman for the junta could not be reached for comment. Monywa has been one of main centres of the pro-democracy campaign with big rallies day after day and repeated crackdowns by the security forces. Some colleagues said they feared for Wai Moe Naing's safety. The Swedish embassy said it was following his case and urged that all detainees be allowed proper health care and their human rights be respected. The U.S. Embassy also condemned the reported incident. "This appalling act further demonstrates why the people of Myanmar do not accept the military regime," the embassy said in a post on Twitter. PROTESTING MEDICS In Yangon, security forces detained Myo Aye, director of the Solidarity Trade Union of Myanmar, activist Ei Thinzar Maung said on Facebook. Myo Aye has also played a major role in organising the protests. State media said a famous actor, Zin Wine, and singer Po Po, both known for their support of the democracy movement, had also been arrested. The coup has plunged Myanmar into crisis after 10 years of tentative steps toward democracy, with, in addition to the daily protests, strikes by workers in many sectors that have brought the economy to a standstill. An activist group, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, says the security forces have killed 715 protesters since the overthrow of Suu Kyi's government. Earlier on Thursday, soldiers opened fire in the city of Mandalay to disperse protesting medical workers and one man was killed and several wounded when security forces fired in a nearby neighbourhood, media reported. Some medical workers have been at the forefront of the campaign against the coup, which for many people has dashed hopes of a more open society after tentative steps towards democracy since the military initiated reforms a decade ago. State television announced that 20 doctors were among 40 people wanted under a law that makes it illegal to encourage mutiny or dereliction of duty in the security forces. Some 200 people are now wanted under the charge. The military says the protests are dwindling but thousands joined protests marches and motorbike rallies in several towns, according to pictures posted by media outlets. The United States and other Western countries have imposed limited sanctions focused on the military and called for the release of Suu Kyi and others detained by the new authorities. Leaders of Southeast Asian neighbours, which have been trying to encourage talks between the rival Myanmar sides, are due to met in Indonesia on April 24 to discuss the situation, Thai PBS World reported. Junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is due to attend, the broadcaster said, on what would be his first known trip abroad and contact with foreign leaders since he seized power..."
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Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-04-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-25
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Sub-title: Posts ranging from wanted posters to death threats remain online for months, breaching platform’s own standards
Description: "Facebook is promoting content that incites violence against Myanmar’s coup protesters and amplifies junta misinformation, despite promising to clamp down on the misuse of its platform, according to a study. An investigation by the rights group Global Witness found that Facebook’s recommendation algorithm continues to invite users to view content that breaches its own policies. After liking a Myanmar military fan page, which did not contain recent posts violating Facebook’s policies, the rights group found that Facebook suggested several pro-military pages that contained abusive content. Among the posts featured on one of the pages was an image of a “wanted” poster offering a $10m bounty for the capture “dead or alive” of a young woman. The post claimed she was among protesters who had burned down a factory following a military crackdown. Images of the woman’s face and a screenshot of what appeared to be her Facebook profile were posted alongside a caption reading: “This girl is the one who committed arson in Hlaing Tharyar. Her account has been deactivated. But she cannot run.” Global Witness said that its report demonstrated that self-regulation by Facebook was not working, and called for Facebook’s recommendation algorithm to be subject to independent audit. Other posts identified by Global Witness included a death threat, the glorification of military violence and misinformation, such as the incorrect claims that Isis is present in Myanmar, and that the military had seized power due to “voter fraud”. The military has accused Aung San Suu Kyi’s party of vote rigging in last year’s election in order to justify February’s coup – a suggestion that has been discredited by observers, including by the independent monitoring group Asian Network for Free Elections. Facebook said in February that it would remove false claims of widespread fraud or foreign interference in Myanmar’s November election from its site. It also said it had banned military-controlled state and media entities, and introduced a specific policy for Myanmar “to remove praise, support and advocacy of violence by Myanmar security forces and protestors”. Content that supported the arrests of civilians by the military and security forces in Myanmar would be removed under this policy. A spokesperson for Facebook said its staff “closely monitor” the situation in Myanmar in real time and has taken action on any posts, pages or groups that break its rules. However, content identified by Global Witness has remained online for months, according to the rights group. Separate analysis by the Guardian found numerous recent examples of posts that also appeared to breach Facebook’s standards: In one post from 19 June, which received more than 500 likes, an image showed a man with a bloodied face and rope tied around his neck. The caption states: “This is how you should arrest them”, referring to protesters. Posts often mock and encourage violence against protesters. One post, also from 19 June referred to a recent flower strike, where protesters wore flowers to mark Aung San Suu Kyi’s 76th birthday, stating: “Every single one of the real men that wore the flowers in public today must be killed … Trash. They all need to be killed so that the children will not have the wrong role models.” The post was liked 175 times. Another post, from 1 June, targeted children. It showed an image of students outside their school, with a sign that states: “We are students and we will go to school. You are criminals, and you will go to prison.” Many children have not returned to school, despite orders to do so by the junta. The post had been liked more than 4,300 times. Posts often share misinformation, for example, blaming pro-democracy politicians for leading “terrorists”. A post states “only real news outlets in this country are MOI, MRTV and MWD and other state-run news”, referring to military-controlled channels. Facebook has previously acknowledged that its platform has been misused in Myanmar, where it is hugely popular and influential. The site is used by almost half the population and, for many, it is the primary way of accessing the internet. In 2018, following the massacre of Rohingya Muslims by the military, Facebook admitted that its platform had been used to “foment division and incite offline violence”. A UN fact-finding mission drew similar conclusions the same year, stating that Facebook had been “a useful instrument for those seeking to spread hate” and that the response of the company had been “slow and ineffective”. In February, Facebook said its staff were working around the clock to keep its platform safe. The coup greatly increased the likelihood “that online threats could lead to offline harm”, Facebook said at the time. The Global Witness report also called for Facebook to further investigate other types of content it hosted, including the circulation of forced confession videos by political prisoners, military adverts, and posts that amplified military propaganda – such as the claims that the army is acting in a measured way. In a statement, Facebook said: “We proactively detect 99% of the hate speech removed from Facebook in Myanmar, and our ban of the Tatmadaw [military] and repeated disruption of coordinated inauthentic behaviour has made it harder for people to misuse our services to spread harm. This is a highly adversarial issue and we continue to take action on content that violates our policies to help keep people safe.”..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2021-06-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-24
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Sub-title: With an entire academic year already lost to the pandemic, the junta says schools will reopen on June 1, but teachers, students and their parents are refusing to attend or enroll in schools administered by generals and policed by soldiers.
Description: "Many parents breathed a sigh of relief in January when the elected government unveiled its plans to reopen schools, which had been closed for nearly a year to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. But on February 1, their hope evaporated. Three months since the coup, the junta is pressing ahead with school re-openings for the start of the next academic year in June. But once again, its plans to continue the policies of the National League for Democracy government it ousted are being foiled by a defiant public. On April 30, during the daily 8pm newscast on state-owned MRTV, the junta announced that enrollment in basic education schools – as state schools below university level are called – will run from May 24 to 31, with classes resuming on June 1. But many classrooms may still sit empty, thanks to teachers, students and their parents refusing to take part in a military-run “slave education system”, they say. Scores of Ministry of Education employees including teachers and heads of schools have joined nationwide strikes as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement, and many of the street protests have been led by young students. Meanwhile, junta forces have made barracks of dozens of schools across the country – a move condemned by the United Nations education and children’s agencies, UNESCO and UNICEF, and the international non-government organisation Save the Children. In a joint statement issued on March 19, the three groups called this a “serious violation of children’s rights”. But despite the importance of children’s education, much of the teaching profession and the wider public are determined to deny the junta a single policy win – and to foil any pretence, after weeks of protest and deadly repression, that Myanmar is now stable. They also feel that, given the neglect and incompetence that marked the previous era of military rule, a junta-run education system would be worthless, and so they have nothing to lose. “Most teachers won’t return to work because they support the CDM, and most students won’t attend classes to show their opposition to the coup,” said an executive member of the Myanmar Teachers’ Federation who declined to give his name.....‘I will never stop’: Junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing promised at his first news conference after seizing power, held on February 8, to reopen schools as soon as it was safe to do so. On April 11, junta education minister Dr Nyunt Pe told a meeting of education officials that basic education schools will open on June 1. But he tacitly acknowledged how difficult it may be to hit that target when he then urged striking teachers to return to work, suggesting they were violating the Civil Service Personnel Law by joining the CDM. Two days prior, on April 9, junta spokesperson Major-General Zaw Min Tun told reporters that striking teachers have been pressuring colleagues who’ve joined ministry-run refresher courses ahead of the reopening, and accused protesters of setting some of the buildings housing these refresher courses on fire. He said more than half of all ministry teachers are attending the courses but are being continually harassed by protesters. Yet the junta has not even been able to keep its own appointees from defecting. It appointed University of Education, Sagaing rector Dr Saw Pyone Naing as Basic Education Department director on March 2, but Pyone Naing rejected the posting and joined the CDM. Days before, Dr Daw Shwe Pon, the health minister in the National Unity Government – formed in mid-April by ousted MPs and ethnic leaders as Myanmar’s legitimate government, in defiance of the junta – posted a message from Pyone Naing urging department staff not to return to school and to join the CDM. “Do not forget: teachers that return to [military-run] schools are betraying their country,” the message said. The Myanmar Teachers’ Federation estimated in March that about 75 percent of education ministry staff were taking part in the CDM. Although Frontier could not get a more up-to-date estimate for the whole ministry, a federation official said about 60pc of Basic Education Department staff remain on strike. The MTF official added that more than 70pc of those still on strike have gone into hiding, fearing arrest – or worse: of the more than 750 people killed by the junta since the coup, three have been teachers and five have been students, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. Among the more than 3,500 people arrested, charged or sentenced since February 1, 60 are education department staff involved in the CDM and 20 are basic education students that had joined protests. Many have been charged with incitement under section 505A of the Penal Code, which carries a maximum three-year sentence. On April 25, the junta’s education ministry ordered all teachers to return to schools for preparatory work no later than May 3. Frontier could not find an estimate of how many teachers returned that day, but several sources said that many who did return do not plan to be at school on opening day. “I will absolutely continue taking part in the CDM until we win. I will never stop boycotting an education system run by the military,” a striking teacher in Mandalay Region who’s gone into hiding told Frontier shortly before the deadline. Although not targeted by the CDM, private schools are also having a tough time trying to fully resume. With their earnings diminished after a year of closures, many do not have the money to hire back staff, said U Nay Oke, chair of the Myanmar Private Schools Association. He said the MPSA is still waiting for a response to a request it sent last November to the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Industry for loans to private schools to help them meet operating costs when they reopen. “I’m very worried that the private education sector will be in disarray [without financial assistance],” he said He expects only 40pc of Myanmar’s 2,000 private schools to be able to reopen for the coming academic year, with enrollment likely down by 50pc from pre-pandemic levels. The one exception to these trends – including for state schools – appears to be in Rakhine State, the only region of the country that has not seen large-scale strikes or protests against the junta. U Tin Thein, head of the state’s Basic Education Department, says at least 95pc of the more than 28,000 teachers there have attended refresher courses, and only a few have joined the CDM. Tin Thein said the department is preparing to open more than 3,000 schools but has yet to receive an official reopening plan from Nay Pyi Taw. “Rakhine State is mostly peaceful, and I believe all schools will be able to reopen,” he said, alluding to an informal ceasefire that has held since November between the Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army. He added that about 80 schools will have to remain closed because they are in “conflict zones”.....‘Not the right time’: Outside of Rakhine, the determination of many teachers to remain on strike is matched by the resolve of many parents not to send their children to schools under military control, despite having already endured a year of closed schools. Of the parents of 30 primary, middle and high school students Frontier spoke to in Yangon Region, 21 said they absolutely would not send their children to a government school while the military is in charge, and only two said they definitely would. Others were unsure, or said they would in certain circumstances. Daw Ei Ei Nyein, 52, whose daughter would otherwise be beginning eighth grade at Yankin Educational Degree College Practicing School, said she doesn’t think it would be safe. At an April 29 press conference, Tatmadaw Captain Daw Aye Thazin Myint said the military council is working with the Ministry of Home Affairs and local administration offices to provide added security “for the safety of teachers and students” – a prospect many students and parents find more terrifying than reassuring. “I will not send my child to school, even if it reopens,” Ei Ei Nyein said. “There is no guarantee that students will not be arrested or shot, or that female students will not be sexually harassed by soldiers.” She said she will only send her daughter, Ma Yun Nay Chit Htet, to school “once the elected civilian government returns to power”. Yun Nay Chit Htet, 15, also refuses to attend for now. She believes doing so would not only be worthless under a “slave education system”, but would also signal a tacit approval of the military dictatorship. “I’ve made up my mind not to return to school until Mother Suu is released,” she said, referring to ousted State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest in Nay Pyi Taw. The education ministry of the dissident National Unity Government, meanwhile, has voiced support for such a boycott. In an April 26 statement it urged teachers and other education ministry employees not to return to universities or basic education schools until the military regime is ousted. Ei Ei Nyein hopes her daugher will be able to study some form of vocational training outside of the formal system instead. “Our uprising against the junta’s coup may take a long time, but it doesn’t matter! I do not want my daughter to receive an educational certificate from the junta. I will teach her important work skills for her future myself,” she said. One Department of Basic Education teacher and MTF member said that if schools do reopen, he expects enrolment to be down by at least half, if only for security or practical reasons. “I think most parents are worried about their children’s safety these days,” he said. “Due to the political situation and the shortage of teachers in the department because of the CDM, this is not the right time for basic education schools to reopen.”.....COVID mandates: Students were completing the school year in March last year when the country’s first case of COVID-19 was recorded, and final-year high school students were able to take the matriculation exams required for admission to university. However, in its response to the pandemic, the government effectively cancelled the 2020-21 academic year. Although several thousand high schools briefly reopened from July 21 to August 27 after case numbers dropped, all were again closed on August 28 after a second surge in infections was recorded, first in Rakhine and then across the country. Now, the more than 47,000 basic education schools in Myanmar must pass a 30-point COVID-19 prevention inspection before reopening, ensuring proper sanitation, ventilation and space for social distancing. The junta has trimmed the reopening test from an earlier 80-point one established by the NLD government, but it’s uncertain how many schools will be able to prepare for and pass the test in the next month with their staff diminished by the CDM. Dr Phyu Phyu Aye, director of the Ministry of Health and Sport’s Public Health Department, declined to answer, insisting the question must be put to the Department of Basic Education, but spokespersons for that department would not take Frontier’s calls. Daw Win Win Nwe, principal of the Practicing School at the Yangon University of Education in Kamaryut Township, said she had received no instructions on reopening other than that all basic education schools must reopen in June. She said that there had been no inspections to ensure compliance with the health ministry’s COVID-19 prevention measures yet. Since September 21 last year, the Practicing School has been used as a quarantine centre for citizens returning from overseas. “Preparations to reopen the school will have to include cleaning and disinfecting the classrooms,” she said. With teachers and students being shot and arrested, however, COVID-19 precautions seem like the last concern for most students and their parents. U Soe Soe and Daw Toe Toe Lwin, whose 11-year-old daughter, Ma Aye Myat Thu, was shot in the head by security forces on March 27 as she played in her yard, say they will never send their children to a military-run schools. The preteen left behind four sisters, one of whom has graduated and one who is not yet of school age. “We do not dare to enroll our other two daughters if their schools reopen,” Toe Toe Lwin told Frontier. “We lost our beloved daughter, Ma Aye Myat Thu, due to the military’s brutality … We do not want to lose any more children.”..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
2021-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
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Sub-title: There have been at least 158 reported attacks on medical personnel and facilities in Myanmar, with more than 139 doctors arrested and charged since the military coup in February, endangering not only vital health services but also the COVID-19 response, the UN Country Team (UNCT) there said on Wednesday.
Description: "“At a time when Myanmar needs them the most, health workers fear arrest or detention for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly”, the Country Team said in a news release, reiterating its call for health workers, health facilities and patients to be protected. According to the World Health Organization (WHO)’s global surveillance system, the 158 reported attacks resulted in at least 11 deaths and 51 injuries. It also listed some 51 health facilities across Myanmar as having been under occupation by security forces, and that at least 31 of those facilities remain currently occupied. The occupied facilities also reported a drop in the number of people seeking medical care. In addition, at least 139 doctors participating in the civil disobedience movement have reportedly been charged under Section 505 (a) of Myanmar’s Penal Code. Those detained include highly specialized health personnel whose expertise cannot easily be replaced, which will significantly impact both the quality and quantity of health services available, according to the UNCT. 'Inviolable nature’ Andrew Kirkwood, UN Resident Coordinator a.i. in Myanmar, said the UN system in the country stands ready to continue its support for the national COVID-19 response. “But this requires a return to the comprehensive response to the COVID-19 pandemic previously underway, that the inviolable nature of health facilities and health workers and patients is respected, and the immediate release of urgently needed medical and technical personnel detained or arrested while exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly”, he added. Crisis into its fourth month Into its fourth month, the political turmoil – marked by near daily pro-democracy protests and a brutal crackdown by security forces – has reportedly claimed at least 750 lives and wounded countless more. There are also serious concerns over the continuing impact of the crisis. Last week, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) warned of skyrocketing poverty and economic collapse, while the UN human rights chief, in April, cautioned that Myanmar risks spiralling into a “full-blown conflict”, urging States with influence to take immediate and impactful action to halt the bloodshed.....Urging protections for healthcare globally: Launched in 2012, WHO’s Attacks on Health Care initiative collects evidence globally to advocate for safeguarding health care from attacks, which it defines as “any verbal or physical act of violence, obstruction or threat that interferes with the availability, access and delivery of such services”. The data on “attacks on health care” in various settings, including humanitarian emergencies, is collected by the agency’s global surveillance system, available online. This initiative does not aim at identifying perpetrators of such incidents, WHO said..."
Source/publisher: UN News
2021-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-05
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Description: "Burma's ruling junta has charged at least 19 medical doctors for participating in civil disobedience protests against the military's Feb. 1 coup, a state-run newspaper reported Wednesday. Doctors, nurses and medical students have marched and joined strikes to show their opposition to the military takeover that ousted Aung San Suu Kyi's democratically elected government and put a halt to the progress Burma had made toward greater democratization after five decades of military rule. The doctors charged are accused of supporting and participating in the civil disobedience movement "with the aim of deteriorating the state administrative machinery," the Global New Light of Burma newspaper wrote. THOUSANDS FLEE BURMA AIRSTRIKES, COMPLICATING CRISIS The military government has already issued arrest warrants for 100 people active in the fields of literature, film, theater arts, music and journalism on charges of spreading information that undermines the stability of the country and the rule of law. This isn't the first time doctors have been targeted. Earlier this month in Mandalay, the country’s second-biggest city, security forces used stun grenades and fired guns to break up a march by medical workers protesting the army’s takeover. The online news site The Irrawaddy reported that four doctors were arrested. Protests continued Wednesday across Burma even as people boycotted the official celebration of Thingyan, the country's traditional New Year, usually a time for family reunions and merry-making. In leaflets and social media posts last week, people were asked not to hold any Thingyan celebrations, saying it would be disrespectful to "fallen martyrs" to enjoy the festival. The government's violent response to anti-coup demonstrations has seen 714 people killed by security officials, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "Associated Press" (New York) via "Fox News" (New York)
2021-04-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: CDM, civil disobedience movement, colonial rule, Coup, junta, military regime, U Ottama
Topic: CDM, civil disobedience movement, colonial rule, Coup, junta, military regime, U Ottama
Description: "It was just two days after the junta’s Feb.1 coup that the civil disobedience movement (CDM) started in Myanmar. Refusing to work under military rule, doctors left their hospitals, railways staff stayed home and tellers avoided their counters. People from all walks of life have since joined civil servants in a wider CDM by saying ‘no’ to products and services from military-owned businesses. They have boycotted products and services from military-owned businesses. They have boycotted the state lottery. They stopped putting advertisements and death notices in state-run newspapers. And they are withdrawing their savings from government and military-owned banks. All of this is being done to starve the military regime of income. But the current CDM is not the first in Myanmar’s history. Myanmar people also rose in revolt against oppressive British colonial rule in the 1920s by saying ‘no’. They did not pay tax to the colonial government. They refused to obey its orders. They didn’t bid for fishing, slaughterhouse and liquor licenses. They did not appear in court when they were prosecuted. And when they were forcibly taken to court they refused to answer the judge. Buu (the Burmese word for ‘No’) associations mushroomed in towns across the country. The English phrase ‘non-cooperation’ became popular even among illiterate farmers in rural parts of the country. Just as people today are boycotting the beer, cigarettes and telecom services owned by the military, people in the 1920s boycotted imported products or burned them in protest at colonial rule. They also stopped having western hairstyles. Buu associations first emerged in Hinthada in Ayeyarwady Region, before spreading to Shwebo and Monywa in central Myanmar and Dawei in southern Myanmar. The nationalist Buddhist monk U Ottama, the first person to be imprisoned in colonial Myanmar for political activities against British rule, travelled through southern Myanmar urging the people not to pay the colonists taxes..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-03-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Two months after Myanmar’s coup, the country’s civil disobedience movement is awe-inspiring in its resilience against vicious military crackdowns. According to Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, as of 28 March, 459 people have been killed and 2559 arrested, charged or sentenced. Despite this heavy price, the civil disobedience movement’s effectiveness is unprecedented. But its unity is not solely due to the current crisis, widespread hatred for the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) or the advent of digital technologies. The success of today’s civil disobedience movement comes from decades of behind-the-scenes activism to build a multi-ethnic civil society and an independent media under military dictatorship — well before the democratisation process began just over a decade ago. The expertise and infrastructure built by media veterans covering earlier crackdowns, including ethnic nationality media and the forging of international alliances, is the base upon which the current flow of accurate information and analysis depends. This work is rarely acknowledged in international media accounts of the current situation, which often focus on the newest technologies. Platforms like Facebook and Twitter are instrumental in allowing the people of Myanmar to coordinate and communicate with each other and the outside world. Digital technologies and social media provide foreign journalists immediate access to accurate information and more nuanced updates from Myanmar analysts than they themselves would be able to make. Social media sites are key ‘weapons’ in Myanmar’s current struggle, facilitating strategies such as the Social Punishment campaign that shames and ostracises family members and supporters of the Tatmadaw. Facebook responded to the crisis with a ban on all military-linked accounts. But even Facebook’s reaction is the result of years of work by local civil society organisations to push the company to address the dangerous spread of misinformation. This was especially acute during the attacks on the country’s Muslim Rohingyas. Massive protests in 1988 and the crackdown that followed caused thousands of dissident students to flee to the country’s border areas, where exile media were first established. While the movement was never solely ethnic majority Burman in its make-up, this was the first time many Burman students met ethnic ‘insurgents’. Many ethnic minority peoples in the border areas had also never before met Burmans who were not soldiers they needed to fear. Key alliances were forged and strengthened over the ensuing decades. Echoes of this same realisation have emerged in the 2021 post-coup period. Rohingya and other ethnic nationality groups quickly joined protests against the coup, despite a long struggle for recognition by the National League for Democracy (NLD) for their own suffering at the hands of the Tatmadaw. On social media, young protestors began to recognise and publicly apologise for their previous lack of empathy for the suffering of these minority groups. These sentiments have gone viral. The divide-and-rule strategy used in 1988 is today being challenged on a much broader scale. When Myanmar’s much-celebrated political opening began in 2011, its exiled media moved cautiously to return. But these media and independent media inside the country had already been pushing for decades for greater freedom of expression. That historical knowledge is playing a vital role in the current conflict, as older generations share their experiences of previous crackdowns, repressive rule and imprisonment. The tactics used by today’s protestors and dissident hackers are direct descendants of the post-1988 underground communication system. Media and civil society groups led by 1988 generation leaders of all ethnicities were among the first to publicly raise concerns about the NLD’s governing strategies. Many were bitterly disappointed and angered that crackdowns on media and other groups were worse under the NLD than under its predecessor, the military-backed Thein Sein government. A few expressed outrage at the NLD’s silence over the military’s inhumane treatment of the Rohingya, and over-simplified coverage of the issue by international journalists. While the coup does provide a clear common enemy in the Tatmadaw, the insights gained prior to this tumultuous period will undoubtedly have an impact beyond the current crisis. Groups such as Progressive Voice, Athan, the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, Action Committee for Democracy Development and Generation Wave will continue this anti-authoritarian, anti-militarisation critique regardless of the outcome of the current crisis..."
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Source/publisher: "East Asia Forum" (Australia)
2021-03-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Activists call for a week of protests against military coup over Myanmar’s traditional New Year holiday.
Description: "The United Nations human rights office said on Tuesday it fears the military clampdown on protests in Myanmar risks escalating a civil conflict into that seen in Syria and appealed for a halt to the “slaughter”. UN High Commissioner Michelle Bachelet said in a statement 3,080 had been detained and there are reports that 23 people have been sentenced to death following secret trials. “I fear the situation in Myanmar is heading towards a full-blown conflict. States must not allow the deadly mistakes of the past in Syria and elsewhere to be repeated,” Bachelet said. The statement came as pro-democracy activists in Myanmar called for a week of anti-coup protests during the traditional New Year holidays, as the death toll from the military’s crackdown on protesters surged past 700 and security forces raided a hospital in the Sagaing region. The five-day New Year holidays, known as Thingyan, began on Tuesday and activists urged people to stage symbolic protests through the week, including by painting the three-finger salute used by demonstrators on traditional pots filled with flowers, which are typically displayed during the festive period. “The military council doesn’t own Thingyan,” Ei Thinzar Maung, a leader of the General Strike Collaboration Committee protest group, wrote on Facebook. “The power of people is in the hands of people.” Ei Thinzar Maung said other planned holiday protests against the military government included the splattering of red paint on pavements and the blasting of car horns. Thingyan is the country’s most important holiday and is usually celebrated with prayers, ritual cleaning of Buddha images in temples, and high-spirited water fights on the streets. But many social media users in Myanmar said they would not celebrate this year. One Twitter user identified as Shwe Ei said, “We do not celebrate Myanmar Thingyan this year since over 700 of our innocent brave souls are killed by inhumane junta forces unlawfully. We believe we will win this revolution.” In the central town of Taungoo, protesters placed Thingyan pots bearing flowers and anti-coup messages on the roads early on Tuesday, the Irrawaddy website reported..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
2021-04-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Protesters in Myanmar have become creative in their opposition to military takeover in February
Description: " A ‘flash strike’ campaign of demonstrations took place across Myanmar on Sunday, when people used mobile phone lights to protest against the junta. Photograph: Courtesy Myanmar Now...Protesters from across Myanmar take part in the ‘flash strike’ on Sunday Photograph: Courtesy Myanmar Now...Demonstrators raise camera flashes and three-finger salutes, which have been used to protest against the military coup Photograph: Courtesy Myanmar Now...The ‘flash strike’ protests occurred across Myanmar, in cities including Hakha in Chin state, Monywa in Sagaing region, Mawlamyine in Mon, in Yangon, and in towns in Ayeyarwady and Mandalay regions Photograph: Courtesy Myanmar Now...Protesters holding a candlelit demonstration in Mogok in the Mandalay division Photograph: AFP/Getty Images...Anti-coup protester raises a decorated Easter egg along with the three-fingered symbol of resistance Photograph: Mg_Ny@n/AP...Eggs decorated with designs in support of protesters on Easter Sunday Photograph: Facebook/AFP/Getty Images...A tray of decorated eggs in Taunggyi in Shan state in what became known as the Easter egg strike Photograph: Anonymous/AFP/Getty Images...‘Easter egg strike’ in Yangon on 4 April Photograph: Mg Ny@n/AP...Demonstrators hold flowers in memory of the victims of the violent crackdown on protests against themilitary takeover during a ‘flower strike’ Photograph: Theint Mon Soe/Sopa/Rex/Shutterstock...People in Myanmar lay flowers in public places in remembrance of ‘heroes who can’t come back home’ Photograph: Facebook/AFP/Getty Images...Shoes and flowers in Mandalay, as part of the ‘marching shoes strike’ called on social media Photograph: Anonymous/AFP/Getty Images...A woman looks at the display for the ‘marching shoes strike’ in Myaynigone township Photograph: AFP/Getty Images...Anti-coup protesters throw red paint on a street during a demonstration in Yangon Photograph: AP...Threats of lethal violence and arrests have failed to suppress daily demonstrations across Myanmar demanding the junta step down and reinstate the democratically elected government Photograph: Mg_Ny@n/AP...Slogans and pictures on plant leaves as part of a ‘green day strike’ in Ye in Mon state Photograph: Facebook/AFP/Getty Images...A ‘watermelon strike’ in Thingangyun township in Yangon, on Sunday 11 April, protesting against low prices offered to Myanmar watermelons – a key export to China – and calling for boycott of Chinese fruit Photograph: Courtesy Myanmar Now...."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2021-04-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Speeches by beauty pageant contestants rarely make headlines. But when Han Lay, Miss Grand Myanmar, spoke out last week against alleged atrocities committed by her country's military, her speech turned heads. "Today in my country Myanmar ... there are so many people dying," she said at the Miss Grand International 2020 event in Thailand. "Please help Myanmar. We need your urgent international help right now." A little over a month ago, Han Lay, who is 22, was on the streets of Yangon, Myanmar's largest city, protesting against the military. The unrest in Myanmar began two months ago when the military seized control of the country, undoing a democratic election in which Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party won by a landslide. When tens of thousands of people took to the streets nationwide to protest the coup, the military used water cannon to disperse them. After a week, the response escalated to rubber bullets and then live ammunition. The deadliest day of the conflict came last Saturday, when more than 100 people were killed. A local monitoring group puts the overall death toll at more than 500. According to Save the Children, 43 of those killed were children. Han Lay, a psychology student at the University of Yangon, decided to use the pageant as a platform to speak out about her homeland on an international stage. "In Myanmar, journalists are detained ... so I decided to speak out," she told the BBC in a phone interview from Bangkok. She is concerned now that her two-minute speech could have put her on the radar of the military. She said she had decided to stay put in Thailand for at least the next three months..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2021-04-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Eggs left on doorsteps and hanging in bags on front gates after death toll from turmoil reaches 557
Description: "Anti-coup demonstrators in Myanmar have inscribed messages on boiled eggs in an Easter-themed protest against the country’s military junta. The country has been gripped by turmoil since a coup in February ousted the civilian leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. Security forces have sought to quell a mass uprising using lethal force, with the death toll reaching 557 as of Saturday, according to the local monitoring group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). To coincide with Easter Sunday, scores of Myanmar protesters decorated eggs with political messages and left them on neighbour’s doorsteps and hanging in bags on front gates. Pictures posted on social media on Sunday showed eggs adorned with Aung San Suu Kyi’s likeness and three-finger salutes – a symbol of the resistance – while others said “save our people” and “democracy”. “I am Buddhist but I have joined this campaign because it is easy to get hold of eggs. I spent almost one hour decorating my eggs,” said one Yangon-based egg decorator. “I am praying for Myanmar’s current situation to get back to democracy.” A Facebook group promoting the egg protest urged people to be respectful of Christian traditions on Easter Sunday. Myanmar’s most senior Catholic, Cardinal Charles Bo, tweeted an Easter message: “Jesus has risen: Hallelujah – Myanmar will rise again!” Protesters hit the streets of Mandalay early on Sunday, some carrying flags and riding motorbikes. It comes after four protesters were killed on Saturday in the cities of Bago and Monywa. While foreign companies have faced growing calls to sever ties with the junta, the French energy firm Total announced on Sunday it would not halt gas production in Myanmar. Its chief executive, Patrick Pouyanné, said Total had a duty to stay the course. “Can a company like Total decide to cut off the electricity supply to millions of people – and in so doing, disrupt the operation of hospitals, businesses?” he told the French newspaper Le Journal du Dimanche..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2021-04-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 293.7 KB
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Topic: Myanmar, coup, junta
Topic: Myanmar, coup, junta
Description: "As Myanmar descends into chaos, smartphone warriors in the anti-coup movement are seeking revenge online against the junta, hounding people with family ties to the military as a form of "social punishment". The country has been in turmoil since the military ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi in February and the death toll from the violence has risen past 500 as the junta struggles to quash dissent. Anger and grief over the crackdown are being channelled into an online campaign, with close to 170 people with relatives in the junta listed on a website as "traitors". The site and a corresponding Facebook page - which had 67,000 followers before it was shut down - detail the personal information of these people, such as workplaces, universities and links to their social media accounts - a practice known as doxxing. "We are here to punish families of the military or the people who are supporting the military. Never forgive, never forget!" the Facebook page said. Facebook closed down the page for violating community standards, but other pages with smaller numbers of followers still exist. "We will continue to closely monitor the situation on the ground in Myanmar," a Facebook spokeswoman said. The consequences of social punishment have resulted in some victims being forced to shut down their online businesses and a Myanmar university student in Japan quitting her studies, according to local media reports. The campaign is broader in scope than those with family ties to the military - people not participating in the civil disobedience strike action are also being targeted and threats have been made to journalists who cover the junta's press conferences..."
Source/publisher: "CNA" ( Singapore)
2021-04-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 477.99 KB
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